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The Colour of Inequality: Ethnicity, Class, Income and Wealth in Malaysia
This book provides an alternative insight to the debate on inequality in Malaysia, by focusing on the distribution of wealth or assets, rather than income. Despite tremendous increase in national income, the wealth gap in Malaysia is alarmingly high and extremely skewed. For instance, the top 0.2 per cent of depositors in Amanah Saham Bumiputera (ASB) has about 1,133 times more than the bottom 80 per cent of depositors combined. This gap echoed by the fact that approximately two-thirds of Malaysian workers earn less than RM3,000 per month, and about 90 per cent of Malaysians have nearly zero savings. The current policies are not facilitating improvements in this wealth gap, which could lead to aristocracy where birth, not hard work or talent and effort, matter the most in wealth accumulation. This book explores possible policy interventions that can be undertaken to ensure that economic growth is equitably shared, which is vital for a stable and prosperous society.
249 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2014
94 people are currently reading
731 people want to read
About the author
Muhammed Abdul Khalid
1 book46 followersDr. Muhammed is the managing director and chief economist at DM Analytics Malaysia. He has also been appointed as economic adviser to Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
A PhD (magna cum laude) holder from the Institut d’études Politiques de Paris (SciencesPo Paris), France, Dr. Muhammed also has a Master's degree in Economics from University Malaya and a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Southern California, Los Angeles, US.
A trained economist with over 20 years of experience in various economic and financial sectors, Dr. Muhammed was also previously head of economics at the Securities Commission Malaysia and a senior analyst at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies or ISIS.
He has also served as the Senior Technical Advisor at the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Malaysia, and the Head of the Secretariat for the Council of Eminent Persons.
A PhD (magna cum laude) holder from the Institut d’études Politiques de Paris (SciencesPo Paris), France, Dr. Muhammed also has a Master's degree in Economics from University Malaya and a Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Southern California, Los Angeles, US.
A trained economist with over 20 years of experience in various economic and financial sectors, Dr. Muhammed was also previously head of economics at the Securities Commission Malaysia and a senior analyst at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies or ISIS.
He has also served as the Senior Technical Advisor at the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Malaysia, and the Head of the Secretariat for the Council of Eminent Persons.
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May 22, 2019
Buku ini mungkin antara buku yang benar-benar menyuarakan suara rakyat marhaen di samping memuatkan data yang mencukupi. Menariknya, tesis umumnya mudah dibaca dan dihadam oleh pembaca awam.
Dalam buku ini, Muhammed Abdul Khalid mendedahkan bagaimana kesenjangan ekonomi wujud melalui lensa sejarah, bagaimana perubahan ekonomi yang berlaku menurut etnik Bumiputera, Cina, India dan bukan Bumpitera serta apakah solusi yang telah dan perlu diwujudkan oleh pihak kerajaan.
Apabila membaca buku ini, ia membawa aku mengimbau kembali apa yang pakar ekonomi Perancis, Thomas Piketty bicarakan dalam diskusi bukunya, Capital in the Twenty-First Century di Universiti Kaherah beberapa bulan lepas mengenai bagaimana ketidaksamarataan ekonomi di seluruh dunia boleh wujud melalui faktor geografi dan sejarah.
Tambahan pula, terdapat beberapa point yang dikupas dalam buku ini turut disentuh oleh bapaku semasa berbual-bual dengan saudara-mara pada Hari Raya Puasa yang lepas seperti betapa tenatnya kondisi ekonomi bangsa Melayu pada hari ini dengan melihatkan sektor industri; kilang-kilang besar, pasar raya, serta syarikat-syarikat gergasi dimonopoli oleh bangsa Cina.
Ini dibuktikan dengan fakta yang cukup banyak oleh penulis dalam buku ini.
Menurut kaca mata sejarah, kesenjangan ekonomi mula bertunas pasca penjajahan British yang telah memperkenalkan dasar pecah dan perintah. Bangsa Melayu yang tidak sanggup dilayan dengan cukup hina (boleh baca buku The Myth of Lazy Native oleh Syed Hussein Alatas untuk gambaran yang lebih jelas) oleh penjajah apabila bekerja dalam sektor perlombongan tin dan penorehan getah terpaksa bekerja dalam sektor pertanian.
Umum mengetahui bahawa sektor pertanian menurut peredaran sejarah dan analisis ekonomi merupakan sektor yang paling rendah tahap pendapatannya berbanding sektor industri dan pengurusan. Jadi, imigran Cina dan India dibawa masuk bekerja dalam sektor perlombongan dan perindustrian ini bagi meningkatkan ekonomi penjajah pada waktu itu. Imigran-imigran ini pada asalnya datang hanya untuk bekerja dan langsung tidak menghiraukan keamanan, kemerdekaan serta status ekonomi Tanah Malaya pada waktu itu kerana mereka akan pulang ke negara mereka setelah mereka mendapat pendapatan yang stabil.
Masa demi masa pun berlalu dan akhirnya mereka menjadi warga Malaysia dan mula menyuarakan suara untuk mendapatkan hak daripada pelbagai perkara walaupun mereka merupakan golongan minoriti.
Selepas Tanah Malaya mencapai kemerdekaan, taraf ekonomi setiap etnik mula mempamerkan pola yang berbeza. Warga Cina yang begitu mahir dalam bidang perindustrian mula menguasai pelbagai sektor-sektor yang lain terutamanya dari sudut pendidikan. Sedangkan warga Bumiputera masih di dalam takuk yang lama dan berada dalam kemiskinan. Ini menimbulkan ketidakpuasan hati warga Bumiputera dan ia mencapai klimaksnya apabila tercetusnya perang antara etnik pada 1969.
Usaha kerajaan pasca rusuhan etnik itu ialah menubuhkan Dasar Ekonomi Baru (New Economy Policy). DEB berjaya mengurangkan kadar kemiskinan yang wujud daripada 52% ke 16% serta mempamerkan banyak sisi positif yang lain. Walau bagaimanapun, jurang antara golongan hartawan dengan rakyat marhaen masih wujud malahan bertambah tenat sehinggalah ke hari ini.
Perlu diingat, dalam DEB, warga Bumiputera diberikan hak-hak yang sepatutnya mereka perolehi seperti pemilikan tanah, aset, pendidikan, bekerja dalam sektor perindustrian dan sebagainya. Jurang ekonomi masih wujud berikutan bijak pandai warga Cina dalam menubuhkan institusi-institusi swasta tanpa menyedari yang ia hanya melebarkan jurang yang sedia ada. Hal ini wujud sebagai reaksi apabila kuota mereka untuk melanjutkan pelajaran ke universiti awam dikurangkan kepada 45%.
Mereka juga turut menembusi bidang perniagaan apabila mereka berkolaborasi dengan politikus Melayu dalam mendapatkan kontrak-kontrak dan projek-projek kerajaan serta melancarkan pelaburan dan perniagaan dengan konglomerat-konglomerat demi membina jaringan perniagaan yang kukuh.
Terdapat beberapa solusi yang disebutkan dalam buku ini. Antaranya ialah kerajaan perlu lebih fokus kepada pendidikan pelajar di pedalaman kerana status pendapatan, kekayaan dan ekonomi seseorang individu itu secara kasarnya bergantung kepada tahap pendidikan yang mereka terima. Kedua, kerajaan perlu menstruktur semula bantuan kepada golongan miskin daripada ethnic-based kepada needs-based kerana etnik Cina dalam sorotan sejarah mempamerkan kekuatan ekonomi yang jauh lebih hebat berbanding rakyat Melayu dan India. Taraf ekonomi seorang warga Melayu yang kaya boleh diibaratkan sama seperti taraf ekonomi seorang warga Cina yang miskin. Pembasmian kesenjangan ekonomi begitu signifikan dalam mewujudkan keharmonian etnik dan kelancaran pertumbuhan ekonomi negara dalam masa panjang.
Penulis juga menawarkan tiga solusi yang lain:
1) Wujudkan undang-undang anti-diskriminasi bagi mempromosikan peluang pekerjaan yang sama rata tanpa mengira kelas dan etnik.
2) Mempromosikan kepentingan memiliki aset bagi rakyat bawahan kerana mereka sudah sedia tidak mampu untuk mengumpul wang dan kekayaan.
3) Polisi pendidikan tinggi iaitu kemasukan berdasarkan meritokrasi (siapa yang perform, dia berjaya) perlu diubah. Hal ini tidak adil bagi rakyat miskin yang tinggal di pedalaman dengan kekurangan infrastruktur dan dihimpit dengan masalah ekonomi keluarga.
Dalam buku ini juga, penulis turut menyuarakan betapa apologetiknya persidangan Pemuda UMNO dalam memperjuangkan kemajuan Bumiputera secara serius serta ketidakwujudan wacana dan model serius oleh PAS dalam memajukan Bumiputera itu sendiri.
Jarang sekali dapat bertemu dengan buku yang membicarakan kebimbangan terhadap kondisi masa kini dan akan datang ekonomi masyarakat Melayu dan Malaysia keseluruhannya seperti yang dikupas dalam buku ini.
Dalam buku ini, Muhammed Abdul Khalid mendedahkan bagaimana kesenjangan ekonomi wujud melalui lensa sejarah, bagaimana perubahan ekonomi yang berlaku menurut etnik Bumiputera, Cina, India dan bukan Bumpitera serta apakah solusi yang telah dan perlu diwujudkan oleh pihak kerajaan.
Apabila membaca buku ini, ia membawa aku mengimbau kembali apa yang pakar ekonomi Perancis, Thomas Piketty bicarakan dalam diskusi bukunya, Capital in the Twenty-First Century di Universiti Kaherah beberapa bulan lepas mengenai bagaimana ketidaksamarataan ekonomi di seluruh dunia boleh wujud melalui faktor geografi dan sejarah.
Tambahan pula, terdapat beberapa point yang dikupas dalam buku ini turut disentuh oleh bapaku semasa berbual-bual dengan saudara-mara pada Hari Raya Puasa yang lepas seperti betapa tenatnya kondisi ekonomi bangsa Melayu pada hari ini dengan melihatkan sektor industri; kilang-kilang besar, pasar raya, serta syarikat-syarikat gergasi dimonopoli oleh bangsa Cina.
Ini dibuktikan dengan fakta yang cukup banyak oleh penulis dalam buku ini.
Menurut kaca mata sejarah, kesenjangan ekonomi mula bertunas pasca penjajahan British yang telah memperkenalkan dasar pecah dan perintah. Bangsa Melayu yang tidak sanggup dilayan dengan cukup hina (boleh baca buku The Myth of Lazy Native oleh Syed Hussein Alatas untuk gambaran yang lebih jelas) oleh penjajah apabila bekerja dalam sektor perlombongan tin dan penorehan getah terpaksa bekerja dalam sektor pertanian.
