The peoples republic of amnesia

by Lim

Finalist for the 2015 Helen Bernstein Book Award for Excellence in Journalism

Longlisted for the Lionel Gelber Award for the Best Non-Fiction book in the world on Foreign Affairs

An Economist Book of the Year, 2014

A New York Times Book Review Editor's Choice

"One of the best analyses of the impact of Tiananmen throughout China in the years since 1989." -- The New York Times Book Review

On June 4, 1989, People's Liberation Army soldiers opened fire on unarmed civilians in Beijing, killing untold hundreds of people. A quarter-century later, this defining event remains buried in China's modern history, successfully expunged from collective memory. In The People's Republic of Amnesia , Louisa Lim charts how the events of June 4th changed China, and how China changed the events of June 4th by rewriting its own history.

Lim reveals new details about those fateful days, including how one of the country's most senior politicians lost a family member to an army bullet, as well as the inside story of the young soldiers sent to clear Tiananmen Square. She also introduces us to individuals whose lives were transformed by the events of Tiananmen Square, such as a founder of the Tiananmen Mothers, whose son was shot by martial law troops; and one of the most important government officials in the country, who post-Tiananmen became one of its most prominent dissidents. And she examines how June 4th shaped China's national identity, fostering a generation of young nationalists, who know little and care less about 1989. For the first time, Lim uncovers the details of a brutal crackdown in a second Chinese city that until now has been a near-perfect case study in the state's ability to rewrite history, excising the most painful episodes. By tracking down eyewitnesses, discovering US diplomatic cables, and combing
through official Chinese records, Lim offers the first account of a story that has remained untold for a quarter of a century. The People's Republic of Amnesia is an original, powerfully gripping, and ultimately unforgettable book about a national tragedy and an unhealed wound.

Genres: China, History, Nonfiction, Politics, Asia, Journalism, World History

300 pages, Paperback

First published May 1, 2014

Reviews

[Petra X · Rating 5 out of 5]

It seems to be a mark of Chinese regimes to inflict the utmost brutality on the population, including massacres on an unimaginable scale where it is as if the whole population of a country such as Canada was entirely wiped out. And then years later somehow swing it so that even those who, they or their families, were victimised, make light of it, as if they hardly remember it, it just wasn't important, they never talk of it. It brings to mind Santayana's "Those who do not know history's mistakes are doomed to repeat them."

I've read a few books on China recently (list. Everyone knows about the Cultural Revolution, I've been reading books about the times since then. About the fake one-child family policy. Fake because it meant only one living child and no one was every prosecuted for murdering new born girl babies. Fake also because it wasn't applied strictly in the countryside where extra labour in the family was needed. About the awful position of women in a country where kidnapping, buying and selling of them for brides when a man cannot get one of the (few) women of his own is not punished. About the scams of Chinese manufacturing companies against their Western clients which seem to be an accepted and perhaps praiseworthy business technique.

1, If you were born after 4th June 1989, especially if you are Chinese, you won't know what this book is about. But you could read About Tiananmen Square.

2. If you were a student at that time, the chances are good that you were a supporter or even one of the one million participants in the anti-revolutionary movement and might even have been in Tianenmen Square.

3. If you were a student at that time, the chances are better than good that you later sold out and now hardly remember, let alone talk about those terrible, morally-driven times. You may even be an investment banker. Morals subsumed to money.

4. You may even be one of those who having 'forgotten' those times agrees with the statement, the Communist party must have had good reasons to do what they did, even if they made mistakes. After all it resulted in China becoming the world's second-largest economy.

The book's subtext but perhaps not a deliberate one is how a left-wing Communist dictatorship of immense brutality where 36,000,000 people were starved to death (see Tombstone: The Great Chinese Famine, 1958-1962) and live ammunition was used against the students in Tianenmen Square turned into a right-wing dictatorship encouraging unethical capitalism (see Poorly Made in China: An Insider's Account of the Tactics Behind China's Production Game without changing it's name or it's totalitarian rule.

An aside on a book about business manners. I was looking at a book teaching Western ways of doing business to Chinese businessmen. No spitting at the table, look into people's eyes, even women's, when at a meeting. Not standing on toilet seats rather than sitting, washing hands afterwards is not just optional nor is personal hygiene. Pushing is not an alternative to queuing. I could go on. The Chinese find Westerners equally disgusting. I do not understand the Chinese at all.

A rather disgusting blog. It is probable there is a blog by someone Chinese on what is objectionable about us to them. But it will be in a Chinese language so I won't even be able to find it.

[Maziyar Yf · Rating 3 out of 5]

جمهوری خلق نسیان: تجدید دیدار با تیان‌آنمن کتابی است از لوئیزا لیم، روزنامه‌نگار نیویورک تایمز. او در این کتاب به بررسی اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن در سال ۱۹۸۹ و سرکوب خونین آن توسط دولت چین و اثرات این فاجعه در آینده چین و مردمان آن پرداخته. این کتاب بر اساس مصاحبه‌های لیم با معترضان، خانواده‌های قربانیان، سربازان و مقامات دولتی نوشته شده . نویسنده کوشیده روایتی جامع از اعتراضات، سرکوب و پیامدهای آن ارائه ‌دهد.
نویسنده گرچه به تاریخچه اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن و سپس تاثیر اعتراضات بر مردم چین، جامعه بین‌المللی و آینده چین پرداخته اما موضوع اصلی کتاب را باید چگونگی فراموش شدن این فاجعه دانست . لیم به بررسی این موضوع پرداخته که چرا و چگونه اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن به طور فزاینده‌ای از حافظه عمومی پاک می‌شود. او نقش دولت چین در سانسور اطلاعات و همچنین تمایل مردم چین به فراموش کردن این رویداد غم‌انگیز را شرح می دهد.
نسیان یا فراموشی نقش مهمی در کتاب او دارد ، عنوان کتاب ، جمهوری خلق نسیان اشاره ای به تلاش دولت چین برای سرکوب خاطرات اعتراضات میدان تیان آنمن است. از نگاه نویسنده جمهوری خلق نسیان نامی مناسب تر و برازنده تر است تا جمهوری خلق چین
دولت چین از چندین روش برای سرکوب خاطرات اعتراضات استفاده کرده . روش هایی مانند سانسور اطلاعات ، ممنوعیت بحث در مورد اعتراضات در اماکن عمومی و دستگیری و زندانی کردن کسانی است که در مورد فاجعه تیان آن من صحبت می کنند.
اهمیت فاجعه تیان آن من
خانم لیم اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن را یک نقطه عطف در تاریخ چین دانسته و این کشور را به دو دوره قبل و بعد از آن تقسیم کرده. از نگاه او این اعتراضات نشان‌دهنده نارضایتی گسترده مردم چین از حکومت کمونیستی بوده و به امید مردم یا دست کم بخش هایی از مردم برای آزادی و دموکراسی دامن زد. سرکوب خونین این اعتراضات را نیزمی توان نقطه عطفی دیگر دانست ، زیرا نشان داد که دولت چین حاضر است برای حفظ قدرت خود از هرگونه خشونت استفاده کند
پس از اعتراضات ، چین شاهد تغییرات زیادی بود. اقتصاد چین به طور قابل توجهی رشد کرد، اما هم زمان، دولت چین کنترل خود را بر جامعه هم افزایش داد. آزادی بیان و آزادی اجتماعات به شدت محدود شد و بحث درباره اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن ممنوع شد. در حقیقت الگویی که شیائوپنگ برای چین پایه گذاری کرده تا الان هم پابرجا مانده ، رشد اقتصادی بدون توسعه سیاسی .
جمهوری خلق نسیان بر پایه مصاحبه‌های لوئیزا لیم با معترضان، خانواده‌های قربانیان، سربازان و مقامات دولتی نوشته شده . این مصاحبه‌ها به نویسنده کمک کرده تا روایتی جامع از اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن، سرکوب و پیامدهای آن ارائه دهد .
یکی از برجسته ترین افرادی که با او مصاحبه شده ، ژائو ژیانگ نخست وزیر چین هنگام اعتراضات است که به دلیل انتقاد از سرکوب خشونت‌آمیز معترضان از قدرت کنار گذاشته شد و به مدت 16 سال در حبس خانگی باقی ماند . نقش او هم در کتاب و هم در یادبود فاجعه تیان آن را باید بسیار مهم و کلیدی دانست .
نویسنده کوشیده تا با ارائه روایتی جامع از اعتراضات میدان تیان‌آنمن و سرکوب آن ، خواننده را از جزئیات این رویداد غم‌انگیز و پیامدهای آن که دولت چین سعی در فراموشی و یا تحریف آن دارد آگاه کند. لیم به همین ترتیب سانسور دولت چین و روایت رسمی دولت از تیان آن من را به چالش می‌کشد . از نگاه او ، حقیقت تیان آن من باید درتاریخ بماند نه نسخه جعلی حکومت .

[Michael Perkins · Rating 4 out of 5]

As informative as this book was, the author was not able to cover the story of the "big four" of the confrontation. From the sounds of the article below, I gather none of them would have wanted to participate in this book.

It's also interesting how pessimistic they are and don't want to think about it any more. The confrontation clearly exposed China for the totalitarian society that it is, but democracy is certainly not around the corner. The country has been ruled by emperors and dictators for centuries. The book depicts that's what most people there are accustomed to, material growth notwithstanding.

I would like to add that on an overseas trip three years ago I met a photojournalist who was at the protest to record it on film. She explained that the government didn't want any martyrs or jailed dissidents, as was the case in the Soviet Union. So, she and other prominent participants were deported instead.

some of the photos were released last year...

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/01/wo...

=====

China's army of A.I. bots to track even visitors to China...

https://tinyurl.com/yck2jd65

[Anthony · Rating 2 out of 5]

Have I ever told y'all about that presentation I gave in my community college public speaking class? Shit was so fire. I talked about the motherland~ motherfucking CHINA!! I stayed up the whole night before high outta my mind and hopped up on Baja Blast, stringing together every preconceived notion percolating through my head: one-child only policies, Maoism, and my grandparents' increasingly far-fetched tales that I had not yet decoupled from childlike fantasy. What little research I did do was often cast aside in favor of my hottest bars. I was more interested in putting on a show than relating facts, and after I wrapped up the most impassioned speech of my 17 year old life, the circumscribed applause of my classmates abounding, I caught the eyes of the only other Chinese student in the back: dead and disappointed.

The People's Republic of Amnesia reads a lot like the kind of book I would have written in community college. It is passionate, thorough, and its heart is in the right place, but it takes a number of irresponsible liberties with the information it collects to better serve its bombastic tone. The information available about what occurred on June 4, 1989 in Tiananmen Square is limited, and China's official stance on the matter reeks of a cover-up. The voices Louisa Lim elevates in this book are pivotal to gaining a complete understanding of what happened, but she leans on unsubstantiated accounts and errs on the side of conspiracy in such a way that elicits more questions than answers. If Lim's goal was to provide the perfect counterweight to the Chinese government's story, she was successful.

