Politicians have failed us. But democracy doesn’t have to.
Bought by special interests, detached from real life, obsessed with re-election. Politicians make big promises, deliver nothing, and keep the game rigged in their favor.
But what can we do?
In Politics Without Politicians, acclaimed political theorist Hélène Landemore lays out a radical What if we didn’t need politicians at all? What if everyday people—under the right conditions—could govern better than the elites in office?
Landemore dismantles the myths that keep power in the hands of the few—the claim that ordinary people are too biased, too ignorant, too easily swayed. The truth? Politicians have the same flaws, but with far greater incentives to serve special interests. Meanwhile, when regular citizens deliberate, they make smarter, fairer, and more forward-thinking decisions.
This book reimagines democracy as it was meant to
A system where power truly belongs to the people—not just at the ballot box, but in shaping the laws and policies that govern our lives.A politics free from corruption—where deliberation, not campaign cash and corporate lobbying, drives decision-making.A democracy where everyone has a voice—not just the wealthiest, most connected, or most powerful. With sharp analysis and real-world examples—from citizens’ assemblies shaping constitutional change to deliberative councils tackling climate policy-—Landemore shows how we can move beyond a broken system and reclaim democracy for ourselves.
This is not a book about what’s wrong—it’s a manifesto for what’s possible. If you’ve ever felt powerless, Politics Without Politicians will show you how “we the people” can take back democracy.
Lot-based citizen assemblies instead of career politicians is such an interesting concept with so much potential and precedent. If only the author had explored this in some kind of structured, informed way! But no, instead it was a lot of random, meandering personal anecdotes from two events she attended and recommendations like "plush sofas and candles in Danish design" would make people more comfortable. I also cannot get over the awful, repeated use of the term "shy" to describe people who experience racism, homophobia, ableism etc.
(Gelezen voor mijn vak over de geschiedenis van mensenrechten en grondwetten)
In de kern een bijzonder en prikkelend betoog. Ik ben het eens met de stelling (of is dat nog een stelling? misschien beter verwoord als 'het feit') dat de electorale democratie zoals we deze nu kennen, stuk is. De uitkomst die Landemore aanbiedt - een parlement met op lot gekozen 'gewone' burgers, ter vervanging van alle huidige beroepspolitici - is in eerste opzet een interessant gedachte-experiment.
Daarmee biedt Landemore een oplossing voor een aantal structurele problemen; op lot gekozen vertegenwoordigers zijn minder makkelijk te corrumperen, geven (in haar woorden) 'verlegen' groepen de ruimte mee te praten en betrekt de bevolking actief en haast plichtmatig bij de democratie. Goede zaken dus.
Daartegenover staat wel dat Landemore te erg gegrepen lijkt door haar eigen project. Twee voorbeelden met zeer wisselende uitkomsten (de 'crowdsourced' grondwet van IJsland in 2008 en de Franse Burgerconventie voor het Klimaat uit 2019) lijken voor haar genoeg 'proof of concept'. Daarbij zijn de dingen die ze daar heeft gezien - de verbroedering, de bijzonder goede beleidsvoorstellen - voor haar sluitend bewijs voor de succesformule van dit concept.
Landemore haalt meermaals Athene aan als hét voorbeeld dat een democratie zonder beroepspolitici kan werken, maar wuift het gros van de kritiek op dat systeem af. Dat doet ze ook met cruciale kritiek op haar eigen voorstel. Hoe worden mensen geselecteerd voor een burgerraad? Met algoritmes (en die zijn nog niet goed, maar gaan dat nog worden). Hoe krijgt politieke verantwoording een plek in dit systeem? Maakt niet uit, we verzinnen tzt wel iets. Dat vind ik een zwaktebod dat veel afdoet aan de algehele kracht van haar betoog.
Al met al denk ik dat het een nieuw, prikkelend idee betreft voor een probleem dat wel degelijk aan de horizon dreigt. Een idee waar nog veel aan geschaafd moet worden, maar waar Landemore een mooie basis voor heeft gelegd.
Have you ever made bread and tried to cajole the dough with a rolling pin into becoming as thin and elongated as possible? I think that is what Ms. Landemore is doing in this book, and at times, this is what I felt while reading certain passages of it.
Her premise is intriguing, and she makes some salient observations based on her research and some of the deliberative assemblies and conventions she attended. But this is by far and large, very anecdotal, and one reviewer noted that there were no statistics to support her contentions. To be fair, she openly admits she is a political theorist, but even so, some data would have helped document the trends and tendencies that she is speaking of.