Umum mengetahui bahawa sektor pertanian menurut peredaran sejarah dan analisis ekonomi merupakan sektor yang paling rendah tahap pendapatannya berbanding sektor industri dan pengurusan. Jadi, imigran Cina dan India dibawa masuk bekerja dalam sektor perlombongan dan perindustrian ini bagi meningkatkan ekonomi penjajah pada waktu itu. Imigran-imigran ini pada asalnya datang hanya untuk bekerja dan langsung tidak menghiraukan keamanan, kemerdekaan serta status ekonomi Tanah Malaya pada waktu itu kerana mereka akan pulang ke negara mereka setelah mereka mendapat pendapatan yang stabil.
Masa demi masa pun berlalu dan akhirnya mereka menjadi warga Malaysia dan mula menyuarakan suara untuk mendapatkan hak daripada pelbagai perkara walaupun mereka merupakan golongan minoriti.
Selepas Tanah Malaya mencapai kemerdekaan, taraf ekonomi setiap etnik mula mempamerkan pola yang berbeza. Warga Cina yang begitu mahir dalam bidang perindustrian mula menguasai pelbagai sektor-sektor yang lain terutamanya dari sudut pendidikan. Sedangkan warga Bumiputera masih di dalam takuk yang lama dan berada dalam kemiskinan. Ini menimbulkan ketidakpuasan hati warga Bumiputera dan ia mencapai klimaksnya apabila tercetusnya perang antara etnik pada 1969.
Usaha kerajaan pasca rusuhan etnik itu ialah menubuhkan Dasar Ekonomi Baru (New Economy Policy). DEB berjaya mengurangkan kadar kemiskinan yang wujud daripada 52% ke 16% serta mempamerkan banyak sisi positif yang lain. Walau bagaimanapun, jurang antara golongan hartawan dengan rakyat marhaen masih wujud malahan bertambah tenat sehinggalah ke hari ini.
Perlu diingat, dalam DEB, warga Bumiputera diberikan hak-hak yang sepatutnya mereka perolehi seperti pemilikan tanah, aset, pendidikan, bekerja dalam sektor perindustrian dan sebagainya. Jurang ekonomi masih wujud berikutan bijak pandai warga Cina dalam menubuhkan institusi-institusi swasta tanpa menyedari yang ia hanya melebarkan jurang yang sedia ada. Hal ini wujud sebagai reaksi apabila kuota mereka untuk melanjutkan pelajaran ke universiti awam dikurangkan kepada 45%.
Mereka juga turut menembusi bidang perniagaan apabila mereka berkolaborasi dengan politikus Melayu dalam mendapatkan kontrak-kontrak dan projek-projek kerajaan serta melancarkan pelaburan dan perniagaan dengan konglomerat-konglomerat demi membina jaringan perniagaan yang kukuh.
Terdapat beberapa solusi yang disebutkan dalam buku ini. Antaranya ialah kerajaan perlu lebih fokus kepada pendidikan pelajar di pedalaman kerana status pendapatan, kekayaan dan ekonomi seseorang individu itu secara kasarnya bergantung kepada tahap pendidikan yang mereka terima. Kedua, kerajaan perlu menstruktur semula bantuan kepada golongan miskin daripada ethnic-based kepada needs-based kerana etnik Cina dalam sorotan sejarah mempamerkan kekuatan ekonomi yang jauh lebih hebat berbanding rakyat Melayu dan India. Taraf ekonomi seorang warga Melayu yang kaya boleh diibaratkan sama seperti taraf ekonomi seorang warga Cina yang miskin. Pembasmian kesenjangan ekonomi begitu signifikan dalam mewujudkan keharmonian etnik dan kelancaran pertumbuhan ekonomi negara dalam masa panjang.
Penulis juga menawarkan tiga solusi yang lain:
1) Wujudkan undang-undang anti-diskriminasi bagi mempromosikan peluang pekerjaan yang sama rata tanpa mengira kelas dan etnik.
2) Mempromosikan kepentingan memiliki aset bagi rakyat bawahan kerana mereka sudah sedia tidak mampu untuk mengumpul wang dan kekayaan.
3) Polisi pendidikan tinggi iaitu kemasukan berdasarkan meritokrasi (siapa yang perform, dia berjaya) perlu diubah. Hal ini tidak adil bagi rakyat miskin yang tinggal di pedalaman dengan kekurangan infrastruktur dan dihimpit dengan masalah ekonomi keluarga.
Dalam buku ini juga, penulis turut menyuarakan betapa apologetiknya persidangan Pemuda UMNO dalam memperjuangkan kemajuan Bumiputera secara serius serta ketidakwujudan wacana dan model serius oleh PAS dalam memajukan Bumiputera itu sendiri.
Jarang sekali dapat bertemu dengan buku yang membicarakan kebimbangan terhadap kondisi masa kini dan akan datang ekonomi masyarakat Melayu dan Malaysia keseluruhannya seperti yang dikupas dalam buku ini.
April 7, 2019
Being raised a Chinese, this book introduced me to a narrative about the status of NEP in Malaysia that I wouldn't have known otherwise.
The author narrates on the history of ethnic inequality with factual reporting by citing several studies and researches. However, the analysis by the author is nevertheless biased. In fact, with the author being the brother-in-law to Daim Zainuddin, this can also be automatically expected.
Although I do agree that the Chinese had better treatments during British rule and inequality matters, I disagreed with the use of NEP.
Therefore, I will offer some of my arguments to counter some of the author's points.
For example, it argued that NEP was successful in decreasing the inequality from 1970-1990s, therefore a return of such affirmative action is justified. However, the author did not consider the long term effects of the NEP. The implementation of NEP created a political culture which centers around race and "Malay Nationalism". Such culture favored Bumis in the eyes of non-Bumis, widening misunderstandings between races. This can be observed when the Chinese firms' discrimination when deciding employment (as they see this as a return of "favor" to the preferential treatment of government) and the increasing division of races in the political spectrum. In addition, these misunderstandings had contributed to lost inefficiency of an economy.
Secondly, the book has a narrative that "most poor are Bumis, therefore helping Bumis are helping the poor". Yet, this narrative still fail to justify the preferential treatment to some elite Bumis and why not just implement a need-based instead of a race-based policy? Certainly, the implementation of NEP also had an alternative objective of safeguarding the Bumis' votes not mentioned in the book. As seen recently, such banks of Bumis votes have brought our government into incompetency as observed by scandals.
Therefore, a policy based solely on the income group, instead of race, would have helped to lift the poor out of poverty and prevent misunderstanding amongst races. An English medium education should have also been implemented from 1970s onwards as the barrier of language created an excuse for the Chinese to discriminate. As shown in the graph on pg 144, urban cities, which has the most Chinese, also have the least discrimination policies. Why? This can be explained by a more common medium of language, English, used within a workspace. Therefore, using English nationwide but retain Malay as "national language" would have benefited our economy.
With these judgments, I would, however, still encourage my fellow Malaysians to take a look at the book. Yet, do keep in mind that those reads made across the book should be cautiously examined to revalue whether each argument was justified.
The author narrates on the history of ethnic inequality with factual reporting by citing several studies and researches. However, the analysis by the author is nevertheless biased. In fact, with the author being the brother-in-law to Daim Zainuddin, this can also be automatically expected.
Although I do agree that the Chinese had better treatments during British rule and inequality matters, I disagreed with the use of NEP.
Therefore, I will offer some of my arguments to counter some of the author's points.
For example, it argued that NEP was successful in decreasing the inequality from 1970-1990s, therefore a return of such affirmative action is justified. However, the author did not consider the long term effects of the NEP. The implementation of NEP created a political culture which centers around race and "Malay Nationalism". Such culture favored Bumis in the eyes of non-Bumis, widening misunderstandings between races. This can be observed when the Chinese firms' discrimination when deciding employment (as they see this as a return of "favor" to the preferential treatment of government) and the increasing division of races in the political spectrum. In addition, these misunderstandings had contributed to lost inefficiency of an economy.
Secondly, the book has a narrative that "most poor are Bumis, therefore helping Bumis are helping the poor". Yet, this narrative still fail to justify the preferential treatment to some elite Bumis and why not just implement a need-based instead of a race-based policy? Certainly, the implementation of NEP also had an alternative objective of safeguarding the Bumis' votes not mentioned in the book. As seen recently, such banks of Bumis votes have brought our government into incompetency as observed by scandals.
Therefore, a policy based solely on the income group, instead of race, would have helped to lift the poor out of poverty and prevent misunderstanding amongst races. An English medium education should have also been implemented from 1970s onwards as the barrier of language created an excuse for the Chinese to discriminate. As shown in the graph on pg 144, urban cities, which has the most Chinese, also have the least discrimination policies. Why? This can be explained by a more common medium of language, English, used within a workspace. Therefore, using English nationwide but retain Malay as "national language" would have benefited our economy.
With these judgments, I would, however, still encourage my fellow Malaysians to take a look at the book. Yet, do keep in mind that those reads made across the book should be cautiously examined to revalue whether each argument was justified.
January 30, 2020
Antara Dua Darjat sebenarnya pernah menjadi judul filem arahan almarhum P. Ramlee, terbitan tahun 1960. Buku ini bagaimanapun mempunyai judul yang lebih panjang, Antara Dua Darjat: Agihan Pendapatan di Malaysia.
Ia bermula dengan versi bahasa Inggeris dengan judul, The Colour of Inequality. Judul asal nampaknya lebih berterus-terang. Tidak dapat dinafikan, membaca dan berbahas tentang buku ini persis menarik benang dalam tepung.
Kandungannya penuh dengan persoalan sensitif bagi kebanyakan orang, jurang darjat antara kaya dan miskin, jurang darjat beberapa status sosio ekonomi dan juga jurang darjat antara kaum-kaum utama di Malaysia.
Sungguhpun negara ini telah melaksanakan banyak dasar ekonomi demi menyantuni ekonomi rakyat menerusi DEB, DPN, DWN dan MEB, jurang pendapatan rakyat terus meningkat daripada RM659/bulan pada tahun 1970 kepada RM13,240 pada tahun 2016.
Hal ini tentunya bertentangan dengan beberapa literatur yang melabelkan kejayaan khususnya buat dasar-dasar DEB, DPN dan DWN, terutama bila dibandingkan dengan negara-negara membangun yang lain.
Purata pendapatan kaum Cina didapati yang tertinggi berbanding India dan Melayu. Malah turut dinukilkan yang Melayu bukan sekadar miskin harta dengan pendapatan yang relatif lebih rendah bahkan miskin cita-cita!