But it doesn't help that Lim is a pretty weak writer. She goes on way too many tangents about the settings her interviews take place in, and they do absolutely nothing to illustrate her points. What's more, she'll ramble nonsense about why such-and-such matters or why so-and-so needs to change with some of the most insipid logic I've ever seen a journalist of her stature resort to. Often times, I found myself agreeing with her conclusions but disagreeing with how she got there.

It's disappointing to read about such an important topic and have it mired in so many technical flaws. Lim did an incredibly brave thing by going to China to dig out the truth, but the respective positions of Lim's interviewees deserved a greater deal of care than the plodding writing style employed here. Lim does a good job of exploring what happened at Tiananmen Square from the perspective of those who were there, soldiers and protesters alike, and effectively depicts how the events are perceived by young Chinese today, but her sloppy, humdrum, "I'm 14 and this is deep" approach stains everything she does well with fecal matter. At least my speech was exciting.

[Trish · Rating 5 out of 5]

Louisa Lim is an experienced China-watcher and has been an NPR and BBC reporter in China for at least a decade. She has completely captured a strange phenomenon of modern-day China: the heady mix of strong-arm political repression and an intolerant nationalism that is captured in the term “moral absolutism.” She shares the candid views of a cross-section of Chinese citizens and in the process manages to give an excellent update to our view of post-Tiananmen China.

Lim gives us a series of snapshots that capture the ambiguity and nervous pride with which ordinary citizens view their government: “aren’t we better off than we were four years ago?” When a young girl chooses “official” as her desired profession “because they have more things,” there must be some sidelong glances and reluctant acknowledgements of uneven wealth creation in official circles. But the political consciousness of ordinary citizens is strangely truncated. Those aspiring to work for the government do so for economic security, not with hopes of political change or influence.

The conversation started in 1989 by students at Tiananmen Square was not then ripe for democracy in China as we know it in the West, but some officials knew the risks to the Party and to the country of avoiding discussion of political reform and for suppressing the protests without some acknowledgement of their underlying discontents. That the conversation has been so utterly changed since the loosening of restraints with economic freedoms should not amaze me as much as it has. The government has effectively erased the memory of 1989, so much so that young people don’t even know about that time, and older folks don’t want to talk about it. How so many people can willfully forget that earlier moment when the stability of the Party was in jeopardy is explained: China’s turn towards economic liberalization happened because of Tiananmen.

Lim peels back the veil on the events in Chengdu during June 1989 when protestors sympathetic to students in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square also marched and were also suppressed, beaten, jailed, killed. It astonishes me still that we don’t know the extent of the crime, and won’t either, until the government changes hands. Surely there was extensive documentation: some of the dead in Beijing and Chengdu lay for days in morgues or hospitals and photos of loved ones showing their injuries appeared many months after their deaths.

I imagine one day it will be the Chengdu policemen who, on their deathbeds, wish to be forgiven and come clean with what happened in 1989. They must be as haunted as Chen Guang, the military photographer-turned-painter in Beijing, whose work at Tiananmen on June 4, 1989 haunts him still.

Lim has an easy, clear, and precise style that is not without humorous moments. She juxtaposes lives of ordinary citizens with remarks by former officials. In one vignette, she tells of Yang Xiaowu, “a jovial distributor of grain alcohol” who visits Yan’an regularly, once with his sales staff for a bonding exercise. (Yan’an is where the Communist Party ended the Long March in 1935. A huge statue of Mao Zedong dominates a square built in front of the Revolutionary Memorial Hall there.) “[This is] the right place to come…because Mao’s classic essay ”On Protracted War” was [Yang’s] business bible. He used it to help his team map out their strategy for marketing booze.”

Bao Tong was Policy Secretary for Zhao Ziyang and Director of the Office of Political Reform for the PCP before both were placed under house arrest in 1989. “Describing the mood at the highest levels of government Bao Tong painted an atmosphere so weighted by factional mistrust that any discussion of the issues was impossible…According to Bao Tong, [he and Zhao Ziyang] never had a single conversation about what stance to take toward the student movement. ‘This wasn’t something you would discuss,’ he said.” This remarkable and revealing admission reminds me that fear of reprisal haunts even the anointed in China, though the lack of discussion saved neither man.

What I liked best about this book is the journalistic skepticism Lim brings to the party: everyone has faults, mistakes, and good intentions in their pasts. No one is unequivocally good or bad Even Deng Xiaoping, according to Bao Tong, “went back and forth like a pendulum.” The student rebels at Tiananmen are not lionized, but placed in the context of their historical moment. I incline towards the viewpoint of Jan de Wilde, then consul general in Chengdu at the time of the protests: “I don’t think they had the foggiest idea what freedom and democracy actually meant in China or anywhere else. They were still very much [operating] in the framework of a one-party state.”

Tiananmen has not been forgotten by everyone, and the issues it raised are as valid today as they were twenty-five years ago. Undoubtedly some folks have begun to think about what political change would look like in a modernizing China. However, recent rhetoric from the center and the tight control the Party has on social discourse does not hold out hope for a “revolution from within” the Party. The change, when it comes, will be demanded by all those “moral absolutists” making up the population that the Party has created, and heaven help the Party then.

“All blood debts must be repaid in kind…”—Lu Xun

Louisa Lim’s brave and unblinking look at modern China is a book I hadn’t known I was waiting to read.

[Bkwmlee · Rating 4 out of 5]

4.5 stars

June 4th, 1989. This is a date that has been seared into my memory for the past 30 years – a date that, being from Hong Kong, I have an obligation never to forget. It doesn’t matter that my family immigrated to the U.S. when I was barely old enough to talk, or that I was only 11 years old when the events of June 4th took place, or that I was thousands of miles away, living and growing up in Los Angeles and barely even remembered what Hong Kong looked like at that time, let alone China, having never set foot in the country up to that point.

I first learned about the Tiananmen Square Massacre (which is referred to euphemistically as ‘the June 4th Incident’ in the Chinese-speaking part of the world) in my elementary school classroom. We had been watching a usually pre-recorded news snippet recapping recent world events (a practice that was part of our regular curriculum at the time) and near the tail-end of it, the breaking news came in about the situation unfolding in China, where students from various universities had been protesting for weeks at Tiananmen Square, the heart of the country’s capital in Beijing. At the time, the information was sketchy of course, being that we were thousands of miles away and relying primarily on news feeds transmitted from foreign journalists in China. While I don’t remember the exact content of the news feed at that time, one thing I do remember from that broadcast were the shocked expressions on the faces of both newscasters as they relayed the little information they had, as well as the chaotic scene in the newsroom as everyone scrambled to get more details – to this day, those images have stayed with me. When I got home, my family was able to fill in the details of what had happened, since our relatives in Hong Kong had already been monitoring the situation as soon as they saw it on the news over there and was relaying the information to us firsthand. To be honest, I was too young at the time to truly understand the magnitude of what had happened – all I knew was that the situation was very, very bad, as the Communist government in China had resorted to sending in their military with guns and tanks to quash unarmed protesters. Most of what I remember from that first week was watching program after program where practically every famous celebrity in Hong Kong at the time came out to denounce what the government had done and also, more importantly, mourn all the protesters who had been senselessly killed. It wasn’t until later in the year that I fully understood the significance of the Tiananmen Square Massacre for Hong Kong and why the reaction in the city was as tremendous as it had been for something that hadn’t even taken place there: Hong Kong, a British colony at the time, was scheduled to be handed back over to China on July 1st, 1997 – a mere 8 years away. Everyone in Hong Kong was terrified (and rightfully so) of having to soon be under the rule of a government that seemed to have no qualms about killing its own citizens for the mere ‘crime’ (in their eyes) of disagreeing with the Communist Party’s ideology. It was because of what had happened in Tiananmen that throughout the early 90s, there was a huge surge in emigration out of Hong Kong, as many citizens – especially those who had been the most outspoken against the Mainland government – were determined to get out of the city before the handover.

Many of us from Hong Kong vividly remember the events of June 4th, yet in the country where the events took place, there is an entire population that does not remember – or, perhaps more appropriately, has chosen to forget. This is where NPR correspondent Louisa Lim’s book The People’s Republic of Amnesia: Tiananmen Revisited comes in. Her book, which was published back in 2014 to coincide with the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, explores Mainland China’s effective “erasure” of the event from not only its history books, but also from the minds of its nearly 1.4 billion citizens. After that day of bloodshed, Deng Xiaoping and the rest of those in charge at the time were quick to label the Tiananmen protests as “counterrevolutionary turmoil” instigated by “ruffian mobs” whose previous actions of killing a PLA soldier justified the government’s use of force in order to “bring stability” back to the country. Over the past 3 decades, in efforts to maintain this narrative, the Tiananmen Square massacre has been continually downgraded and downplayed by the ruling Communist Party. As Lim writes in her book, “Deng’s ‘counterrevolutionary turmoil’ has morphed over time into plain ‘turmoil’ and then a ‘political storm.’ Nowadays, if it is referred to at all, it is often called the ‘June 4th incident,’ a term notable for its blandness.” Indeed, in today’s China, most of the younger generation do not know about Tiananmen while many of the older generation who lived through it have gone to great lengths to protect their offspring from knowledge of this past history for the sake of their futures. One of the tactics that has made this enforced collective amnesia so “successful” for the Chinese government was the decision after Tiananmen to concentrate efforts on economic reform, thereby opening up a path to wealth and prosperity for millions of its citizens — the focus became making as much money as possible and with that money, buying up every material good that had previously been out of reach, effectively lifting many of its citizens, especially in the urban areas, from “grinding poverty to unimaginable wealth.” Today, China is an economic superpower, second only to the United States in terms of economic might and wealth. In the many interviews she did as part of her research for this book, Lim expressed that she seemed to encounter a common mindset amongst many of China’s youth today — when asked about Tiananmen, the few who knew about it often chose the path of willful ignorance, citing the “pointlessness” in mentioning the past when things were going so well for them currently….why rock the boat and bring trouble upon themselves when they can ignore the past and continue to enjoy the life that they have now? To me though, what was more heartbreaking than China’s citizens deliberately forgetting Tiananmen was the fact that, as Lim asserts in her book, many of the young Chinese who do know about Tiananmen “see the country’s prosperity as a post-facto justification for the crackdown.”