I enjoyed reading about the Irish, Icelandic, and French experiences with deliberative assemblies, but I would have liked to have learned about other similar cases outside of Europe. It is unfortunate that she did not examine a high-context culture like Japan. Similarly, it would have been interesting to see how the African concept of Ubuntu would either lend itself or impede the formation of deliberative assemblies in that continent. Can what Landemore proposes work in countries where political conditions are less than ideal? We only have a brief mention when the author cites Nicole Curato's term "fragile contexts" (p. 40)
Where she lost me was when she delved into emotional fluff in the chapters, "How to Be a Jolly Hostess" and "Designing for All". Once again, she resorts to sharing anecdotes that capture the good feelings that come with assemblies that are open to all, especially "the shy". There is some value to this, but I do not think she needed to devote 40 pages to it.
I think this could have been written as a long journal article. Her expansiveness dilutes her premise a bit. I still like the idea, but I would need more context and more examples to have a better understanding of the concept of "politics without politicians".
This book is unconventional in that it takes seriously the populist critiques on both the right and left, arguing that more popular participation is necessary for the future of democracy. I think she is right that there is widespread disaffection and alienation in response to perceived elite domination, and that it's true that wealthy elite groups that make up official political bodies are not very representative of a random sampling of individuals. However, I'm not entirely convinced that citizens' assemblies could "fix" all of the problems of democracy. As examples, Landemore uses debates over climate change and assisted suicide. In the case of the former, I think that elites probably do know better than the average person about how to deal with climate change. I agree with Landemore in theory that it's important for "everyday people" to participate in politics, but some of this book left me scratching my head.
It's true that it would be more constructive to engage politely with climate change deniers than to ridicule them, thus further confirming their anti-elite biases and delusions, but there is a certain point where some ideas truly do not deserve political credence. Ultimately, in mass politics, "the people" will have to be represented by somebody. Although I'm critical of many establishment politicians and the way they mostly respond to elite demands, as demonstrated by Gilens, it doesn't really seem like Landemore has any solutions for large-scale implementation.
I honestly was expecting something more serious and more academic than this. The book is basically a bunch of cherry-picked, random stories and tales about love and brotherly love within the French and Icelandic cases of citizens’ assembly (cute but hardly convincing as social science), a random collection of biasly-picked episodes from a few cases to try to make a broader point and a bold claim about deliberative democracy, which is sustained with just fluf not by real data or systematic analysis. Still, with very little real evidence and with a few data points, usually extrapolating experiences from a few small cases at a small scale of either homogeneous and small societies or experiences that cost taxpayers more than 6 million euros and ended up not doing much, and making analogies about family, love, and diners, that will make bad policy. Read this book only if you are already a "landemorian" or a hard-core deliberative democrat; otherwise, if you are looking for serious social science, you will be disappointed by the level of the arguments and the evidence put forth. I was expecting something more robust coming from, in theory, a leading political theorist and political scientist.
The premise might initially sound crazy or far-fetched, but Landemore lays out a reasoned argument backed by real-world examples that shows how citizens can self-rule. Politicians traditionally posses any of these traits: charlatan, megalomaniac, extrovert, egomaniac, narcissists, sociopath, entertainer, orator, tall, handsome, wealthy, self-serving. But do they have qualities necessary for ruling a nation? Some do, but most don't.
Our elections are geared toward choosing flashy candidates with money, self-confidence and an ability to sell themselves. How about all those poor, short, shy, fat and ugly citizens who never had an opportunity to attend an Ivy League school? Could they rule? Maybe. With a large group of randomly selected citizens, we can be represented by real people with real problems who actually reflect the populace. And it has been shown their decisions as good as or usually better than those made by professional politicians.
Most governments have very low satisfaction ratings and Citizen Rule is a serious option that can help improve lives across the world by addressing and resolving problems that we face as societies.
An enjoyably optimistic (and rather more layperson-friendly than I had expected) treatment of "thick" citizen deliberation from a scholar I deeply respect and admire. My sole criticism comes from the lack of discussion of the threat posed by contemporary illiberalism. There was, in my opinion, not sufficient addressing of what the current, frightening wave of right-wing authoritarianism and associated ethnic nationalism and narrowing of what it means to belong in a democracy means for the prospects of more deliberative democracies. Deliberation, for all its promises, is decidedly more demanding than aggregation in what it demands of citizens and their recognition of one another.
To replace our current system of politics with a lot based assembly of citizen legislators is a radical idea, but the case for it is well laid out and supported by examples across the world. While I would have liked a deeper exploration of how it would work in different cultures and integrate with the international relation. What is abundantly clear is our current system of elected democracy and career politicians is not working, and it is time for something to change.
I was skeptical but thought I would give this a try. Should have trusted my gut. I appreciate the overall premise that sortition would bring more voices into the picture who are typically marginalized by features of an electoral representative system. And maybe I would read an essay about that. But the presentation here seems a bit slapdash and overly reliant on vague terms like “shy.”