Yup buku ini memang kelihatan ada unsur diskriminasi dan rasis. Rasis tak rasis, buku ini memaparkan realiti tentang ketinggalan kaum Melayu juga Bumiputera. Bukan sekadar dalam pendapatan bahkan dalam pemilikan syarikat dan hartanah, pengajian tinggi dan pekerjaan.
Pengarang turut membidas tuduhan diskriminasi dalam sektor awam. Pekerjaan dalam sektor swasta adalah sekitar 85% dan di dalamnya wujud diskriminasi; gaji lebih rendah, penangguhan kenaikan pangkat, akses terhad kepada latihan dan penafian peluang pekerjaan (termasuk penguasan Mandarin?).
Bagi pejuang Melayu dan Bumiputera, buku ini wajar dihadami. Bagi ahli politik dan pemimpin (apa jua kaum), buku ini bagaikan suara golongan marhaen, golongan yang berada jurang bawah dalam lanskap ekonomi negara yang makmur ini.
Dicadangkan, ada tambahan perbincangan perbandingan dengan golongan Bumiputera Sabah dan Sarawak. Kelemahan utama buku adalah apabila ia tidak dibaca, terutama oleh ahli politik, ahli ekonomi dan pentadbir sebagaimana saranan Datuk A. Kadir Jasin dam Prof. Tan Sri Kamal Salih.
Buat pelajar ‘Sejarah’ di sekolah dan universiti termasuk pelajar ‘Hubungan Etnik di Malaysia’ dan ‘Dinamika Malaysia’, tak usahlah hanya fokus kepada jurang darjat akibat dasar ‘Pecah dan Perintah’ dan dualisme ekonomi oleh pihak kolonial. Kini, jurang darjat lebih banyak disebabkan oleh tangan-tangan kita sendiri; dalam kalangan pemimpin serta pembuat dan pelaksana dasar.
Buat ahli politik, usahlah asyik dengan DEB, DEB, dan DEB, sedangkan wujud DPN, DWN dan MEB di samping beberapa dasar penting seperti Penswastaan. Tingkatlah ilmu, jadikanlah membaca sebagai tabiat biarpun sibuk, dan buku ini wajib dibaca.
Akhir kalam, saya merasai yang pengarang mahu mengakhiri buku ini dengan suatu bentuk muhasabah tentang sikap dan set minda negatif tentang darihal senario jurang status sosio ekonomi yang semakin melebar.
Pengarang antara lain mengutip kata-kata Syed Hussein Al-Attas iaitu ‘jadong’ (JAHAT + BODOH + SOMBONG). Golongan ‘jadong’ itu termasuklah orang kaya yang masih mahu menggunakan ‘tongkat’ dan ‘payung’ sekali gus menzalimi golongan yang lebih memerlukan.
Selain itu wujud pula golongan yang sering mengharapkan ‘tongkat’ dan ‘payung’, yang enggan berubah dan melakukan transformasi diri dari segi pemikiran, sikap dan tindakan. Padahal sebahagian daripada mereka mampu membaca al-Quran dengan baik termasuk ayat yang bermaksud, “Sesungguhnya Allah tidak akan mengubah keadaan suatu kaum, sebelum kaum itu sendiri mengubah apa yang ada pada diri mereka” (Ar-Ra’d, 13: 11).
Ia bermula dengan versi bahasa Inggeris dengan judul, The Colour of Inequality. Judul asal nampaknya lebih berterus-terang. Tidak dapat dinafikan, membaca dan berbahas tentang buku ini persis menarik benang dalam tepung.
Kandungannya penuh dengan persoalan sensitif bagi kebanyakan orang, jurang darjat antara kaya dan miskin, jurang darjat beberapa status sosio ekonomi dan juga jurang darjat antara kaum-kaum utama di Malaysia.
Sungguhpun negara ini telah melaksanakan banyak dasar ekonomi demi menyantuni ekonomi rakyat menerusi DEB, DPN, DWN dan MEB, jurang pendapatan rakyat terus meningkat daripada RM659/bulan pada tahun 1970 kepada RM13,240 pada tahun 2016.
Hal ini tentunya bertentangan dengan beberapa literatur yang melabelkan kejayaan khususnya buat dasar-dasar DEB, DPN dan DWN, terutama bila dibandingkan dengan negara-negara membangun yang lain.
Purata pendapatan kaum Cina didapati yang tertinggi berbanding India dan Melayu. Malah turut dinukilkan yang Melayu bukan sekadar miskin harta dengan pendapatan yang relatif lebih rendah bahkan miskin cita-cita!
Yup buku ini memang kelihatan ada unsur diskriminasi dan rasis. Rasis tak rasis, buku ini memaparkan realiti tentang ketinggalan kaum Melayu juga Bumiputera. Bukan sekadar dalam pendapatan bahkan dalam pemilikan syarikat dan hartanah, pengajian tinggi dan pekerjaan.
Pengarang turut membidas tuduhan diskriminasi dalam sektor awam. Pekerjaan dalam sektor swasta adalah sekitar 85% dan di dalamnya wujud diskriminasi; gaji lebih rendah, penangguhan kenaikan pangkat, akses terhad kepada latihan dan penafian peluang pekerjaan (termasuk penguasan Mandarin?).
Bagi pejuang Melayu dan Bumiputera, buku ini wajar dihadami. Bagi ahli politik dan pemimpin (apa jua kaum), buku ini bagaikan suara golongan marhaen, golongan yang berada jurang bawah dalam lanskap ekonomi negara yang makmur ini.
Dicadangkan, ada tambahan perbincangan perbandingan dengan golongan Bumiputera Sabah dan Sarawak. Kelemahan utama buku adalah apabila ia tidak dibaca, terutama oleh ahli politik, ahli ekonomi dan pentadbir sebagaimana saranan Datuk A. Kadir Jasin dam Prof. Tan Sri Kamal Salih.
Buat pelajar ‘Sejarah’ di sekolah dan universiti termasuk pelajar ‘Hubungan Etnik di Malaysia’ dan ‘Dinamika Malaysia’, tak usahlah hanya fokus kepada jurang darjat akibat dasar ‘Pecah dan Perintah’ dan dualisme ekonomi oleh pihak kolonial. Kini, jurang darjat lebih banyak disebabkan oleh tangan-tangan kita sendiri; dalam kalangan pemimpin serta pembuat dan pelaksana dasar.
Buat ahli politik, usahlah asyik dengan DEB, DEB, dan DEB, sedangkan wujud DPN, DWN dan MEB di samping beberapa dasar penting seperti Penswastaan. Tingkatlah ilmu, jadikanlah membaca sebagai tabiat biarpun sibuk, dan buku ini wajib dibaca.
Akhir kalam, saya merasai yang pengarang mahu mengakhiri buku ini dengan suatu bentuk muhasabah tentang sikap dan set minda negatif tentang darihal senario jurang status sosio ekonomi yang semakin melebar.
Pengarang antara lain mengutip kata-kata Syed Hussein Al-Attas iaitu ‘jadong’ (JAHAT + BODOH + SOMBONG). Golongan ‘jadong’ itu termasuklah orang kaya yang masih mahu menggunakan ‘tongkat’ dan ‘payung’ sekali gus menzalimi golongan yang lebih memerlukan.
Selain itu wujud pula golongan yang sering mengharapkan ‘tongkat’ dan ‘payung’, yang enggan berubah dan melakukan transformasi diri dari segi pemikiran, sikap dan tindakan. Padahal sebahagian daripada mereka mampu membaca al-Quran dengan baik termasuk ayat yang bermaksud, “Sesungguhnya Allah tidak akan mengubah keadaan suatu kaum, sebelum kaum itu sendiri mengubah apa yang ada pada diri mereka” (Ar-Ra’d, 13: 11).
April 20, 2018
It took me awhile to process and formulate my thoughts on Colour of Inequality after completing it. M. Abdul Khalid tackles the thorny issue of inequality in Malaysia and does so through hard numbers, facts and statistics to combat rhetoric. This is the strength of this text that argues against anecdotal rhetoric often spewed by the misinformed or the opportunistic. But this strength too, has a weakness that I will touch upon a bit later in this discussion.
To trace the roots of inequality, M. Abdul Khalid turns to history and explores the economic landscape of the colonial British. At this point, we're treated to the historical narrative we're already pretty much familiar with. The British employed the "divide and rule" method of segregating ethnicities to specific industries. The Chinese and Indian immigrants co-opted to the industrial sector, while the Malays (in defiance) stayed in the less profitable agricultural sector. Come 1957-Independence; this structure remained although the Malays had already grown in political influence. Despite this, the lack of a proper economic plan to equalise the economic inequality between ethnicities led to the tragedy of May 13th that necessitated the New Economic Plan (NEP) that focused on empowering the Bumiputera. Has the NEP achieved its objective?
This is what M. Abdul Khalid attempts to answer in Colour of Inequality. Briefly, here are the takeaways:
1. Despite the implementation of the NEP, the social and economic gap between the Bumiputeras and Chinese are still huge.
2. M. Abdul Khalid makes a differentiation between (transferable) assets and income. The former contributes to wealth and is what is lacked by the Bumiputera.
3. The majority occupation of the public sector (in both civil service and higher education) by the Bumiputera had led to the private sectors being dominated by non-Bumiputera, specifically the Chinese.
4. M. Abdul Khalid makes it clear that poverty and low-income among non-Bumiputera groups exist, but the bulk of the statistical wealth is held by the elite, who still dominate the top tier of the ethnic, socioeconomic ring.
5. The NEP's goal of 30% Bumiputera wealth is not adequately implemented, specifically after Tun Mahathir's premiership.
6. The tax system is accommodating to the wealthy; not allowing the taxation of the rich and hence, the distribution of wealth.
Several quarters can call M. Abdul Khalid's Colour of Inequality to be work apologetic to Bumiputera hegemony, and consider how unpopular race-based discussions are in the current climate - that is entirely understandable. As M. Abdul Khalid's work can almost seem critical of the Chinese and their economic hegemony over the nation's economic landscape. Naysayers and critics will need to produce statistical evidence to prove otherwise, or painfully swallow a bitter pill.
My problem with Colour of Inequality is that M. Abdul Khalid sidesteps the political history that also contextualises the economy. He illustrated Malaysian macroeconomics well but fails to acknowledge the financial scandals and political practices that influence and also backdrop many of the failings he points out in the book. This is where the bulk of the "rhetoric" exists when one finds evidence of money politics and financial scandals such as those meticulously outlined in B. Wain's Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times. It isn't enough to present statistics with basic context without delving into the political backdrop that is also equally important in explaining status quo.