Even with my knowledge of the Tiananmen events, reading Lim’s book was still an eye-opener for me, especially in its portraits of those whose lives were impacted by what had happened in one way or another. I was especially moved by the profile of the Tiananmen Mothers -- two elderly women whose sons were killed during the Tiananmen protests over a quarter century ago, yet to this day, they are not allowed to mourn their sons publicly and at times, not even privately. The mission of the grassroots organization that they formed alongside others whose relatives were killed in Tiananmen is summed up in 3 words: truth, compensation, and accountability. Over the years, they have been able to painstakingly put together a list that confirms the identities of more than 200 victims killed in the crackdown. Despite decades of continual harassment and monitoring from the government, as well as being forced to “disappear” every year whenever the anniversary rolls around, the Tiananmen Mothers have continued to remain relentless in their mission to keep the memory of Tiananmen alive.

Today, the only place on Chinese soil where the Tiananmen massacre can be publicly commemorated is Hong Kong, where the “one country, two systems” pledge given by Mainland China during the handover guaranteed its citizens continued autonomy and freedoms for 50 years. Every June 4th, students in Hong Kong organize a huge rally attended by tens of thousands and also hold a symbolic 64-hour hunger strike in honor of the victims. With this year being the 30th anniversary, commemoration events were especially poignant, with record numbers of Hong Kongers attending the events (though no doubt that the timing of the anniversary date to other recent spats with the HKSAR government also drove up the number of people in attendance who view Tiananmen in a more symbolic light, of their own freedoms being slowly eroded). It is no coincidence that in the 22 years since the handover, the relations between Hong Kong and the Mainland have continued to be strained — even more so as Hong Kongers feel that more and more of their rights and freedoms (core tenants of the city’s existence), are being encroached upon. In fact, it is not lost on me that as I am writing this review, there is yet another protest about a matter related to Mainland rule (the extradition law that has been heatedly contested the past few months) going on in Hong Kong currently and that, once again, just like the 2 major protests before it (the Mongkok riots from 2016 and the larger scale Occupy movement prior to that in 2014), the protests in certain areas have escalated into a violent scuffle between protesters and the local police. This seems to be the way of life there now -- Hong Kong used to be one of the safest cities in the world, but over the past 10 years alone, things have changed drastically. When I returned to HK several years ago to visit relatives, I was shocked to discover a city that I no longer recognized, a city where everyone seemed to be constantly on guard, a city where people seem to have taken on a consistently hostile attitude toward everyone and everything, a city that seems to constantly be in a state of unrest and that I no longer feel comfortable or safe in.

What happened in Tiananmen 30 years ago continue to have a lasting impact on not just China, but also Hong Kong as well as many Chinese-speaking communities around the world. Yet, an entire nation has chosen to deliberately suppress memories of that day and wipe its existence from the annals of history. This is why books such as Louisa Lim’s are so necessary, even if only to serve as a reminder that history forgotten is likely to be repeated. To this point, one of the most powerful passages from the book that sums up why many of us Chinese who live outside of Mainland China’s borders feel it is an obligation for us to remember the events of June 4th: “Memory is dangerous in a country that was built to function on national amnesia. A single act of public remembrance might expose the frailty of the state’s carefully constructed edifice of accepted history, scaffolded into place over a generation and kept aloft by a brittle structure of strict censorship, blatant falsehood, and willful forgetting.”

This book (and others like it) are important, not just to help us understand history, but also to help us remember it. And while I’m not going to bank on those who have “forgotten” about Tiananmen (whether willfully or otherwise) to read this book and suddenly “remember,” I do hope that for others who may not have known in the first place, books like this one will help enlighten.

[rainy♪ · Rating 5 out of 5]

I grew up, quite literally, in the shadows of Tiananmen Square. One of my grandmother's favorite picture of her grandchildren was her holding a two-year-old me, standing under the iconic portrait of the Chairman. As a native Beijinger, my family has been living there for generations. It was, and still is, my favorite city.

I also grew up in the shadows of what had happened there ten years before I was born. My uncles were out on the night of the 3rd, going through the city on their bicycles. When they were forced to go home, they stood in the hallway and, alongside the chaos outside, they chanted and cursed the government. My mother was part of the demonstration in Shanghai. My aunts helped out at the hospitals. But the person that made me most interested in the event was my father, who was there from the very first protest, who bore witness to the entire night, barely escaping himself. One of his friends was shot. Several were imprisoned. He himself was questioned for months after the event.

I grew up listening to hushed whispers, referring to "六四," six-four. I had always thought it was something akin to "文革," Cultural Revolution, the event that claimed the lives of my grandfather and great-aunt. It was a secret, something only the grownups understood. I knew something bad must have happened, from the looks in my family's eyes when it comes up, from the warning glances they gave me. "Don't talk about it," they'd warn me, "don't let anyone else know about it." When I found out it had happened on Tiananmen Square, the Square, I was shocked. At that point, in my young mind, the Square was the heart of the nation, coalesced out of patriotism. I even dreamed of going there to watch the flag ceremony.

When I came to America, I learned in bits and pieces of what happened there. 6th grade social study brought up the day twice in passing. 8th grade showed a clip of the Tank Man. I was shocked. At that point, I didn't know the extent of my family's involvement. I didn't know that almost every single member was there during those few weeks.

In 2015, I returned to Beijing for the summer. That was the anniversary of the end of WW2, and the government decided to stage a grandiose display of the nation's military might, marching thousands of soldiers and hundreds of tanks through Chang'an Avenue, where 26 years ago tanks rolled through with a different purpose in mind. This time, those that gathered there didn't have to worry about being shot at by the soldiers or trampled by the tanks. It was one of my last days in Beijing, I was going to meet a friend after the march. I was watching it on TV, entertained by the expensive display when my father walked past to water the plants.

"You're not gonna watch?" I asked, craning my neck so I won't miss the shining uniforms of the soldiers.

My father glanced at the TV as the tanks rolled through. "No," he snorted, "every time I see this it reminds me of June 4th."

"Oh," I said.

When I went to look for my friend that afternoon, the city was eerily quiet, everyone staying inside due to the traffic restrictions imposed for the march. I was alone on the bus. I could not forget my father's words. I imagined if this was how quiet it was when morning came on June 4th.

It wasn't until last year he told me more. I found a picture of him and his friends in a book from my university's library, they were standing under a bright red flag that reminded me of the flags I once saw in a soldier's barrack. He told me the entire story, of writing posters and planning protests with his friends, of the dorm across from theirs that was the meeting room of his school's student leaders, of the hunger strike and marching through the streets, of camping in the square, of that night and of being questioned by the police. He had hid money for his friend, who was one of the student leaders in his school, and how that had made my grandmother extremely paranoid. I think that sparked my obsession with the event.

I think I enjoyed this book because of my family's involvement. I could see my family in the people featured in this book. I could almost see my grandmother, my father, my uncles. I could see myself in the patriot. So many things were lost then. When I try to hint at the event when speaking with my Chinese friends, they were either blatantly ignorant of it or were too scared. I think the younger generation is aware. I think children are much more perceptive than adults give them credit for. They can pick up the subtle change in mood when two particular numbers are put together, when a certain summer day hit and the entire city seems to be on lockdown.

I don't think I can forget something my Chinese friend once told me when I tried to bring this event up. We were sitting in an empty coffee shop, chatting about hair and love and America. I made a comment about tanks on Tiananmen Square. Her expression changed.

"Don't talk about that," she had said, "you're an American now. You can say whatever. But I can't."

[KOMET · Rating 5 out of 5]

Earlier this month, I had the opportunity to see the author Louisa Lim speak about this book at a reading session. As she was discussing the work she put into preparing the book, in terms of interviewing witnesses in China of the Tiananmen Square Massacre whose accounts had hitherto been unknown or unspoken, I drew on my own memories of the pro-democracy movement in China during the spring of 1989. At the time, I had the impression from TV and radio news reports that the heart and soul of that movement was in Beijing. I gave no thought that, in the light of the economic reforms that were then beginning to take shape in China, this movement was also reverberating throughout China itself. Nor did I consider that there were elements in that nation’s leadership which were apprehensive about the direction and scope the movement seemed to be taking. For though China’s top man Deng Xiaoping was set on modernizing China’s economy, he had no interest in promoting political reform as well. Taken in tandem with the pro-democracy movement and the internal squabbles within China’s leadership circle, once the hardcore faction of the nation’s leadership (under Deng) carried the day and resolved to suppress the movement, the events of June 4th, 1989 became inevitable.

Reading this book has given me quite an education about the impact that the Tiananmen Square Massacre continues to have in various facets of Chinese society and the ongoing efforts of Beijing to make China put firmly behind it --- or better, FORGET --- that there had been a pro-democracy movement and that scores of Chinese had been ruthlessly murdered by the nation’s army. I’m also grateful to Louisa Lim for her determination to get as complete a story about the events of 1989 as possible. For instance, I had no idea that at the same time as Tiananmen Square, there was also a brutal crackdown of protests in Chengdu, in Southwestern China. Indeed, Miss Lim goes on to point out that “[w]hat happened in 1989 was a nationwide movement, and to allow this to be forgotten is to minimize its scale. The protests in Chengdu were not merely student marches, but part of a genuinely popular movement with support from the across the spectrum. The pitched battles and temporary loss of control of the streets in Chengdu show the depth of the nationwide crisis facing the central government.”

Furthermore, “[w]hat happened in Chengdu has not only been forgotten; it has never been fully told. The people in Chengdu were not cowed by the killings in Beijing, but rather incensed by them. However, lacking an independent media to amplify their voices, their short-lived scream of fury became a cry into thin air, drowned out by the ensuing violence meted out by both the state and the protesters themselves. Although Chengdu was the site of some of the most shocking brutality, the witnesses had no one to tell. There was no charismatic protest leader, no Wu’er Kaixi, and while some of those involved did eventually flee into exile, nobody had ever heard of them. The Western witnesses were so traumatized by what they had seen that most were initially purely focused on trying to get out of China as quickly as possible. Safely back in their homelands, many of them gave interviews to the media and contacted rights groups…, but there was so little interest in events outside Beijing that they eventually gave up trying to raise awareness.”

“THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF AMNESIA” is a book that should be read by anyone who wants to have about as complete an understanding as is now possible of how the events of June 4th, 1989 shape and influence how China sees itself and wants its own people to look upon themselves – guided by Beijing.

[Kayli · Rating 5 out of 5]

I don’t think I can properly put into words how phenomenal of a job Louisa Lim did to cover and tell the stories of those connected to June 4, 1989. This took a while to digest as I picked it up last June around the anniversary, and then again this month.

I have heavily tabbed so much of this book—at the parts of notable descriptions, horrific brutality endured by protestors (especially in Chengdu), and historical insights into China’s political & economical state in the 80s. This all came together effectively well in conjunction with the sharing of her interviews with individuals such as a “Tiananmen Mother”, or prolific activists like Wu’er Kaixi. The flow and pacing also read so well, which stemmed from Lim’s journalistic expertise.

The book spoke on so much more than just upon June 4, 1989’s Tiananmen Massacre. It encompassed an analysis of the lengths the CCP is willing to go to uphold “national stability” and smother anything they deem as a threat to this. It analyzed the collective amnesia undergone by citizens along with the state’s attempt to rewrite history in a light better suited to the Party’s wishes. But no matter how much they try, the world remembers. And especially the mothers remember.


Louisa Lim also has a podcast that I enjoy listening to, called The Little Red Podcast: https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast...

(The Epilogue at the end featuring a summary of HK’s Umbrella Movement and actions from notable inspirations like Joshua Wong, Benny Tai, Nathan Law, etc. was a nice touch. Was interesting to read knowing this was written well before the 2019 movement & later implementation of the NSL.)

[Ben · Rating 5 out of 5]

This was an outstanding read.

Another really powerful book of journalism done well.

I learned so much about the real Tiananmen - the Tiananmen that is quickly being forgotten.

A lot of this book came to a shock to me.

Would highly recommend.

Important history book right here.

4.8/5

[Alice · Rating 3 out of 5]

My parents were among those who protested in Chengdu in 1989. In their words, "Everyone had taken to the streets, even government officials." But unlike the people in the book, they always discussed it openly with me.

I picked up this book to learn more about the June 4th incident. I wanted a systematic overview of the political backdrop, the events that lead up to the protests, the internal struggles within the Chinese government, as well as actual protests and aftermath. I was disappointed -- the book is full of good primary sources, but it lacks depth and analysis.

First, it does not fully explore the causes of the protests. It briefly mentions the death of Hu Yaobang and the widespread corruption, but it doesn’t dig enough. China never had freedom of speech, never had democracy... so why did the protests spring up in 1989? Why did everybody take to the streets in such fury? My parents had just gotten married in 1989 -- their salary was RMB50 per month, but a refrigerator costed RMB2000. Why? Because at the time, China was moving off of the "planned economy track" and onto the "market economy track." Government officials and their relatives were able to maneuver between these two tracks, procure goods at a very low "planned economy" price, and sell them to middle men and then the general public at a very inflated "market economy" price. This was key to the people's discontentment but it was mentioned only briefly, if at all. Lim also did not mention that Deng Xiaoping's son, Deng Pufang, was the CEO of China Kang Hua Development Corp., one of the biggest corrupt corporations doing these maneuvers.

Second, each chapter follows a different person -- a soldier, a student, an exile, a mother -- but instead of printing full accounts of their narratives, Lim took snippets of words and interjected the chapters with her own commentary. The chapters were also long and sprawling, and covers too much "extra" information, such as what the person's grandparents did, and what the person did in the 2000s.

[Linda · Rating 5 out of 5]

A very important book on how the events of 1989 - forgotten, suppressed, remembered in different ways - inform China today. Highly recommended.

[Ujjwala Singhania · Rating 4 out of 5]

Eight stories recreating the events of the 1989 Tiananmen Square via interviews, witness accounts and research; and how the ruling govt, Communist Party reinvented China, post-1989, using info suppression, disinformation, and propaganda tools. It stumps you more than any Orwell books ever could.

[Kimfu]

The book was good, and I learned much new information. But the overall tone of the book was same-old same-old. I've heard many of these same criticisms of the Communist Chinese government before. The criticisms were valid and well-researched, and some of them were quite moving. But I didn't hear anything in this book that struck me as new.

What I want to know is this: How many atrocities has the U.S. government and people in the U.S. committed that governmental and cultural forces have whitewashed away, explained away, or totally blocked out? Louisa Lim says that the Chinese Communist government is making sure that a whole generation of Chinese never know about what happened in June, 1989 or never know to the horrific extent that it happened. I agree. But how many times has the United States done exactly the same thing?

"The People's Republic of Amnesia" is Book No. 13 for 2015!

[Nautile · Rating 4 out of 5]

Readmoo|6小时

应该是关于六四这个话题我看的第一本的真正的书……感谢出版商发行电子版，和电子书平台的推荐让我能买得到它。
不过电子书版本还是会给人带来一些错乱感：当我看完正文最后一章时全书进度还只是百分之五十几，剩下约百分之四十的内容，全·都·是bibliographie……
这不是一本传统意义上全面系统进行历史普及的书，如果本身对事情的主要发展历程比较茫然的话也可能会影响阅读体验。作者选取了“小兵”“留下来的人”“流亡的人”“学生”“母亲”“当官的人”这样七个侧面，划分为七章，每一章专注讲述一位受访者的侧面视角，从这七个侧面试图补齐原本的历史。七位受访者只是1989年被卷进去、且自那以来受影响至今的无数人的一个缩影，对于原本对这些了解不多的读者来说，每一个新的角度也都很有价值。
读完后印象比较深刻的……有“天安门母亲”形成了如此大的影响力，而在作者与组织者会面，给她看从香港带来的T恤和照片前，她都没有预料到会有那么多人牵挂着支持着她。
还有成都，不知这是不是第一次把北京以外的城市所发生的事情带到聚光灯下。当大多数外部的人的关注焦点都只在北京的时候，同时还有成都这样的城市也经历过如此激烈的事情。但好多事情就是这样留不下痕迹……锦江宾馆那几位目击了惨案的外国人当时是那么孤独。
而2020年的今天，除了遗忘，可怕的是那么多中国年轻人即使在有了一些了解之后却会觉得当年发生的是合理的甚至正确的事。

[Helen · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is a well-written book - the product of the author's extensive research, including tracking down eye-witnesses of the violence that ended the protests at Tienanmen Square in Beijing and protests Chengdu, in 1989. The author provides in-depth reportage of several figures - such as an artist who was a soldier at the Square the night of the massacre, mothers who lost sons in Beijing, who subsequently became activists, and the story of a high-level government official who was detained for years simply became he was associated with the more reformist wing of the party. This book supplies context and first-hand accounts of what happened in Beijing and Chengdu - the writing is so compelling that the reader will nearly physically flinch reading about the merciless beatings administered to protesters in Chengdu by the police, or how soldiers shot civilians in Beijing. China was rocked by protests in many cities; it is clear that the full scope of the protest movement has never, and may never, be known. The government of China has rewritten history, and managed to channel the populace's attention away from discontent over corruption, to nationalism, verging on militarism, focused mostly vs. Japan. The wildly successful development of China has also led most to accept the constraints on freedom - perhaps accept them as the necessary price of escaping poverty. Most young people in China today are hardly aware of Tienanmen Square - since it's been largely written out of history books. Thus the title of the book: "The People's Republic of Amnesia." The government's major concern these days is maintaining national stability - as corruption continues, unchallenged, mostly.

The quotes:

"The leadership has transformed the lives of their populace, lifting hundreds of millions out of grinding poverty and rebuilding the face of the country with brand-new cities brimming with gleaming skyscrapers all linked by wide highways and state-of-the-art high-speed railways."

"...he watched as a line of armored cars careened over the tents in which only hours earlier students had been living."

"Because they participated in the 'suppression of counterrevolutionary turmoil,' as the government calls it, some were promoted..."

"...this post-suppression justification reads like [Deng Xiaoping's] ...living will, setting out the future political direction of the country by emphasizing that, while economic reform and the opening up of China should continue at an accelerated pace, they should not be accompanied by similarly fast political liberalization."

"...China's privilege classes operated in full view of ordinary people with their approbation, and how these pockets of privilege had become entrenched in the army."

"...baguan, or fire cupping, a Chinese medical treatment in which heated glass jars are adhered by suction to the skin to cleanse it of toxins."

"...for those who have been made to believe that they bear the historical burden of bloodshed, questions that cannot be answered or forgotten can only be repeated."

"In a year when failed price reforms had led to runaway inflation of 28 percent, the students won support from bystanders who were angered by growing income disparities, official corruption, profiteering, and nepotism, themes that were stressed in the early campus manifestos sometimes even more strongly than democracy."

"One of the tragedies of discourse in China...is that grey areas have been swallowed up by black-and-white moral absolutism."

"...[student leader] Zhang Ming had begun arguing for the students to return to their campuses to focus their energies on starting an opposition party instead of continuing to colonize the square."

"[Zhang Ming:] Talking about what happened is not conducive to my influencing more people within China."

"For Zhang Ming and the other student leaders who remained in China, the seven weeks of the student movement were a Rubicon that, once crossed transformed their lives forever."

"...the relevant government department refused to issue the proper business license and eventually he had to abandon the scheme in which he had invested his life savings and all his hopes for the future."

"...the party of the proletariat has become one of the richest political parties in the world, marrying wealth and political power to produce a system characterize by crony capitalism and widening inequality."

"The [National People's Congress] ... currently resembles nothing less than a Chinese outpost of the Fortune Global Forum, replete with film start, celebrity CEOs, and the "princeling" politicians descended from the Communist revolutionaries."

"The new leader ...was Xi Jinping, the son of a first-generation revolutionary leader and therefore a "princeling."

"[Zhang Ming]...strongly supported their focus on upgrading the economy from traditional industries to creative ones."

"[Zhang Ming:] The kind of passive resistance implicit in a fast was congruent with one other deeply ingrained aspect of traditional Chinese culture, the notion that when an upright official disagrees with a ruler, he should express his displeasure and then withdraw from direct action rather than form an opposition party to foment overt rebellion."

"As a child, [Zhang Ming]...loved to hear the story of Huang Jiguang, a soldier during the Korean War who became a national hero when he sacrificed his life by using his own chest to block the machine-gun slit of a dugout manned by American troops."

"In the U.S.-produced "Gate of heavenly Peace" documentary, [Taiwanese singer] Hou [Dejian] said that rock music -- inspired by the West -- had become a form of liberalization."

"In his book "Chinese Lessons," [Associated Press reporter John] Pomfret described the scene as [student leader] Wu'er Kaixi secretly sated himself, "After pork with noodles, the moved on to shredded chicken with noodles, bell peppers and ham with noodles, and noodles in soup..."

"Early on, there was a moment of intense embarrassment when one of the elderly lawyers forgot that [blind legal activist] Chen Guangcheng was blind. "Tell us, what have you seen in these 18 days of travel?" he asked sycophantically, before scrambling to recover from his mistake."

"...the propaganda apparatus has laid the groundwork so well that most students simply have no interest in questioning the government's version of events."

"The ride [to the college in the south of China, a couple of hours by bus from Hong Kong] was extremely comfortable, whizzing along in an air-conditioned cocoon past a jumbled amalgam of emerald-green palms, pink-tiled three story houses, and urban sprawl, all criss-crossed by endless grey ribbons of highway from the recent infrastructure binge -- some of which had been abandoned half-finished."