On top of that, I'm not entirely sold by the idea of fixing inequality via targetting ethnicity, as his study has proven that its implementation is itself problematic and only seeks to further deepen racial lines. I don't know enough about economics to suggest an alternative economist's ideas - but I've heard good things about J.S. Komo. He'll be someone who I'll be reading up on next. Colour of Inequality also falls into the trap of not giving enough acknowledgement to Sabah and Sarawak that are equally important in the Malaysian discussion. Whether intentional due to lack of data, or oversight - this is something that needs to be rectified in future works building on this text. On another note, if you want a more granular look at the creation of the Malay Middle-Class, Abdul Rahman Embong's State-Led Modernization and the New Middle Class in Malaysia would be a perfect after-reading companion.
I'll revisit Colour of Inequality soon, perhaps to form a stronger opinion and reshape how I see the text. I'd recommend it to anyone seeking to get a taster for the Malaysian economic landscape, and how ethnicity is tied at the centre of it.
To trace the roots of inequality, M. Abdul Khalid turns to history and explores the economic landscape of the colonial British. At this point, we're treated to the historical narrative we're already pretty much familiar with. The British employed the "divide and rule" method of segregating ethnicities to specific industries. The Chinese and Indian immigrants co-opted to the industrial sector, while the Malays (in defiance) stayed in the less profitable agricultural sector. Come 1957-Independence; this structure remained although the Malays had already grown in political influence. Despite this, the lack of a proper economic plan to equalise the economic inequality between ethnicities led to the tragedy of May 13th that necessitated the New Economic Plan (NEP) that focused on empowering the Bumiputera. Has the NEP achieved its objective?
This is what M. Abdul Khalid attempts to answer in Colour of Inequality. Briefly, here are the takeaways:
1. Despite the implementation of the NEP, the social and economic gap between the Bumiputeras and Chinese are still huge.
2. M. Abdul Khalid makes a differentiation between (transferable) assets and income. The former contributes to wealth and is what is lacked by the Bumiputera.
3. The majority occupation of the public sector (in both civil service and higher education) by the Bumiputera had led to the private sectors being dominated by non-Bumiputera, specifically the Chinese.
4. M. Abdul Khalid makes it clear that poverty and low-income among non-Bumiputera groups exist, but the bulk of the statistical wealth is held by the elite, who still dominate the top tier of the ethnic, socioeconomic ring.
5. The NEP's goal of 30% Bumiputera wealth is not adequately implemented, specifically after Tun Mahathir's premiership.
6. The tax system is accommodating to the wealthy; not allowing the taxation of the rich and hence, the distribution of wealth.
Several quarters can call M. Abdul Khalid's Colour of Inequality to be work apologetic to Bumiputera hegemony, and consider how unpopular race-based discussions are in the current climate - that is entirely understandable. As M. Abdul Khalid's work can almost seem critical of the Chinese and their economic hegemony over the nation's economic landscape. Naysayers and critics will need to produce statistical evidence to prove otherwise, or painfully swallow a bitter pill.
My problem with Colour of Inequality is that M. Abdul Khalid sidesteps the political history that also contextualises the economy. He illustrated Malaysian macroeconomics well but fails to acknowledge the financial scandals and political practices that influence and also backdrop many of the failings he points out in the book. This is where the bulk of the "rhetoric" exists when one finds evidence of money politics and financial scandals such as those meticulously outlined in B. Wain's Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times. It isn't enough to present statistics with basic context without delving into the political backdrop that is also equally important in explaining status quo.
On top of that, I'm not entirely sold by the idea of fixing inequality via targetting ethnicity, as his study has proven that its implementation is itself problematic and only seeks to further deepen racial lines. I don't know enough about economics to suggest an alternative economist's ideas - but I've heard good things about J.S. Komo. He'll be someone who I'll be reading up on next. Colour of Inequality also falls into the trap of not giving enough acknowledgement to Sabah and Sarawak that are equally important in the Malaysian discussion. Whether intentional due to lack of data, or oversight - this is something that needs to be rectified in future works building on this text. On another note, if you want a more granular look at the creation of the Malay Middle-Class, Abdul Rahman Embong's State-Led Modernization and the New Middle Class in Malaysia would be a perfect after-reading companion.
I'll revisit Colour of Inequality soon, perhaps to form a stronger opinion and reshape how I see the text. I'd recommend it to anyone seeking to get a taster for the Malaysian economic landscape, and how ethnicity is tied at the centre of it.
August 16, 2016
Two terms frequently mentioned in this book were Malay and Chinese.
How ever, I would love to see the discussion about the inequality covering the people in Sabah and Sarawak. Even though the term Bumiputera was used few times, the data backed it was actually exclusively referring to the Malays.
How ever, I would love to see the discussion about the inequality covering the people in Sabah and Sarawak. Even though the term Bumiputera was used few times, the data backed it was actually exclusively referring to the Malays.
December 25, 2017
Just finished Colour of Inequality. Here is my review of it.
An amazing books where the problem of inequality is colourised with the notion of educating how differences of wealth between race can be detrimental to a country's growth and the society itself.
He explained well the terms and how it affects the country, well researched explanations and ideas to reduce inequality. Sometimes, I am left wondering how come ideas like inheritance tax, tax percentage and anti discrimination law still not corporated into our system. The notion that if businesses pay higher tax , they will flee the country is not well substantiated.
The criticism of Dr Muhammed Khalid's book would be that , oh yes before that I would stress that I respect his views and he is a French educated Doctorate economist. However, here is my point. I feel that he is too focused on native born sense that the other races are too sidelined in his argument for fighting inequality. He has expressed his views eloquently that how bumiputeras were falling behind other race, however the claim that education system and political system should not be open to other race is definitely wrong.
I really hope that he can write a book on How to Fight for Needs Based Policies , something that Dr KS Jomo supports too. Race based policies are so damn outdated and so damn racist in its formation, the concept of race and the divide and rule policy that indoctrinated by our colonizers will only live on if we never fight this demon.
Anyway, a solid 3.9/5 book and a must read book for all Malaysians. -1.1 for the ethnocentric views or bias haha.
I really hope and pray he can fight our country's corrupted system of empowering the rich and few, I hope he can fight for all poor class irrespective of race in his next books.
Someone whom I respect so much although a little bit differences of opinion.
An amazing books where the problem of inequality is colourised with the notion of educating how differences of wealth between race can be detrimental to a country's growth and the society itself.
He explained well the terms and how it affects the country, well researched explanations and ideas to reduce inequality. Sometimes, I am left wondering how come ideas like inheritance tax, tax percentage and anti discrimination law still not corporated into our system. The notion that if businesses pay higher tax , they will flee the country is not well substantiated.
The criticism of Dr Muhammed Khalid's book would be that , oh yes before that I would stress that I respect his views and he is a French educated Doctorate economist. However, here is my point. I feel that he is too focused on native born sense that the other races are too sidelined in his argument for fighting inequality. He has expressed his views eloquently that how bumiputeras were falling behind other race, however the claim that education system and political system should not be open to other race is definitely wrong.
I really hope that he can write a book on How to Fight for Needs Based Policies , something that Dr KS Jomo supports too. Race based policies are so damn outdated and so damn racist in its formation, the concept of race and the divide and rule policy that indoctrinated by our colonizers will only live on if we never fight this demon.
Anyway, a solid 3.9/5 book and a must read book for all Malaysians. -1.1 for the ethnocentric views or bias haha.
I really hope and pray he can fight our country's corrupted system of empowering the rich and few, I hope he can fight for all poor class irrespective of race in his next books.
Someone whom I respect so much although a little bit differences of opinion.
August 25, 2016
My understanding on the author's point of view is basically that the current inequality exists was due to the racial disparities between Bumis and Non-Bumis. Although I am in agreement with the author that this was highly contributed by the British colonisation since day 1 in Malaya, I have several reservations with author's confusing views on NEP (New Economic Policy). He opines that NEP was a good policy to close the gap between Bumis and Non-Bumis but subtly put in few liners that it was badly executed and was never thoroughly checked upon.
Overall, this piece was well researched and the author's policy recommendations should be applauded as well. Still, the real problems were not discussed i.e political gains and corruption. I had to endure reading it all the way through although I disagree with half of the author's writings. Glad that I finished it.
Overall, this piece was well researched and the author's policy recommendations should be applauded as well. Still, the real problems were not discussed i.e political gains and corruption. I had to endure reading it all the way through although I disagree with half of the author's writings. Glad that I finished it.
November 29, 2017
3.5 to 4. Will comment later.
Second round: pretty impressive. The author shakes my belief in class-based approach to affirmative action a little bit, but my criticism on some parts of his books still stands. Will be beginning the third round before writing down my final comment.
Second round: pretty impressive. The author shakes my belief in class-based approach to affirmative action a little bit, but my criticism on some parts of his books still stands. Will be beginning the third round before writing down my final comment.
May 2, 2024
Update 2/5/24:
April 2024: Antara Dua Darjat: Agihan Pendapatan Di Malaysia
Buku yang sangat membuka minda terutama saya yang amat jahil bab ekonomi ini. Bukan setakat ekonomi, tetapi termasuk sejarah dan pembuat dasar. Berikut antara dapatan saya:
1. Pendapatan dan kekayaan, dua perkara berbeza. Rasa macam susah nak ukur kekayaan, tapi boleh dinilai melalui aset (ASB dan hartanah). Dalam buku ini, dua perkara ini dinilai dari zaman sebelum merdeka
2. Jurang kekayaan membawa kepada ketidakstabilan politik dan pergolakan sosial
3. Nak belajar ekonomi kena tahu sejarah. Banyaklah momen ternganga bila baca kesan Dasar Ekonomi Baru
4. Salah satu kesan penjajahan British ialah jurang kekayaan di Malaysia. Paling geram baca bahagian ini.
5. Sumber rujukan buku ini sangat banyak. Saya rasa lebih suka jika diselitkan data secara visual. Untuk nombor-nombor memang saya baca sepintas lalu.
Di akhir bab, penulis memberi cadangan yang saya pun tak pasti sudah dilaksanakan atau tidak. Antaranya:
- menangani kelemahan institusi yang mengehadkan kebolehan bumiputera dan memperkenalkan ndang² anti-diskriminasi
- Menggalakkan pemilikan harta di kalangan masyarakat bawahan dalam struktur sosial
- mengubah polisi pengajian tinggi supaya yang kurang infrastruktur dan ekonomi keluarga terbatas dapat sambung belajar
- memperbaharui struktur cukai
- transformasi minda di kalangan Melayu
Cuma beberapa persoalan timbul usai membaca buku ini:
🤔Adakah anda bekerja hari ini untuk meningkatkan pendapatan atau mengumpul aset? Sebab sekarang pun sudah ada trend menyewa daripada membeli rumah.