"...the number of colleges and universities has doubled in the past decade."

"...China accounts for three-quarters of the global decline in poverty in the past 30 years, lifting more than 600 million people out of poverty since 1981."

"The passages [in various history text-books] ...[claim]...that the imperialist Western world was "trying to make socialist countries abandon the socialist route" while the general secretary of the Communist Patty, Zhao Ziyang, had neglected the struggle against "bourgeois liberalization."

"[The students commemorating June 4th events in Hong Kong] ... were aiming to catch the ye of passing mainland tourists -- now the territory's top spenders -- and distract them from their shopping missions for long enough to educate them about their own country's recent history."

"This conversation brought to mind the assertion by the jailed Nobel peace laureate Liu Xiaobo, who was imprisoned for 20 months after June 4th as a "black hand" behind the student movement, that China has entered an age of cynicism "in which people no longer believe in anything and in which their words do not match their actions, as they say one thing and mean another."

"The popularity of the Communist Party ...is such that it signs up a new member every 10 seconds on average."

"[Tienanmen Mother Zhang Xianling:] I slowly traveled out of my own personal pain."

"As time passed, the siege mentality built a closed, paranoid world that Zhang compares to that of the mafia, "Those in the mob have a similar kind of feeling. They've been terrorized. So they are afraid. Their sense of self-preservation is stronger than their sense of justice."

"Fear of trouble, fear of chaos; these were the levers that China's leaders used to justify their repression..."

"...the "era of stability maintenance" was born."

"But so secretive is the ministry [of state security] that they could not find its physical location, even though Zhang Xianling and an elderly Tienanmen father spent hours wandering the streets of Beijing looking for it."

"Such is the moral vulnerability of China's Communist leaders that this simple act of memory [at the site where Zhang's son died] is deemed a threat to stability."

"The righteous always suffer, [Zhang]...told them indignantly, invoking South African President Nelson Mandela, who spent 27 years in jail."

"Zhang Xianling believes that money has clouded people's consciences in China."

"For the past quarter-century, campaigners in Hong Kong ...are calling for the Communist Party to overturn its verdict on the 1989 movement as "counterrevolutionary," and instead endorse it as patriotic."

"...the dashed hopes that the incoming President Xi Jinping might undertake political reform."

"Her aim, [Tienanmen Mother Ding Zilin] ...told me, was to be like Song Mei-ling, the widow of China's Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek, who lived to 106."

"...self-righteous anger...was born of the Communist Party's use of nationalism to shore up its shaky mandate after 1989."

"It was empowering to be part of an enormous and seething crowd of young people."

"There are at least half a million college students in Beijing."

"That four-word phrase -- "Never Forget National Humiliation" -- lies at the center of the party's post-Tienanmen strategy of regime legitimization."

"The Century of National Humiliation had begun with the treaty that Britain imposed on the Qing Dynasty to end the First Opium War in 1842, and continued with China being carved up into different spheres of influence by foreign powers, peaking with the brutal Japanese occupation that began in 1931."

"...Western economic sanctions after June 4th were seen as yet one more humiliation..."

"The post-Tienanmen revision of the textbooks was so comprehensive that certain historical figures were transmogrified from villains into heroes. One example was a Qing Dynasty general named Zuo Zongtang - incidentally the inspiration for the "General Tso's Chicken" dish -- who was formerly judged a class traitor for suppressing peasant rebellions in the 1860s. However his success in defeating the Russian invasion of Xinjiang and defending China's territorial integrity now allowed him to be reclassified as a hero."

"...the memory of other episodes -- when the pain was inflicted by external sources -- should be kept alive to ensure that China's citizens remain grateful to their Communist leaders for delivering them from the depredations of the past."

"[The Summer Palace]...was razed to the ground by the British and French armies during the 1860 Second Opium War, after their envoys were killed by the Qing."

"Senior Colonel Liu's views can be summed up succinctly: china should become the world's leading military power."

"Few corners of the world now seem beyond the reach of the Chinese."

"China's increasing presence in space just as the United States ends its own shuttle program delivers a powerful message."

"The party's education program has succeeded in raising a nation of patriots.."

"As the Chinese gold medals began to roll in, the popular mood swung from righteous indignation to triumphalism. Cushioned by a post-Olympic glow, this sentiment continued to build as the unfolding global financial crises reshuffled the world order to leave Beijing surpassing Japan to become the world's second -largest economy and the largest foreign creditor of the United States."

"...in the film...Chairman Mao is seen bemoaning his inability to buy a cigarette, which he attributes to a lamentable lack of capitalists."

"In the hills outside Yan'an, a battle against the Nationalists is recreated every single day for the tourists."

"Mao himself advocated multiparty democracy, though he abandoned this position after gaining power."

"In 2012, nearly 200,000 Chinese students studied at tertiary institutions in the United States..." [By 2017, the number is up to 362,368 https://thepienews.com/news/usa-inter....]

"Despite improvements in the standard of living, unrest has risen exponentially due to mounting discontent over land seizures, government corruption, and ethnic issues."

"Today, many young Chinese see the country's prosperity as a post-facto justification for the crackdown. In fact, disposable incomes have increased by a multiple of 17 since 1989. ...however, ...urban incomes [are] at least three times higher than rural ones."

"The subsequent dismantling of state-owned enterprises without proper supervision has created a princeling kleptocracy, far exceeding the nepotism and profiteering that drove some of the 1989 protests."

"[A Bloomberg News investigation] ...discovered that in 2011 just three individuals -- General Wang Zhen's son Wang Jun Deng Xiaoping's son-in-law He Ping; and Chen Yuan, the son of Chen Yun -- headed state-owned companies with assets of $1.6 trillion, an amount equivalent to more than 20 percent of China's annual economic output."

"This report, which led to the New York Times being blocked inside China, traced corporate and regulatory records, concluding that [former Premier Wen Jiabao's] ... relatives ...[control] assets worth at least $2.7 billion."

"The father is an official, the child should be an official,' [former official] Bao Tong said. "What kind of revolution is that? What's that got to do with Marx and the proletariat? This is Chinese-style socialism. It's false socialism. It's more feudal than feudalism. It's about staying in power. It's guiding principle is, I have to stay in power, I need to be in power, I need to be corrupt. That's the Chinese system."

"[Bao Tong:] They're scared of the sky falling. These detentions are not a sing of strength, but of weakness."

"Not only had calls for asset disclosure become dangerous, merely the suggestion that the Communist Party should respect the country's constitution had also become a suspect activity."

"The government's own statistics didn't really matter, [Bao Tong] ...said bitterly, since they were all falsified anyway."

"...use the perception that imperialists are trying to prevent China from being number one to build nationalism, which serves to increase cohesion and distract the masses from more pressing social issues."

"...police brutality against the students led to an outpouring of public sympathy [in Chengdu]."

"Thousands marched down the main thoroughfare in Chengdu, carrying mourning wreaths and signs saying "We Are Not Afraid of Death," "June 4th massacre, 7,000 dead and injured!" and "Down with the Government of Dictators!"

"The people of Chengdu were not intimidated by the state-backed violence."

"In his memoir "Live at the Forbidden City," Dennis Rea [wrote]... My mind reeled at this harsh dispensation of vigilante justice, which graphically underscored the depth of people's antipathy toward the police."

"[An anonymous report by a Communist Party member]...mentions at least one student who had died in the hospital, and six people who had been wounded by gunshots."

"[The report says:] How many people in Beijing, in Chengdu, in the whole of China lost their sons and daughters, fathers and mothers, wives and husbands, bothers and sisters that day? Heaven has eyes and earth has a soul."

"By nightfall on June 4th, angry mobs were setting fire to any thing belonging to the state, including buses and police vehicles."

"The story circulating was that the government had used provocateurs, perhaps even criminals released from jail to set the fires, in order to both discredit the student movement and provide justification for a crackdown in one fell swoop."

"...the [public] market's fiery end was a propaganda coup for the authorities, who leaned heavily on the criminal damage as a rationale for suppressing the student movement."

"Security forces were completely outnumbered and forced to retreat to the municipal government compound for their own safety..."

"...U.S. diplomats also reported that many workers had gone on strike, and that the death toll from riots was continuing to mount."

"...other foreigners believed the crippling inflation and economic woes faced by many young Chinese informed the choice of target; after all, the smart state-owned hotels where officials entertained their cronies stood as a symbol of the corruption and growing inequality that had been at the root of the protests, both in Beijing and in Chengdu."

"[An anonymous Western visitor who was an eye-witness said:] They murdered them one by one while the ones remaining pleaded fro their lives."

"...the security forces' action was designed to annihilate the student movement."

"The [Amnesty International] report ...charged that officials had ordered the secret execution of dissidents and imprisoned about 10,000 people nation-wide in connection with the protests."

"Work was just finishing on the world's largest building [in the "New Chengdu"], the New Century Global Center which boasts a 14-screen IMAX cinema, fake nautical breezes, and an artificial beach that can accommodate 6,000 peole."

"[Chengdu activist mom Tang Deying, who lost her 17 year-old son on June 6, 1989, said] I need the compensation that is due to me according to the law, and I want to see those responsible punished."

"The protests in Chengdu were not merely student marches, but part of a genuinely popular movement with support from across the spectrum."

"...the accounts by the foreign eyewitnesses of the brutality in the Jinjiang Hotel courtyard are remarkably consistent."

"The decisions that Deng Xiaoping made in the immediate aftermath of June 4th shaped China as a world power, driving its extraordinary economic transformation and strident nationalism."

"Stability has become the party's watchword, its obsession, its raison d'etre."

"Today, environmental issues are becoming the biggest cause of social unrest, outpacing political demands or land disputes."

"The Communist Party will take extreme measures to avoid unrest, using a hammer to crush a flea."

"To nip unrest in the bud, the authorities have installed some 20 to 30 million closed-circuit video cameras across the country to create a nationwide surveillance system dubbed "Skynet."

"China's Communist Party constantly alludes to the nation's 5,000 yeas of history while omitting its more recent acts of shame."

[Jana · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book came at an interesting time, as I had just finished interviewing a Chinese-born American who recalled June 4th as "a bunch of emotional youth who got out of hand." He had been living in Georgia at the time. When I asked if he knew what was happening at Tiananmen Square, he said, "From the US media's point of view." That's when I opened Lim's book. She interviewed various participants in the massacre--from a PLA soldier who came moments away from having to fire at students to a demonstrator to mothers who lost their sons to present-day youth unaware that anything ever happened. The stories took my breath away, so much so that I often had to stop reading. Definitely a book people need to read.

[Tianxiao · Rating 5 out of 5]

一个人如何面对自己三十年前的所作所为？三十年的记忆，对于一个人或者一个国家，意味着什么呢。
我突然想起了电影《肖申克的救赎》中，瑞德最终获得假释的那一段独白：
"There’s not a day goes by I don’t feel regret. Not because I’m in here, or because you think I should. I look back on the way I was then. A young, stupid kid who committed that terrible crime. I want to talk to him. I want to try and talk some sense to him, tell him the way things are. But I can’t. That kid’s long gone and this old man is all that’s left. I got to live with that. Rehabilitated? It’s just a bullshit word. So you go on and stamp your form, sonny, and stop wasting my time. Because to tell you the truth, I don’t give a shit."
愿三十年后，我们可以找回自己的记忆。

[Lordoftaipo · Rating 5 out of 5]

我們都被推上時代的浪尖，下一刻誰會被席捲而去，誰會在波浪中跌宕受創？

書中所有受訪者，都在六四事件中蒙受直接或間接傷害。在今天的社會運動中，痊癒是不可忽視的一環，也是我認為在後運動、風平浪靜時最值得深思的問題。首三章筆下的六四運動參與者，各有各應對傷痕的「良方」。那些「良方」的荒謬和他們西西弗斯式的苦，正正體現到，當轉型正義無法彰顯，大型社會運動參與者的創疤皆難以磨滅。然而運動之所以落得慘劇收場，亦即暗示，短期內要那才遭示威反對的政權承認為「愛國運動」、否定「動亂」定性，是妙想天開。放至今日語境，這個威權的連續性依然成立；我們不可能坐以待斃，祈求殺人政權承認過錯，亦不應賦權為運動定性。故平權之路必然漫漫，直接受傷害者各有自我癒合的千秋，乃是難得的福份——相較書中提到「天安門母親」的好些成員，也不得不在陰影中結束了病苦。

除了痊癒，另一環是不要忘記。這很簡單，即使沒有國家機器洗腦，我們的腦袋總不能記得任何細節。因此後半章那些決策者、目擊者的最好一課，就是把事情紀錄下來。可能我過慮，今日科技如此發達，每件事都已經紀錄下來。但我們要對抗的一種「失憶」，是記得捏造的事。經過運動一年，見識到不少羅織的指控，事件未艾，許多事端始末、來由早已黑白不分。我們應搶佔輿論，阻止錯誤的一方誤導眾生，荼毒後代。

我們都被推上時代的浪尖，下一刻誰會被席捲而去，誰會在波浪中跌宕受創？沒有肯定的未來，能肯定的是，只有不畏和不懈，我們才能自救和互救。

[Judy · Rating 5 out of 5]

A very readable account of the backstories of many people affected by the June, 1989 crackdown in China, and a government's attempt to suppress and reimagine history.

[Constantin Vasilescu · Rating 2 out of 5]

China este atât de vastă, încât strigătele de revoltă se pierd ușor în vacarmul comunismului de tarabă și în corul mulțumiților, care nu este deloc mic. Personal, găsesc că această carte arată că lucrurile nu sunt chiar așa cum vrea autoarea să credem. Inevitabil, griul s-a zugrăvit și pe caldarâmul din Tiananmen, chiar și amestecat cu sânge. Pentru că, în ultimă instanță, argumentul suprem al regimului de la Beijing este uriașul salt material pe care China l-a făcut după 1989. Și cum te lupți cu asta? Cum convingi oamenii că bunăstarea materială nu este totul? Unii pot fi convinsi, majoritatea însă...

[Matthew Sun · Rating 5 out of 5]

4.5/5 rounded up!

I was surprised by how this book really encapsulated what I personally love/prefer most in nonfiction - it's a collection of essays organized around different themes/perspectives that examine the events and cultural/social/political aftermath of Tiananmen Square. The attention to humanity, more than just a blanket call for "human rights" but a rigorous compassion for individuals whose lives were changed irrevocably by the events of June 4, is tender and moving. A sobering but truly excellent book to start off my year!

[Alexandru Nan · Rating 5 out of 5]

Anul este 1989. Hu Yaobang, secretarul general al Partidului Comunist Chinez expulzat de liderul Deng Xiaoping din cauza ideilor reformiste, moare. Studenții incep prin a marsalui în Piata Tiananmen pentru a-l jeli timp de mai multe zile, aceste marșuri transformându-se în cele din urmă în proteste pentru ideile de libertate și democratie propuse de Hu. În noaptea de 4 iunie, PCC a deschis focul asupra propriului popor, omorând aproximativ 7000 de oameni. Răniți au fost într-un numar mai mare, iar prizonierii politici... cine știe? Asemenea proteste inspirate de cele din Beijing apar și în alte orase chineze precum Chengdu, toate având același deznodamânt (poate mai puțin sângeroase, dar același deznodamânt).
Ce părere are chinezul despre evenimentele din 4 iunie? Nu are! PCC imediat dupa 1989 a luat o doză (ne)sănătoasa de naționalism și a facut o intoarcere de 180 de grade în dulcele stil orwellian. SOCENG nu se mai lupta cu Estasia, ci cu Eurasia. Republica Populara Chineza nu mai duce o luptă de clasa impotriva capitaliștilor nenorociți și moșierilor din propria țară, ci o luptă impotriva imperialismului britanic si japonez. In acest climat, asa numitele ,,tulburari contra-revolutionare" nu există. Dacă Doamne ferește, prin absurd, sunt menționate, fie ți se va spune că nu s-a întâmplat, fie că este un mit inventat de agenturile străine (de regulă americane sau japoneze), fie că agenturile străine însele au jucat rolul de protestatari pentru a umili socialismul chinezesc. Chinezii trăiesc, la propriu, într-o Republică a Amneziei.

Nu am putut să nu citesc această carte fără să mă gândesc la cazul României.
Antenele (îndeosebi Antena 3) sunt mașinării de propagandă împotriva oricui se opune corupției din țară. E un lucru deja știut. Ce e mai puțin știut (nu neapărat pentru că ar fi un secret de stat, ci din simplă nepăsare) este faptul că Intact Media Group, adică agenția care se ocupă de aceste canale, a fost înființată de Dan „Felix” Voiculescu - „motanul turnător” (cum îi spunea odinioară Al. Andrieș), un tip care și-a turnat rudele la Securitate de bună voie și fără a fi silit de nimeni. Lucrul ăsta nu ar trebui să mire pe nimeni. Gheorghe Boldur Lățescu spunea în „Genocidul Comunist din România” că guvernul țării noastre este un guvern criptocomunist. Asta înseamnă că cei ce ne conduc astăzi, fie au fost membri din linia întâi a PCR, fie au fost colaboratori ai Securității, fie direct agenți ai Securității. Eu aș avea adăugarea că nu numai cârmuitorii României au făcut parte din Nomenclatură, c��t și majoritatea milionarilor de carton apăruți începând cu 1990 au fost implicați în acest joc murdar (Felix nu e caz singular, exemplele sunt o mulțime: Viorel Cataramă, negaționistul de CoVID și Sorin Ovidiu Vîntu fiind doar două dintre cele mai cunoscute). Amnezia poporului chinez are scuza că întreaga populație se apropie cu pași repezi într-un Big Brother la scara mult mai înaltă (vezi sistemul de credit social al lui Xi JinPing), iar simplul gând care poate să fie „contra revoluționar” și contra-Partid îți poate băga familia (pe tine, inclusiv) într-un laogai. România nu are nicio scuză. Trăim într-o țară democrată, cu presă liberă și cu jurnaliști independenți și incoruptibili care ne pot deschide ochii. În ritmul în care rămânem dezinformați, amnezia va ajunge o trăsătură ereditară pentru viitoarele generații și ne vom îndrepta în direcția în care vorba „Pe vremea lui Ceașcă era mult mai bine” nu doar să fie înrădăcinată în mentalul colectiv (lucru care deja se întâmplă de fapt), ci nici nu ne va mai părăsi vreodată.

Louisa Lim în această carte construiește o imagine de ansamblu foarte elocventă a evenimentelor de la 4 iunie, dar și efectele de după, ce se resimt și astăzi. Munca ei de cercetare mai răsare din când în când câte o afirmație sarcastică și pe lângă toate acestea, fiecare cuvânt te face să te simți în mijlocul evenimentelor.
Nu am nimic de obiectat. Fiecare dintre noi trebuie să citim această carte. Mai ales că acum ne paște un mare val de naționalism, populism, fake news, propagandă, manipulare și tot ce vine la pachet cu aceste bube.



Aveți grijă de voi!

[Missy J · Rating 5 out of 5]

It's a very quick read. Despite the praise that China receives for pulling out millions of people out of poverty and the constant applaud it hears because of its stellar economic performance, the safety and freedom of the Chinese people is actually as fragile as ever before. The main argument of the author is that the Chinese government was successful in wiping away the memory of and hushing a billion people about the Tiananmen Incident.

The author interviewed:
- a mother, who lost her son during the protests,
- a soldier, who participated in the crackdown and is still heavily traumatized by what he saw,
- a government official, who was ousted and is still under strict surveillance,
- a student leader in exile, who feels powerless against the government even abroad,
- a student in today's China, who went to Hong Kong to visit the Tiananmen Museum to find out what he could never have in China,
and she describes Chengdu during the summer of 1989. Most accounts of the Tiananmen Incident have only evolved around Beijing, but other cities reacted as well. Here the author presents the bits and pieces she found about what happened in Chengdu.

The author is a journalist, so of course, her writing is captivating, attention-grabbing and very readable. Nonetheless, I thought she did a very good job talking to the people and presenting how forgotten the Tiananmen protests have become in today's China.

How important is true memory.

[Dufus · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a terrific insiders' account of the events that transpired during and after the Tiananmen Square massacre twenty-five years ago, from noted NPR Beijing-correspondent, Louisa Lim. She interviews students involved in the protestations leading up to the atrocities; soldiers and Communist Party officials sympathetic to the students' plights and whose support cost them their freedom; mothers who lost sons in Beijing on June 4 and who have since demanded justice but who are threatened and jailed for their involvement. Lim also explores the effects that the Party's repression of the event and subsequent refocusing from its own self-inflicted wounds to external sources of pain and in particular, national humiliation, has had on its people and the fragility of that delicate balance should the Chinese economy crumble.

[Tina Reynolds · Rating 5 out of 5]

Very well put together. Louisa Lim shares the intimate experiences of those directly affected by the Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989, how the event has shaped their lives, and China as a whole. This book really struck a chord with me, as I was only 2 hours away from Beijing at the time. My heart is broken for the innocents killed, their loved ones who continue to fight a somewhat losing battle, and the hope for political reform that was so violently dismantled.

The State's decisions surrounding the events of June 4 set an unwavering precedent for the nation's political and economic culture, and the government's insecurity has led them to rewrite history.