🤔Bagaimana pula sebilangan yang tidak mahu mengumpul harta kerana renyah nak diurus ketika hidup ataupun setelah mati?
Penulis ada memetik buku Perangai Bergantung kepada Sendiri oleh Pendeta Za'ba yang menyentuh tentang kemunduran kaum Melayu dan Islam. *add to wishlist*
Suka dengan saiz buku dan sampul cuma ada beberapa spacing dan typing error.
Kesimpulannya, buku yang baik sebab buat saya berfikir tak habis-habis.
..........
Instant thoughts 30/4/24:
- What if individu tu tak nak harta? Atas sebab menyusahkan bila dah mati nanti, renyah nak memiliki dan maintain? Apa huraian kepada tulisan penulis tentang taklid buta ms 12
- i wish ada update sebab most of data sehingga 2016. How is bumiputera doing?
- risiko jurang kekayaan: ketidakstabilan sosial. Untuk zaman sekarang, ada kebarangkalian lagi kah?
- penjajahan British hanya membawa kesusahan kepada negara dijajah. Ini benar berterusan sampai hari ini, termasuklah negara lain.
- ekonomi berkait dengan sejarah. So know your sejarah.
April 2024: Antara Dua Darjat: Agihan Pendapatan Di Malaysia
Buku yang sangat membuka minda terutama saya yang amat jahil bab ekonomi ini. Bukan setakat ekonomi, tetapi termasuk sejarah dan pembuat dasar. Berikut antara dapatan saya:
1. Pendapatan dan kekayaan, dua perkara berbeza. Rasa macam susah nak ukur kekayaan, tapi boleh dinilai melalui aset (ASB dan hartanah). Dalam buku ini, dua perkara ini dinilai dari zaman sebelum merdeka
2. Jurang kekayaan membawa kepada ketidakstabilan politik dan pergolakan sosial
3. Nak belajar ekonomi kena tahu sejarah. Banyaklah momen ternganga bila baca kesan Dasar Ekonomi Baru
4. Salah satu kesan penjajahan British ialah jurang kekayaan di Malaysia. Paling geram baca bahagian ini.
5. Sumber rujukan buku ini sangat banyak. Saya rasa lebih suka jika diselitkan data secara visual. Untuk nombor-nombor memang saya baca sepintas lalu.
Di akhir bab, penulis memberi cadangan yang saya pun tak pasti sudah dilaksanakan atau tidak. Antaranya:
- menangani kelemahan institusi yang mengehadkan kebolehan bumiputera dan memperkenalkan ndang² anti-diskriminasi
- Menggalakkan pemilikan harta di kalangan masyarakat bawahan dalam struktur sosial
- mengubah polisi pengajian tinggi supaya yang kurang infrastruktur dan ekonomi keluarga terbatas dapat sambung belajar
- memperbaharui struktur cukai
- transformasi minda di kalangan Melayu
Cuma beberapa persoalan timbul usai membaca buku ini:
🤔Adakah anda bekerja hari ini untuk meningkatkan pendapatan atau mengumpul aset? Sebab sekarang pun sudah ada trend menyewa daripada membeli rumah.
🤔Bagaimana pula sebilangan yang tidak mahu mengumpul harta kerana renyah nak diurus ketika hidup ataupun setelah mati?
Penulis ada memetik buku Perangai Bergantung kepada Sendiri oleh Pendeta Za'ba yang menyentuh tentang kemunduran kaum Melayu dan Islam. *add to wishlist*
Suka dengan saiz buku dan sampul cuma ada beberapa spacing dan typing error.
Kesimpulannya, buku yang baik sebab buat saya berfikir tak habis-habis.
..........
Instant thoughts 30/4/24:
- What if individu tu tak nak harta? Atas sebab menyusahkan bila dah mati nanti, renyah nak memiliki dan maintain? Apa huraian kepada tulisan penulis tentang taklid buta ms 12
- i wish ada update sebab most of data sehingga 2016. How is bumiputera doing?
- risiko jurang kekayaan: ketidakstabilan sosial. Untuk zaman sekarang, ada kebarangkalian lagi kah?
- penjajahan British hanya membawa kesusahan kepada negara dijajah. Ini benar berterusan sampai hari ini, termasuklah negara lain.
- ekonomi berkait dengan sejarah. So know your sejarah.
January 1, 2020
Penuh dengan statistik dan analisis berdasarkan data yang ada. Saya baca edisi terjemahan bahasa Melayu. Saya tidak mengklasifikasikan buku ini sebagai bahan bacaan yang sangat berat. Sederhana.
Buku ini padat dengan perbincangan mengenai sejarah ekonomi - ketidaksamarataan pengagihan pendapatan dan kekayaan di Malaysia sejak dari zaman penjajahan sehingga kini. Bagi saya, hujah penulis tidak berat sebelah, malah disokong dengan data, bukti dan kajian yang ada. Yang paling utama, penulis telah mengemukakan kebenaran pahit mengenai ketidaksamarataan ini berpunca daripada sebab yang sangat sensitif.
Membedah setiap faktor, penulis secara kronologikal dari zaman kolonial, pra merdeka dan selepas merdeka sehingga kini menerangkan perkara pendidikan, pendapatan, aset korporat, tahap kemiskinan dan lain-lain menunjukan Bumiputera yang terbawah!
Sebenarnya banyak faktor yang menyumbang jurang tersebut dan penulis ada menyebutnya dalam tulisan ini. Penulis bijak menjelaskan hal kait ekonomi dengan bahasa mudah untuk "layman" seperti saya untuk kefahaman mudah. Walaupun ada poin penulis yang saya tidak setuju, penulis menyertakan cadangan menambahbaik polisi sedia ada untuk merapatkan jurang ekonomi antara dan dalam kalangan kaum di Malaysia.
Buku yang mesti dibaca. Recommended. 4.5/5.0
Buku ini padat dengan perbincangan mengenai sejarah ekonomi - ketidaksamarataan pengagihan pendapatan dan kekayaan di Malaysia sejak dari zaman penjajahan sehingga kini. Bagi saya, hujah penulis tidak berat sebelah, malah disokong dengan data, bukti dan kajian yang ada. Yang paling utama, penulis telah mengemukakan kebenaran pahit mengenai ketidaksamarataan ini berpunca daripada sebab yang sangat sensitif.
Membedah setiap faktor, penulis secara kronologikal dari zaman kolonial, pra merdeka dan selepas merdeka sehingga kini menerangkan perkara pendidikan, pendapatan, aset korporat, tahap kemiskinan dan lain-lain menunjukan Bumiputera yang terbawah!
Sebenarnya banyak faktor yang menyumbang jurang tersebut dan penulis ada menyebutnya dalam tulisan ini. Penulis bijak menjelaskan hal kait ekonomi dengan bahasa mudah untuk "layman" seperti saya untuk kefahaman mudah. Walaupun ada poin penulis yang saya tidak setuju, penulis menyertakan cadangan menambahbaik polisi sedia ada untuk merapatkan jurang ekonomi antara dan dalam kalangan kaum di Malaysia.
Buku yang mesti dibaca. Recommended. 4.5/5.0
Read
January 21, 2018difficult to rate this book. on one hand, it’s a good book for public who are not well-versed on economy and public policy to get a glimpse on the state of inequality in malaysia. he also included some historical contexts and how various policies resulted in polarized distribution of wealth. what is clear is that the poor among all ethnics in malaysia are equally poor. towards the end, the author suggest that a policy/law against discrimination should be introduced in malaysia which he said will prevent continuation of discriminatory hiring practice. This discriminatory hiring practice in private sector he said led to higher income among certain ethnicity. what i cannot understand is that he also seems to support affirmative action in form of race based economic policy. have i understood this book wrongly? my limited understanding is that with anti discrimination law, a race-based economic policy cannot be in place. They carry different spirits. I’m sure though the author has thought through this problem much longer than i have, given his area of expertise. Hence why i feel it’s hard to rate this book. Maybe i need to read it again.
February 4, 2024
Penulisnya pada awal-awal lagi sudah memberi amaran buku ini akan berbeza dengan pandangan dan tanggapan umum, bahawa segala dapatan dalam buku ini berasaskan fakta dan data. Justeru akan banyak kejutan dan pastilah memaparkan sisi yang menggemparkan.
Begitulah pandangan peribadi selepas buku ini ditamatkan. Malah kejutan-kejutan itu datang ketika di pertengahan — banyak kali berhenti dan termenung, mengapakah kita terlalu dangkal menerima telahan dan membuat tanggapan tanpa memerhati perkara sebenar yang ‘mungkin’ terselindung.
***
Akan bersambung
Begitulah pandangan peribadi selepas buku ini ditamatkan. Malah kejutan-kejutan itu datang ketika di pertengahan — banyak kali berhenti dan termenung, mengapakah kita terlalu dangkal menerima telahan dan membuat tanggapan tanpa memerhati perkara sebenar yang ‘mungkin’ terselindung.
***
Akan bersambung
March 22, 2019
I think this book is, in its own way, phenomenal to the growing reading circles of Malaysia. This is because it directly addresses the anxiety and apprehension among the young readers of Malaysia, who are more interested in contemporary and polemical issues, such as constitutional issues and Malay rights. As I am not accustomed to polemical books, I cannot help but to take everything written in this book up to even their references with a grain of salt.
As I approached the end of the book, the fundamental issue (or at least the issue I deemed to be vital) is still not addressed; is equality equal to justice? Is inequality a fact of life or the result from social construct? These fundamental questions naturally are better answered by philosophical books, which employs direct reasoning to answer them. Compared to the polemical books, they really looks nice with all those numbers and statistics, but the reek of loaded questions and predetermined narration still kicking. Is this book one of them? Who knows? But I believe if they are moving away from addressing these fundamental issues, relying instead of pure numbers, then they are relying on their art of rhetoric and interpretation of the numbers. Statistics has become the new zodiac-reading of our age.
So, there ends my ranting.
What this book aimed for is to narrate the historical timeline in Malaysia that the author believed to contribute to the post-independence inequality. Then, he proceeded to explain the gap between races and finally offer some of suggestions to resolve this issue of inequality.
The historical narration remains at status quo. It was the doing of the colonial power that divides and conquers the economical function of the races in Malaysia. Let us think for a while. Why the Chinese were involved in higher return of work such as working in the tin mines, while the Malay remains in their paddy fields? The answer offered by the book is that not that the Malay are lazy, but the work conditions imposed by the tin mines owner to the workers are horrendous, and some of them were forced to take up opium, gambling before reduced to the bondage of slavery. Besides, these immigrants migrated from their hometown in search for a high return work, if they wanted to farm, they might as well stayed in the Chinese mainland which agriculture during the time is the primary economy. The location of the mines immediately turned into bustling towns and centre of economical activity, centred around the Chinese. Repeat and rinse these steps eventually the Chinese has deep roots and interests in Malayan economy. There are of course many other reasons stated by the author that contributed into inequality in Malaysia in the pre-independence era. Keep in mind the inheritance collected along the way by the Chinese people.