If you have any interest in all in modern China, I totally recommend this book. It speaks volumes.

[Adam Minter · Rating 5 out of 5]

This outstanding, intimate history of 1989 is told through the first-hand experiences of those who participated in and were touched by it. It is personal, complex, and above all heartfelt. Lim doesn't engage in hagiography here - she is upfront about the flaws in the student movement and its leaders - and that makes for a far more moving and human history than any I've read on this period. At the same time, she is unerring in her focus on the violence, and its tragic consequences, both for the past and present. Highly recommended.

[Bo · Rating 5 out of 5]

It is like experiencing it once again. It all comes back. It is by far the best book I have read this year.

[Joseph · Rating 5 out of 5]

中國傑出的異議分子之一、天體物理學家方勵之曾躲在北京美國大使館地下室寫作，他直言不諱地表示：「『遺忘歷史的技術』是中國共產黨統治的重要工具」，天安門文學的多樣性預示著其失敗的命運。他寫道，事實將不再那麼容易被掩蓋，歷史也不可能被遺忘。

“鄧小平在對戒嚴部隊的演說中，不僅僅只是代表領導階層表示感謝而已。四分之一個世紀過去，這套鎮壓之後發表的演說，儼然是他的生前遺囑，闡明了中國未來的政治方向。鄧小平強調，雖然中國經濟改革與開放應該要繼續加快腳步，但是這不代表政治自由化也要同樣地快速發展。鄧小平還為加強維安機制奠定了理論基礎：「今後，在處理這類問題的時候，倒是要注意，一個動態出現，不要使它蔓延。」18”

摘录来自
重返天安門：在失憶的人民共和國，追尋六四的歷史真相
林慕蓮
此材料受版权保护。

不過，這種說法不盡然是事實。據陳光的說法，軍隊的上級軍官仍駐紮在人民大會堂，他們的糧食供應相當充足，甚至還有女服務生推著餐車送上食物，食物放在玻璃盅裡保溫，底下鋪著白色餐巾。當女服務生的高跟鞋在大理石地板上喀啦喀啦響的時候，士兵們的口哨聲從一樓傳到二、三樓，在整個人民大會堂裡迴響。目睹這樣的場景，不禁讓陳光思考起社會結構的問題，關於中國的特權階級如何在老百姓的默許下運作，以及這些特權階級如何在軍隊中變得根深蒂固。

我們坐在他的公寓裡，周圍是建了一半的違章建築，一切都沐浴在霾害的白色煙霧中。霧霾經常吞沒中國北部大半個地區。他的論點在這個情境下聽起來非常有說服力。他相信，政治在中國就像空氣。「你不呼吸的話，你要死掉。你呼吸，就會沾染上這種病毒。空氣遭到了汙染，你難道就不呼吸了嗎？」

這類的狀況慘不忍睹，但張銘受到的待遇並非特例。流亡詩人廖亦武出版了一本自傳，內容是關於他因為創作〈大屠殺〉這首詩而坐了四年牢獄的經歷。這首詩是一首意識流的詩，是為紀念在六四死去的人而寫的。17廖亦武在這本回憶錄《六四．我的證詞》中，描述了他在監獄裡的生活簡直是外面國家官僚體制的翻版，獄方以嚴厲的權力階級制度管理獄中幾乎所有的人際互動。監獄裡有各式各樣令人毛骨悚然的創意，例如獄方編造出列有各種折磨手段的恐怖菜單，拿監獄裡的痛苦折磨去羞辱囚犯對一份像樣食物的渴望。比如說，「清湯掛麵」，指的是拿一碗用尿浸濕的廁所衛生紙條，逼迫犯人吃下。另一道菜叫「鐵板回鍋肉」，執法人員會用竹竿刺穿犯人的背部，然後在刺穿的傷口上撒鹽。被刺傷的部位都黏有膠帶，膠帶一撕下來後，犯人背上的那塊皮膚就會看起來像煮熟的肉一般。18

六四之後，共產黨發起了一場持續十八個月大規模的意識形態洗腦運動。根據秘密文件，至少有四百萬名的黨員（占總數的十分之一）受到調查。23那些曾參與抗議活動的人，都必須為他們在那段動亂時期的行為寫長篇自白，表達他們對鎮壓的支持。政府用這種方式拉攏這些學者，接著巧妙地在他們面前祭出金錢攻勢，讓他們在敏感問題上保持緘默。作家閻連科在二○一三年《紐約時報》上，披露想要在中國學術界出人頭地得做的必要妥協。「無論你是作家、教授還是歷史學家、社會學家，只要你只看到只讓你看到的，不去看那不讓你看到的；只要你只去謳歌那需要你謳歌的，不去描繪那些需要遺忘、失記的，那麼，你將得到權力、榮譽、金錢的獎賞。換句話說，我們的健忘，是源自於這個國家的富裕和獎懲。」24

根據《經濟學人》的資料，中國人大中最富有的五十名代表，控制著九百四十億美元左右的資產，大約是美國最富有的五十位代表的六十倍。目前的中國全國人大代表會，根本像是中國版的《財富》全球論壇（Fortune Global Forum），充滿了電影明星、名人 CEO ，還有共產黨政二代的「太子黨」。有一年，因為出席的代表們穿戴的奢侈品太過炫富了，甚至被戲稱是「北京時裝周」。其中最受嘲諷的人是李小琳，她是綽號「北京屠夫」、天安門時期的總理李鵬的女兒。她身上戴著一條香奈兒項鍊，穿著一套據報價值近兩千美元的艾米里歐．璞琪（Emilio Pucci）橙紅色套裝。

一份大膽的報紙曾分析指出，有近三千名全國人大代表將於二○一二年結束五年的任期。28據統計，裡頭只有十六名是工人，十三名是農夫，還有十一人是軍隊的官方代表。因此，原本屬於工人、農民與士兵的黨，已不復存在。根據最新統計資料顯示，在中國立法機構，即全國人大成員當中，有六分之一是執行長、董事長，或是商界領袖。29事實上，若在人民大會堂裡搶到一個席位，就可以讓公司的股價提高約百分之三左右。凡加入政治，就有利可圖。中國共產黨就這樣成功收編了這些曾被罵為「資本主義走狗」的人

這家人在這個城市留了下來，不久之後就被共產黨統治。然後一個關鍵時刻改變了全家人的命運：新上任的共產黨詢問了張銘外祖父的身家背景。身為這個大城市初來乍到的新住民，外祖父不認識任何人，也沒有人認識他。他原本可以靠這個機會，捏造一個更符合政治利益的身分。可是他的外祖父無法刻意說謊。他如實回答：「地主。」由於父親是階級的敵人，張銘母親被禁止上大學，整個家庭在文革中淪為箭靶。一句真話，注定了家族幾十年的悲慘命運。

張先玲找到的第一個目擊證人是一名計程車司機。當天凌晨一點三十分的時候，他在天安門廣場西北角南長街和長安街的交叉口附近，當時士兵開始開火。槍林彈雨之際，他目睹一名年輕人衝出去拍照，然後隨即中彈倒地。他後來才知道原來那個年輕人就是王楠。幾位目擊者跑上前去想要幫助他，但都被軍隊擋住了去路，拒絕任何人接近他。過了一陣子，他被士兵拖到路邊。一個老太太看到他的臉，就跪下來哀求道：「他還是個孩子呢！求求你讓大家去救他吧！」一名士兵轉身對她說：「他是個暴徒。誰敢上前一步，我就斃了誰。」

但令她震驚的是，她的兒子躺在大街上奄奄一息，開槍的士兵卻拒絕讓他接受治療或其他援助。4「即使兩軍交戰，也沒有不准救護傷員的，」她在文章中寫道，「而在北京的長安街上，政府不僅動用機槍、坦克殺戮老百姓，還不准救護傷員，天理何在？人性安存？」

中國共產黨領導人如此玻璃心，連這樣簡單的紀念行為也會被認為會威脅到中國內部的穩定。母親的喪子之痛極具力量，在當局眼中是一種威脅，所以為保護其他民眾不受到她們悲慟的影響，必須要集中管控她們的哀悼。這一切張先玲都看在眼裡，她用簡單幾句話生動地總結了目前的處境，「這樣一個偉大光榮正確的黨，居然會怕我這麼一個老太太。說明我們這一群人的力量有多大呀，因為我們代表了正義，他們則代表邪惡。所以他們怕我們，不是我們怕他們。」

「勿忘國恥」這四個字，正是共產黨在天安門事件後，將其政權正當化的核心伎倆。一九八九年，共���黨策動解放軍攻擊自己的人民，加速了一場醞釀多年的意識形態危機。「中國人民的意識形態不再以社會主義和共產主義為主，」汪錚說。2他是威爾遜中心全球研究員，亦是《勿忘國恥：中國政治和對外交往中的歷史記憶》（Never Forget National Humiliation: Historical Memory in Chinese Politics and Foreign Relations）的作者。「出現了一種精神上的真空地帶。民族主義是操弄人心最好用的工具。」
　　六四之後，鄧小平自己就做下結論，他認為共產黨最大的失敗是缺乏思想教育。3他在鎮壓事件五天之後，對戒嚴部隊發表的談話中說：「我對外國人講，十年最大的失誤是教育，這裡我主要是講思想政治教育，不單純是對學校、青年學生，是泛指對人民的教育。對於艱苦創業，對於中國是個什麼樣的國家，將要變成一個什麼樣的國家，這種教育都很少，這是我們很大的失誤。」這席話揭開了近代史上最大規模的思想改造的序幕。
　　在鄧小平的講話之後，教科書被重寫，改變了觀看過去與現在的方式。階級鬥爭已經出局，現在換國恥上場。中國的勝利者姿態已過時了；取而代之的，是一個百年來受外國欺凌與半殖民化的受害者形象，唯有依靠共產黨方能從中解脫。百年國恥始於一八四二年，英國為結束第一次鴉片戰爭而施壓清朝簽訂的條約；延續到中國被外國列強劃分成不同勢力範圍的時期，之後在一九三一年殘暴的日本占領中達到顛峰。這樣的屈辱要一直到一九四九年，共產黨把中國從「半殖民半封建」中「解放」出來才結束。如此一來，國家和黨的利益天衣無縫地結合在一起；愛國等同於愛黨，而對黨的批評會被視為叛國。

二○一二年習近平登上國家主席寶座後，中國新一屆領導委員會的首次亮相就選擇參觀「復興之路」，這趟朝聖之旅具有象徵意義。一行七人嚴肅地站定位拍照，每個人從頭到腳都穿得一身黑，像是在參加喪禮一般。10同時，習近平發表了他意識形態的核心思想，他宣布說：「在我看來，實現中華民族的偉大復興，是中華民族近代以來最偉大的夢想。」習近平的「中國夢」標誌著一個轉折點：共產黨對政治或社會議題的關注已經轉向到民族主義。中國夢的定義曖昧含糊，內容包羅萬象──包括提高人民生活水平、增強軍事實力以及打造整體國家復興──但它的核心其實就是民族主義。

二○○五年，叢教授獲傅爾布萊特獎學金到耶魯大學做一年的訪問學者，在那裡他目睹了中國愛國主義教育運動產生出乎意料的後果。他發現對新到的中國學生來說，讓他們看見既有歷史的其他觀點，並不會讓這些學生心智大開，反而會進一步加強他們既有的信仰。學生們通常會認為美國教授根本不懂中國歷史，甚至認為美國教育在兜售錯誤資訊，是西方主導的陰謀之一，目的是要阻止中國崛起。這些學生中有許多是中國的菁英，他們浸淫在愛國主義教育中，受到的影響極為根深蒂固，完全無法接受對中國歷史的不同解讀。他們經常與教授起爭執，課程討論常淪為激烈的爭吵。

這段政治自由化時期是由大家長鄧小平授權的，他曾明令「不改革政治體制，就不能保障經濟體制改革的成果。」3鄧對改革提出的精簡機構概念，與趙的觀點卻並不怎麼契合，後者想要減少黨在經濟和社會事務中的作用。4[2]因此，為了贏得鄧的支持，鮑彤必須小心行事。在接受記者米歇爾．科爾米耶（Michel Cormier）採訪時，鮑彤形容鄧小平變化莫測，「他像鐘擺一樣來回擺動。有時候他贊同改革，有時候他又主張四項基本原則5。他既是真誠的改革支持者，又是我們必須改革的事物的堅定守衛者。」6一九八六年至一九八七年的學生運動受到抑制，改革派胡耀邦被免去總書記的職務後，保守陣營取得了勢頭，開始發起反對資產階級自由化的運動。

鮑彤住在六樓一間一塵不染的寓所，位在一棟看起來很實用的灰色公寓大樓，外觀點綴著黃色綠色的細節裝飾。大廳擺了一張桌子。一名保安登記了我的名字，檢查記者證，然後才放我進去。鮑彤的公寓既明亮又具現代風，完全不像他那一代的官僚都喜歡那種鼓鼓囊囊的扶手椅和椅套。取而代之的是橘色斑點的明亮沙發，桌子上並排放著兩台大型電腦螢幕。電視機上方掛著一幅三代同堂的精美照片，照片上每個人都看起來喜氣洋洋，像在拍大學校友雜誌。唯一看得出跟他的過去有點相關的，是一張趙紫陽的照片，高高地支在一個書櫃上；這張是少數他在軟禁期間留下的照片之一。他穿著一件休閒的粗斜紋棉布襯衫，兩手插腰，臉上掛著燦爛的笑容，頂著一頭白髮。這張照片的旁邊則放著一個滴答作響的時鐘。
　　鮑彤儘管是個老人，裝扮卻出奇地新潮，喜歡穿耐吉的 T 恤和鱷魚鞋。一九八九年的時候，一位支持將他逮捕的革命元老，對他的穿衣風格也頗有微詞。根據《天安門文件》（Tiananmen Papers）[3]一書，李先念指責鮑彤「純粹是資產階級的東西。五十多歲的人了還像年輕人一樣，喜歡趕時髦，在中南海還穿花花綠綠的夾克衫和牛仔褲，像什麼共產黨幹部？滿腦子的資產階級自由化思想。」19我跟鮑彤提及此事，他笑笑地說，這種回答只說明了李先念的膚淺。
　　我很好奇為什麼李鵬的日記會讓他如此震驚，所以我開始閱讀。令我印象深刻的是有兩個段落明確暗示，鄧小平甚至在學生運動勢頭增強以前，就一直在找機會想要將趙紫陽趕下台。日記中，鄧的橋牌之友丁關根（天安門母親張先玲的妹夫）向李鵬提到，一年前鄧小平曾和李先念就趙紫陽的「一些問題」進行了交談。「小平同志當時已看清楚，趙是搞自由化的人，盡早非下台不可，但由於影響太大，一時又找不到合適人選，所以下不了這個決心。今年一月份，小平同志同你講話，講了『格局不變』，就是還不要動趙紫陽的意思。」20第二段又提起了於另一個場合也出現過類似談話。21
　　在鮑彤看來，這些紀錄證明趙紫陽在一九八九年以前就已經是個關鍵人物。「學生絕食還是不絕食，來一萬個人還是十萬個人都不重要，重要的是趙紫陽支持學生，」鮑告訴我。他相信，鄧把學生當工具，藉機趕走他指定的接班人。「他必須找個理由。學生鬧得越凶，鄧小平就越有理由。如果學生都回去了，鄧小平就沒有理由了。」照鮑彤的推論，共產黨領導層與學生之間的緊張關係逐步升級，可能不是因為一個處於分裂狀態的政黨處理不當所致，而出於一種深思熟慮的策略。鮑彤認為，事件發生的時間證明了這個解讀。「鄧小平調軍隊來的時候，並不是學生最多的時候，」他指出，「學生大部分已經回去了他才調軍隊來。」
　　然而，卻很少人注意到其中有一句話透露出一些憂慮。四月二十三日，李鵬寫道，他擔心中國可能會陷入類似文化大革命的混亂。「但我對如何處理當前的混亂，也苦於沒有辦法。在這時，尚昆同志建議我主動找小平同志請示，他也一同去。」22這句話並沒有寫明兩人當天是否真的去找鄧小平。但如果真的見面了，這件事卻沒有出現在鄧的官方約見行程表中。鮑彤開始好奇那天是否真的有開會，而鄧在那個會議上是不是吩咐了李鵬如何處理學生運動。如果這場秘密會議真的存在，代表整個決策過程可能完全跳過了黨，進而削弱了決策過程的正當性。
　　不過這一點都不重要。因為很快地，黨機關被無視了，鄧小平的資深支持者也開始參與決策過程。這七個星期所發生的事，其實是一場由老家長鄧小平策劃的政變。在這場政變中，他繞過國家機構，推翻了自己選擇的黨領導人。但其中最主要的爭議在於，後世如何看待歷史。鮑彤覺得歷史太仁慈了，人們只記得鄧是中國改革的建築師；他認為鄧在六四的角色，指出了一個更複雜的事實。「最重要的是中國人需要知道他是個獨裁者。」

圍繞著溫家寶的謎團之一，是他在一九八九年的露面。當時他臉色蒼白、假裝不動聲色的樣子站在趙的旁邊陪同一起看望學生，這是趙紫陽最後一次公開現身。作為一個最終的平衡者，時任中共中央辦公廳主任的溫家寶，不僅成功度過這場政治危機，還繼續在黨內不斷步步高昇到總理的位子，讓人一度期望他會是一個默默推動改革的政治家。然而，在他的任期內，他都在口頭上表示有必要進行改革，但幾乎沒有什麼實質上的作為。鮑彤認為，像溫家寶這樣曾與他有共同理想的人，最終在經濟混戰中出賣了自己的靈魂。他斷言，「改革派加入是為了獲取改革的好處」，並表示，在目前的體制下，腐敗幾乎是意料之中。
　　「如果是我當官的話，我一定是腐敗的，」鮑彤有一次這麼告訴我。「別人會說『讓你兒子做國企董事長怎麼樣？』如果我拒絕，他們會說，『我兒子就可以，為什麼你兒子不行？』如果我還是說他做不了的話，他們就不會把我當成跟他們在同一條船上的人了，所以他們會把我推下船。」

為了防患未然，政府當局在全國各地安裝了大約兩千萬到三千萬台閉路攝影機，建立了一個暱稱「天網」的全國性監控系統。7國家可能已經不再對人民的生活發號司令，但卻提高了對本國公民的監控能力。中國政府的恐懼在預算上一覽無遺：內部維穩已經變得比國防更重要，共產黨眼裡的主要威脅已經不再是外國人，而是中國人。
　　席捲全中國的「遺忘症」不僅來自於政府由上而下的推動，人民也是共犯，且樂在其中。遺忘是一種生存機制，一種從環境中習得的天性。中國人民已經學會了對任何不愉快的事情不聞不問，為求方便，他們讓自己的大腦留下錯誤的記憶──或者讓真實的記憶被抹除。父母保護他們的孩子遠離過去，因為那些知識可能會讓他們葬送光明的未來。既然記得這些事沒有什麼好處，為什麼要惹這些麻煩呢？
　　中國共產黨不斷地宣揚中國五千年的悠久歷史，卻對當代的醜事閉口不談。在一個比歷史上任何其他國家都更成功地脫貧致富的國家，這個行為重要嗎？答案是肯定的。這之所以重要，是因為這個新世界大國的國家認同建立在謊言之上。當這些謊言在學校裡一代接著一代地傳下去，不斷懲罰說真話的人，道德真空就會不斷擴散，記憶的債越囤越高，最後得犧牲世界上最寶貴的東西──人性──才能償還。

[Jiahui Huang · Rating 5 out of 5]

I am glad to read this book published five years ago for the 25th anniversary of June 4th now, 2019, another important anniversary of the 'incident'. Unfortunately, nothing seems to have changed as time passed by. The still on-going waves of protests in Hong Kong made the reading experience even more special.

Among the books for June 4th I read, I found this one particularly stunning, not because they are the 末日倖存者的獨白：劉曉波的「六四」回憶錄memoirs of the victims (prominent figures or ordinary people), nor because they are the Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyangsecret reports from the officials. Instead, it is because of its meticulous presentations of the aftermath and impact of the Tiananmen. The book captures survivors ranging from the painter living in a soon-to-be-demolished apartment, a businessman jailed for its potential link to 'foreign forces', to the exiles who now seem immature and the mothers who will unfortunately become the only remaining people that know that history, and finally to the official who became the most outspoken dissident only when he is no longer in power.

While the last chapter about the another Tiananmen in Chengdu seems a bit less integrated with the previous chapters, Lim's effort to raise the awareness of expanding people's focus beyond what happened in Tiananmen is crucial. June 4th is not really only a single event that happened in that single place. Rather it is a period of time that the biggest and merciless clashes between the emerging liberal students and the authoritarian government occurred across the entire country.

Reading in the juncture of the Hong Kong protests which mainly involve the younger generations, surprisingly similar to that of 1989, I found it is doubly sad that the younger generation now might forever become the victim of the Amnesia because of the 'state-sponsored sports' of losing memory, crucially not because they are not 'equipped with the necessary democratic credentials' (1989 shows exactly the opposite, despite whether their understanding is still coarse and even sometimes shallow), but simply because they are forced to be shaped by what is imposed upon by the rulers. The fact that HK students can still go to the street is exactly because they still have the right to remember.