The second of the part focused on how in all sectors; education, income, corporate assets ownership et cetera have the Bumiputeras as the bottom, aside from the poverty level of course. The author conducted a statistical test to look whether if there’s real inequality (real in terms of social constructs and restraints) in the Malaysian people. And the result turned out that even when all the factors considered equal, the Bumiputeras people still lagged behind everything. This give rises to the idea of the Chinese premium, which as we mentioned before came in the form of business entrenchment and inheritance collected by them throughout the decades. Here is the root of the first real causes of inequality in Malaysia, discrimination in the private sector; the Chinese premium.
The second root would be the taxation policies that do not benefit the poor, the poor and the middle class were even taxed more extensively compared to the rich. There are a number of taxes that the rich was exempted from but the middle-class is not. The narration we are stating here is of course simplistic at its best, the rest of the facts best read in the book.
The author then provided some of his inputs in resolving or minimising the inequality in Malaysia. He pointed out that first, indicator for policies should be based around wealth not income. And this is obviously logical, for the child of a high-income parents cannot inherit their income. He mused with the idea of the need of needs-based policies instead of ethnic-based, but he concluded that even if we succeeded in reducing the poverty rate, the Bumiputeras would still be in the bottom of the pile in terms of corporate asset ownership et cetera. This I cannot understand. Of course, the problem of the majority is no longer the problem of the ethnic but a national problem, but to what level? To reduce poverty is certainly one of the government’s function, but entrepreneurship, the flair of business and money-shrewdness, is this a problem for the government? Government’s power ends at reducing the social construct that brought the problem of poverty, but the problems of spirit, is it still their job? Yes, arguably the government could help the Bumiputeras to increase their share in the corporate world by implementing entrepreneur skills and incentives, but if there is no response from them, should we then proceed to cut down the people (the non-Malays) who worked for it, just for the sake of equality? It is here that it is clear that equality does not necessarily equates/similar to justice.
Other from that, the suggestions were well-made. He mentioned about the need of taxation that does not impede the middle class and to no longer unnecessarily exempt the rich, reduce discrimination in hiring practices especially in the private sector, asset-based and wealth policies et cetera. This is one of the first book I’ve read in the recent years that touched upon contemporary issues, so I am totally green in this world. Despite of those nice statistics, I am still irked by the total absence of discussion regarding principles of justice and equality. Without sober discussions and reflections upon the fundamentals, a writing more than often is no more than a piece of rhetoric written by sophists who tried their best to win their case with any means.
As I approached the end of the book, the fundamental issue (or at least the issue I deemed to be vital) is still not addressed; is equality equal to justice? Is inequality a fact of life or the result from social construct? These fundamental questions naturally are better answered by philosophical books, which employs direct reasoning to answer them. Compared to the polemical books, they really looks nice with all those numbers and statistics, but the reek of loaded questions and predetermined narration still kicking. Is this book one of them? Who knows? But I believe if they are moving away from addressing these fundamental issues, relying instead of pure numbers, then they are relying on their art of rhetoric and interpretation of the numbers. Statistics has become the new zodiac-reading of our age.
So, there ends my ranting.
What this book aimed for is to narrate the historical timeline in Malaysia that the author believed to contribute to the post-independence inequality. Then, he proceeded to explain the gap between races and finally offer some of suggestions to resolve this issue of inequality.
The historical narration remains at status quo. It was the doing of the colonial power that divides and conquers the economical function of the races in Malaysia. Let us think for a while. Why the Chinese were involved in higher return of work such as working in the tin mines, while the Malay remains in their paddy fields? The answer offered by the book is that not that the Malay are lazy, but the work conditions imposed by the tin mines owner to the workers are horrendous, and some of them were forced to take up opium, gambling before reduced to the bondage of slavery. Besides, these immigrants migrated from their hometown in search for a high return work, if they wanted to farm, they might as well stayed in the Chinese mainland which agriculture during the time is the primary economy. The location of the mines immediately turned into bustling towns and centre of economical activity, centred around the Chinese. Repeat and rinse these steps eventually the Chinese has deep roots and interests in Malayan economy. There are of course many other reasons stated by the author that contributed into inequality in Malaysia in the pre-independence era. Keep in mind the inheritance collected along the way by the Chinese people.
The second of the part focused on how in all sectors; education, income, corporate assets ownership et cetera have the Bumiputeras as the bottom, aside from the poverty level of course. The author conducted a statistical test to look whether if there’s real inequality (real in terms of social constructs and restraints) in the Malaysian people. And the result turned out that even when all the factors considered equal, the Bumiputeras people still lagged behind everything. This give rises to the idea of the Chinese premium, which as we mentioned before came in the form of business entrenchment and inheritance collected by them throughout the decades. Here is the root of the first real causes of inequality in Malaysia, discrimination in the private sector; the Chinese premium.
The second root would be the taxation policies that do not benefit the poor, the poor and the middle class were even taxed more extensively compared to the rich. There are a number of taxes that the rich was exempted from but the middle-class is not. The narration we are stating here is of course simplistic at its best, the rest of the facts best read in the book.
The author then provided some of his inputs in resolving or minimising the inequality in Malaysia. He pointed out that first, indicator for policies should be based around wealth not income. And this is obviously logical, for the child of a high-income parents cannot inherit their income. He mused with the idea of the need of needs-based policies instead of ethnic-based, but he concluded that even if we succeeded in reducing the poverty rate, the Bumiputeras would still be in the bottom of the pile in terms of corporate asset ownership et cetera. This I cannot understand. Of course, the problem of the majority is no longer the problem of the ethnic but a national problem, but to what level? To reduce poverty is certainly one of the government’s function, but entrepreneurship, the flair of business and money-shrewdness, is this a problem for the government? Government’s power ends at reducing the social construct that brought the problem of poverty, but the problems of spirit, is it still their job? Yes, arguably the government could help the Bumiputeras to increase their share in the corporate world by implementing entrepreneur skills and incentives, but if there is no response from them, should we then proceed to cut down the people (the non-Malays) who worked for it, just for the sake of equality? It is here that it is clear that equality does not necessarily equates/similar to justice.
Other from that, the suggestions were well-made. He mentioned about the need of taxation that does not impede the middle class and to no longer unnecessarily exempt the rich, reduce discrimination in hiring practices especially in the private sector, asset-based and wealth policies et cetera. This is one of the first book I’ve read in the recent years that touched upon contemporary issues, so I am totally green in this world. Despite of those nice statistics, I am still irked by the total absence of discussion regarding principles of justice and equality. Without sober discussions and reflections upon the fundamentals, a writing more than often is no more than a piece of rhetoric written by sophists who tried their best to win their case with any means.
September 3, 2019
A good read to know the economy status by ethnicity & changes implemented by the government in causing the shift. A good writeup by an academician.
December 11, 2019
Sesuai untuk koleksi.
September 6, 2015
Wow..much numbers..such racists..
Intellectually engaging!
"10/10"-ISMA
"Apa lagi cina mau?"-Najib Razak
"Buku ini boleh menyebabkan berulangnya tragedi 13 Mei..nasib baik orang kita malas membaca"-Presideng P*s
"Kami akan report polis"-Perkasa
Intellectually engaging!
"10/10"-ISMA
"Apa lagi cina mau?"-Najib Razak
"Buku ini boleh menyebabkan berulangnya tragedi 13 Mei..nasib baik orang kita malas membaca"-Presideng P*s
"Kami akan report polis"-Perkasa
February 27, 2018
A lot of data and details. Includes a historical narrative on Malaysia economy was once like: during pre-colonialism to recent. How the bumi being discriminated in their own land by the British. Not a fan of ketuanan melayu, pro-bumi policy, etc but now I can empathize what they feel.
March 5, 2022
A must read for those who want to understand better on the subject of inequality in Malaysia. Understanding history is a prerequisite to understand the current situation since the root of the issue was created during the time most of us were not even born.
November 14, 2018
Getting very UMNO/PPBM vibes from this book, lol. But a good read nonetheless. Touches one income and wealth inequality between and within races. No doubt a touchy subject.
June 9, 2024
Buku yang sarat dengan data dan angka. Sebagai seorang pakar ekonomi, Dr Abdul Khalid berjaya memberi gambaran yang tepat berkenaan ekonomi sebagai faktor keretakan perpaduan di Malaysia. Yang lebih utama ialah penyampaian dan bahasa yang digunapakai dalam buku ini mudah difahami oleh sesiapa sahaja, meskipun pembaca tidak mempunyai pengetahuan ekonomi yang baik.
Buku ini diterbitkan pada tahun 2014 dan data-data yang dibentangkan agak ketinggalan andai dibuat perbandingan dengan sekarang, namun ia masih berupaya memperincikan dengan baik permasalahan-permasalahan yang wujud dalam pengamalan ekonomi di Malaysia. Molek juga andai dibuat kajian semula menggunakan metodologi yang sama. Adakah ada perubahan pada angka-angka selepas 10 tahun kemudian?
Penulis membahagikan fasa perkembangan ekonomi di Malaysia kepada tiga peringkat: (1) zaman penjajahan, (2) zaman awal kemerdekaan dan (3) perlaksanaan DEB sehingga kini (merujuk kepada tahun 2014, waktu buku ini diterbitkan).
Dasar pecah dan perintah penjajah serta ketakutan mereka dengan orang Melayu sekiranya mempunyai pemilikan harta yang banyak telah meninggalkan kesan yang begitu membekas terhadap bentuk ekonomi di Malaysia. Kesenjangan ekonomi kemudian semakin melebar dengan agihan pendapatan, pekerjaan, pendidikan dan kekayaan modal. Kesangsian antara kaum semakin menebal dan berakhir dengan tragedi hari hitam buat negara apabila rusuhan kaum 16 Mei 1969 tercetus.
DEB yang berperanan sebagai serampang dua mata, walaupun berjaya mencapai matlamatnya, masih gagal mengurangkan kekayaan dan pendapatan inter dan intra kaum. Menariknya, penulis menyatakan bahawa kekayaan harus diberi tumpuan yang lebih berbanding pendapatan.
Buku ini juga kritikal terhadap orang Cina dalam hal pemilihan etnik sendiri untuk pekerjaan dan warisan kekayaan. Namun, penulis sudah memberi peringatan pada awal buku bahawa beliau menulis dengan fakta dan barangkali bakal menyinggung hati beberapa pihak.
Di akhir buku, penulis turut mencadangkan beberapa solusi yang seharusnya diambil oleh pihak kerajaan. Satu kesimpulan yang mampu saya peroleh: blok kasta sosial harus lebih utama berbanding blok perkauman.
Buku ini diterbitkan pada tahun 2014 dan data-data yang dibentangkan agak ketinggalan andai dibuat perbandingan dengan sekarang, namun ia masih berupaya memperincikan dengan baik permasalahan-permasalahan yang wujud dalam pengamalan ekonomi di Malaysia. Molek juga andai dibuat kajian semula menggunakan metodologi yang sama. Adakah ada perubahan pada angka-angka selepas 10 tahun kemudian?
Penulis membahagikan fasa perkembangan ekonomi di Malaysia kepada tiga peringkat: (1) zaman penjajahan, (2) zaman awal kemerdekaan dan (3) perlaksanaan DEB sehingga kini (merujuk kepada tahun 2014, waktu buku ini diterbitkan).
Dasar pecah dan perintah penjajah serta ketakutan mereka dengan orang Melayu sekiranya mempunyai pemilikan harta yang banyak telah meninggalkan kesan yang begitu membekas terhadap bentuk ekonomi di Malaysia. Kesenjangan ekonomi kemudian semakin melebar dengan agihan pendapatan, pekerjaan, pendidikan dan kekayaan modal. Kesangsian antara kaum semakin menebal dan berakhir dengan tragedi hari hitam buat negara apabila rusuhan kaum 16 Mei 1969 tercetus.
DEB yang berperanan sebagai serampang dua mata, walaupun berjaya mencapai matlamatnya, masih gagal mengurangkan kekayaan dan pendapatan inter dan intra kaum. Menariknya, penulis menyatakan bahawa kekayaan harus diberi tumpuan yang lebih berbanding pendapatan.
Buku ini juga kritikal terhadap orang Cina dalam hal pemilihan etnik sendiri untuk pekerjaan dan warisan kekayaan. Namun, penulis sudah memberi peringatan pada awal buku bahawa beliau menulis dengan fakta dan barangkali bakal menyinggung hati beberapa pihak.
Di akhir buku, penulis turut mencadangkan beberapa solusi yang seharusnya diambil oleh pihak kerajaan. Satu kesimpulan yang mampu saya peroleh: blok kasta sosial harus lebih utama berbanding blok perkauman.
May 8, 2018
Buku yang membedah tentang pembasmian kemiskinan yang menjadi antara teras objektif DEB. Menarik perdebatan tentang kaedah percukaian. disebut tentang Capital Gain Tax. Lebih menarik lagi cadangan oleh penulis telah dimasukkan dalam manifesto PAS dalam PRU 14.
November 22, 2017
Bermula dengan rakaman sebuah rancangan di RTM yang tular, aku mula mencari buku ini.
Penulis antara intelektual yang masih berfungsi pada hari ini, dan bukanlah intelektual yang disifatkan oleh Syed Hussein Alatas dalam bukunya Intelektual Masyarakat Membangun.
Data dan statistik menceritakan segala-galanya.
Adakah selama ini, persepsi dan stereotaip kita terbukti benar? Buku ini ada jawapannya.
Kajian yang mendalam dan terperinci tentang jurang kekayaan dan taburannya dalam kalangan rakyat Malaysia. Dibentangkan fakta dari sejarah, keadaan semasa dan cadangan polisi. Pandangan awal terhadap buku ini (sebelum membaca), aku agak kurang setuju apabila jurang kekayaan dikaitkan dengan kaum, tapi di Malaysia, itulah realitinya.
di negara yang bukan bermasyarakat majmuk, yang hanya ada satu kaum, jurang kekayaan mereka hanya dibahagikan kepada kelompok kelas masyarakat. Tapi di Malaysia, kita mesti melihat jurang ekonomi dari dua sudut, iaitu kaum dan juga kelas masyarakat.
dan buku ini, bersama-sama bukti statistik dan kajian yang teliti, menyerlahkan keberanian yang disokong oleh fakta. Kesimpulan buku ini sangat padu dengan menyeru bukan semata-mata rakyat tapi pihak atasan untuk sedar tentang realiti ekonomi negara kita!
Penulis antara intelektual yang masih berfungsi pada hari ini, dan bukanlah intelektual yang disifatkan oleh Syed Hussein Alatas dalam bukunya Intelektual Masyarakat Membangun.
Data dan statistik menceritakan segala-galanya.
Adakah selama ini, persepsi dan stereotaip kita terbukti benar? Buku ini ada jawapannya.
Kajian yang mendalam dan terperinci tentang jurang kekayaan dan taburannya dalam kalangan rakyat Malaysia. Dibentangkan fakta dari sejarah, keadaan semasa dan cadangan polisi. Pandangan awal terhadap buku ini (sebelum membaca), aku agak kurang setuju apabila jurang kekayaan dikaitkan dengan kaum, tapi di Malaysia, itulah realitinya.
di negara yang bukan bermasyarakat majmuk, yang hanya ada satu kaum, jurang kekayaan mereka hanya dibahagikan kepada kelompok kelas masyarakat. Tapi di Malaysia, kita mesti melihat jurang ekonomi dari dua sudut, iaitu kaum dan juga kelas masyarakat.
dan buku ini, bersama-sama bukti statistik dan kajian yang teliti, menyerlahkan keberanian yang disokong oleh fakta. Kesimpulan buku ini sangat padu dengan menyeru bukan semata-mata rakyat tapi pihak atasan untuk sedar tentang realiti ekonomi negara kita!
June 14, 2019
A lot of data and economic history, but too repetitive and not enough on policy recommendations. I also think the author writes through the prism of race / ethnicity, which seems to be the source of many of Malaysia's problems. Also, the book was written just before the recent scandals that have shot the reputation of the government. Surely this government corruption and waste needs to be addressed as the elephant in theroomStill, worthwhile reading as an outsider interested in Malaysia's history and politics
Currently reading
March 25, 2015I am currently reading this book. This book introduces me more in-depth data about how unequal we are Malaysian in term of race. Good as a reminder for me to know where I am. Right on the spot.
This book used scientific approach, argues and reasoning using data and facts - not by colourful nor emotional words.
This book used scientific approach, argues and reasoning using data and facts - not by colourful nor emotional words.
May 27, 2016
Paradigm shifting, a must read for all Malaysians, regardless of your backgrounds. A bit polarizing as I do not agree to some of the arguments posed by the author, but overall a very recommended read.
May 15, 2019
A must read for every Malaysian or anyone who wants to know more about inequality in multicultural societies.
There are scarce resources on NEP and many misconceptions about it. This book is a great rebuttal of NEP critics. It’s not that NEP and its succeeding policies were too faithfully implemented but it was, still is haphazardly implemented. Follow up studies need to be done and implement recommendations. Agencies or ministries has to be empowered or created to be able to do it politically. A true implementation is another thing. The author interviewed PMs, ministers, civil servants, GLC officials & members of parties. They all have nonchalant attitude towards NEP. It’s incredibly upsetting that Malay parties aren’t doing what they’re suppose to do, that is safeguarding Malay rights! While these Malay parties scapegoating the other, playing with ethno-nationalism and saying how they’re helping Malays. But in reality they’re only trying safeguard their own interests and getting elected again. I’m disillusioned of the political situation in Malaysia even after GE14. I don’t see any changes and none of the author’s proposal are implemented. Different government, same policies.
Furthermore, I don’t think this book stress enough how a country with disproportional wealth in the hands of the few will cause painful conflicts and divisions. It’s explained in abstract terms. It merely refers to the 1969 riots. One doesn’t have to look to the past, look at the west right now. Their ethnically quite homogeneous. Non-white accounts at most 30% but a lot lower in Europe and differs country to country. If those developed countries that are almost ethnically homogeneous, having so much problems creating political instability. I cannot imagine what it will be here. If wealth inequality that goes through racial-class lines aren’t rectified, we’re going to see the rise of political monsters here. I also don’t think the 1969 riots is going to be a good cautionary tale. Most Malaysians were born after 1957 and our average age is 27.7 years old. A relatively young country. Those who experienced the 1969 riots were born before or not long after independence. We, humans, are pretty short-sighted. I hope our politicians will do what is right like the wisemen of post-69 Malaysia. The 1969 riots and contemporary examples should be cited.
Moreover, I find his 3-point corrective measures is modest at best. First, asset-based policy for the poor. Second, a progressive tax system that favours the poor. Third, an anti-discrimination law to increase mobility of Malays or non-Chinese in the private sector and in general. Come on! It’s too modest. I’d be happy to see a more creative and ambitious plan. A more ambitious proposal is needed to reorganise and rethink how our society should be. Connectivity of urban-rural areas and west-east has to improve. The only way to do it is massive government spending. The author as an renown economist has to change the political discourse!
Nevertheless, the Colour of Inequality is a well-researched book. It shows us the historical injustices done by the Brits have great ramifications that causes divisions in our country. We’re still feeling, albeit, much lesser than pre-1970. More has to be done.
To anyone reading this review, always remember not to look sideways regardless of skin colour. Look up, the rich and the elites. Vertical not horizontal. Economic power means political power to influence government policies.
Edit: this book was published in 2014 years before the political insanity happened in the West. However, the author could still cite post-2008 events. So there are precedents that could’ve been added in it even though it’s mainly domestic audience.
There are scarce resources on NEP and many misconceptions about it. This book is a great rebuttal of NEP critics. It’s not that NEP and its succeeding policies were too faithfully implemented but it was, still is haphazardly implemented. Follow up studies need to be done and implement recommendations. Agencies or ministries has to be empowered or created to be able to do it politically. A true implementation is another thing. The author interviewed PMs, ministers, civil servants, GLC officials & members of parties. They all have nonchalant attitude towards NEP. It’s incredibly upsetting that Malay parties aren’t doing what they’re suppose to do, that is safeguarding Malay rights! While these Malay parties scapegoating the other, playing with ethno-nationalism and saying how they’re helping Malays. But in reality they’re only trying safeguard their own interests and getting elected again. I’m disillusioned of the political situation in Malaysia even after GE14. I don’t see any changes and none of the author’s proposal are implemented. Different government, same policies.
Furthermore, I don’t think this book stress enough how a country with disproportional wealth in the hands of the few will cause painful conflicts and divisions. It’s explained in abstract terms. It merely refers to the 1969 riots. One doesn’t have to look to the past, look at the west right now. Their ethnically quite homogeneous. Non-white accounts at most 30% but a lot lower in Europe and differs country to country. If those developed countries that are almost ethnically homogeneous, having so much problems creating political instability. I cannot imagine what it will be here. If wealth inequality that goes through racial-class lines aren’t rectified, we’re going to see the rise of political monsters here. I also don’t think the 1969 riots is going to be a good cautionary tale. Most Malaysians were born after 1957 and our average age is 27.7 years old. A relatively young country. Those who experienced the 1969 riots were born before or not long after independence. We, humans, are pretty short-sighted. I hope our politicians will do what is right like the wisemen of post-69 Malaysia. The 1969 riots and contemporary examples should be cited.
Moreover, I find his 3-point corrective measures is modest at best. First, asset-based policy for the poor. Second, a progressive tax system that favours the poor. Third, an anti-discrimination law to increase mobility of Malays or non-Chinese in the private sector and in general. Come on! It’s too modest. I’d be happy to see a more creative and ambitious plan. A more ambitious proposal is needed to reorganise and rethink how our society should be. Connectivity of urban-rural areas and west-east has to improve. The only way to do it is massive government spending. The author as an renown economist has to change the political discourse!
Nevertheless, the Colour of Inequality is a well-researched book. It shows us the historical injustices done by the Brits have great ramifications that causes divisions in our country. We’re still feeling, albeit, much lesser than pre-1970. More has to be done.
To anyone reading this review, always remember not to look sideways regardless of skin colour. Look up, the rich and the elites. Vertical not horizontal. Economic power means political power to influence government policies.
Edit: this book was published in 2014 years before the political insanity happened in the West. However, the author could still cite post-2008 events. So there are precedents that could’ve been added in it even though it’s mainly domestic audience.
Read
May 5, 2022Not giving a rating because there are SO many dimensions this book can be analysed from, and a singular rating would not do it justice.
To be fair, the amount of citations and data is impressive, and the author has certainly done his fair share of research.
However, I find it regrettable that the writing is saturated with emotions. With the Malaysian society highly divided by race issues already, the terms "immigrant Chinese" and "immigrant Indian" could be phrased better, given the author's reputable academic repertoire.
Re: Malay history.
(TL;DR: Instead of restating how different our origins are, we are probably better off discussing how we can move forward collectively hand-in-hand. Repeatedly hammering the "immigrants" (mis)place in Malaysia is akin to saying that Australians/US citizens are not entitled to celebrate their National Days.)
But I digress.
The book starts off by reiterating the drastic British "divide and conquer" effects on Malaysia's demographics, yet slowly evolves into a stretched-out recount of how Malays lost their rightful place within Malaya.
Given the high praises the book received, I was looking forward to reading discussions on Bumiputera Orang Aslis and Bumiputera Malays, yet this glaring social issue was never mentioned in the book. Rather, the book simply referred to it as a Malay issue, and eventually switched the term to 'Bumiputera' altogether.
'Anti-climatic' would be my summary of the book. Towards the end, the issue was still not tackled head-on, and the book appears to fall into its self-created loop. A responsible reader should carefully evaluate their own account of the book.
There are definitely more that the author could've touched on, and I look forward to a more comprehensive rework, if it is ever made in the future.
To be fair, the amount of citations and data is impressive, and the author has certainly done his fair share of research.
However, I find it regrettable that the writing is saturated with emotions. With the Malaysian society highly divided by race issues already, the terms "immigrant Chinese" and "immigrant Indian" could be phrased better, given the author's reputable academic repertoire.
Re: Malay history.
(TL;DR: Instead of restating how different our origins are, we are probably better off discussing how we can move forward collectively hand-in-hand. Repeatedly hammering the "immigrants" (mis)place in Malaysia is akin to saying that Australians/US citizens are not entitled to celebrate their National Days.)
But I digress.
The book starts off by reiterating the drastic British "divide and conquer" effects on Malaysia's demographics, yet slowly evolves into a stretched-out recount of how Malays lost their rightful place within Malaya.
Given the high praises the book received, I was looking forward to reading discussions on Bumiputera Orang Aslis and Bumiputera Malays, yet this glaring social issue was never mentioned in the book. Rather, the book simply referred to it as a Malay issue, and eventually switched the term to 'Bumiputera' altogether.
'Anti-climatic' would be my summary of the book. Towards the end, the issue was still not tackled head-on, and the book appears to fall into its self-created loop. A responsible reader should carefully evaluate their own account of the book.
There are definitely more that the author could've touched on, and I look forward to a more comprehensive rework, if it is ever made in the future.
November 22, 2018
This is a must read for every Malaysian regardless of race and ethnicity. The data and statistic provided in this book is eye opening backed up by many scholars papers, interviews and references. Most of The new generation of Malaysia are ill informed on Government Policies and loaded with racial rhetoric, race stereotypes and coverup facts behind socio economy imbalance not just between race but also among Malaysian. Although Malaysia are 61 years old after indipendence the effect of British colonial discrimination still creeping Malaysia Racial Harmonies.
While the government working hard on its NEP which was a result from the 13 May incident, most of the Malay Rule Political individuals did not take it seriouslt to help the Malay whom heavily effected by the economy imbalance. GLCs and GLICS also didnot put more effort towards the policies and most of its CEOs are self centered. Most of the private companies which are Chinese owned also have been in favour of Mandarin speakers and not suprisingly a chinese same age and background and skill with a malay Have the advantage by 5x the later.
The other good things about this book it also provide insight and solutions well worth to be take into consideration by the government.
If the trend continues, it will bring a disaster towards the country. Not just the malay but as well as the chinese and other races. The fate of a country will always depending on the fate of its majority ethnic. I hope every single Malaysians read this book and know the root cause and appreciate and help the nation towards sustainable and a richer and healthier country
While the government working hard on its NEP which was a result from the 13 May incident, most of the Malay Rule Political individuals did not take it seriouslt to help the Malay whom heavily effected by the economy imbalance. GLCs and GLICS also didnot put more effort towards the policies and most of its CEOs are self centered. Most of the private companies which are Chinese owned also have been in favour of Mandarin speakers and not suprisingly a chinese same age and background and skill with a malay Have the advantage by 5x the later.
The other good things about this book it also provide insight and solutions well worth to be take into consideration by the government.
If the trend continues, it will bring a disaster towards the country. Not just the malay but as well as the chinese and other races. The fate of a country will always depending on the fate of its majority ethnic. I hope every single Malaysians read this book and know the root cause and appreciate and help the nation towards sustainable and a richer and healthier country
September 3, 2022
Dr Muhammed painted the picture of inequality in Malaysia very well for a layman like me. It described quite succinctly the economic journey of Malaysia by taking the reader through the periods of pre and post independence to post NEP. The policy may have its flaws but the author laid down the compelling evidence that NEP had done very well in alleviating poverty not only among the bumiputeras but also for the other communities.
The book also provided a good understanding on the distinction between wealth and income, and how they relate to each other. Indeed, the issue of wealth disparity is becoming more prominent now 8 years after the book was published with the income gap growing and the lower income Malaysians increasingly being priced out of asset ownership.
However, I was hoping the author could elaborate in more detail on the role and importance of MARA in elevating the economic status of the bumis. In the book, the role of MARA was mentioned briefly on giving financial assistance for education. This was quite intriguing since MARA had been a major agency for the Bumiputera agenda to only deserve a short passage in the book although in Chapter 3, other agencies and GLCs had been mentioned more elaborately as being responsible for the implementation failure of the NEP. The book ended on a cautiously optimistic tone (I suppose) as we look towards an increasing inequality in the future without any effective policy in place.
The book also provided a good understanding on the distinction between wealth and income, and how they relate to each other. Indeed, the issue of wealth disparity is becoming more prominent now 8 years after the book was published with the income gap growing and the lower income Malaysians increasingly being priced out of asset ownership.
However, I was hoping the author could elaborate in more detail on the role and importance of MARA in elevating the economic status of the bumis. In the book, the role of MARA was mentioned briefly on giving financial assistance for education. This was quite intriguing since MARA had been a major agency for the Bumiputera agenda to only deserve a short passage in the book although in Chapter 3, other agencies and GLCs had been mentioned more elaborately as being responsible for the implementation failure of the NEP. The book ended on a cautiously optimistic tone (I suppose) as we look towards an increasing inequality in the future without any effective policy in place.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
February 3, 2019
Antara Dua Darjat : Agihan Pendapatan di Malaysia
Membaca buku ini menyedarkan kita tentang situasi sebenar agihan pendapatan dan juga kekayaan di Malaysia. Dalam kita melihat realiti yang menunjukkan kaum Melayu ialah kaum yg paling terkebelakang, buku ini memberi kita pencerahan tentang faktor-faktor yang membawa kepada keadaan semasa.
Bermula dengan membincangkan sejarah pra kemerdekaan, ia adalah satu bab yang sangat mencerahkan yang tidak pernah saya fikirkan.
Dan penting juga untuk kita lihat tentang jurang kekayaan,bukan semata-mata jurang pendapatan. Harta warisan antara perkara yang memainkan peranan penting dalam aspek pengumpulan kekayaan. Tidak lupa juga pendidikan, ia juga berkait rapat dengan faktor(jangka panjang) yang memberi kesan kepada pendapatan.
Membaca buku ini,kita tidak boleh mengatakan ia sebuah buku yang rasis. Saya petik kata-kata penulis dalam halaman terakhir buku,
"Fokus kepada Bumiputera tidak boleh dilihat sebagai sebuah masalah kaum semata-mata kerana dalan sebuah masyarakat demokratik, masalah golongan majoriti merupakan masalah nasional dan bukannya masalah dalaman Bumiputera".
Membaca buku ini menyedarkan kita tentang situasi sebenar agihan pendapatan dan juga kekayaan di Malaysia. Dalam kita melihat realiti yang menunjukkan kaum Melayu ialah kaum yg paling terkebelakang, buku ini memberi kita pencerahan tentang faktor-faktor yang membawa kepada keadaan semasa.
Bermula dengan membincangkan sejarah pra kemerdekaan, ia adalah satu bab yang sangat mencerahkan yang tidak pernah saya fikirkan.
Dan penting juga untuk kita lihat tentang jurang kekayaan,bukan semata-mata jurang pendapatan. Harta warisan antara perkara yang memainkan peranan penting dalam aspek pengumpulan kekayaan. Tidak lupa juga pendidikan, ia juga berkait rapat dengan faktor(jangka panjang) yang memberi kesan kepada pendapatan.
Membaca buku ini,kita tidak boleh mengatakan ia sebuah buku yang rasis. Saya petik kata-kata penulis dalam halaman terakhir buku,
"Fokus kepada Bumiputera tidak boleh dilihat sebagai sebuah masalah kaum semata-mata kerana dalan sebuah masyarakat demokratik, masalah golongan majoriti merupakan masalah nasional dan bukannya masalah dalaman Bumiputera".
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