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The Case for Palestine
The Israel-Palestine conflict is the central issue of today’s world
and has been for over 100 years. The Case for Palestine
presents persuasive reasons why we cannot ignore this issue and
also pretend to be concerned about the world or its people.
Paul Heywood-Smith’s interest in the Arab–Israeli conflict
commenced in London in 1973 at the time of the Yom Kippur War. He was then a young lawyer imbued with the values derived from the fight against apartheid and opposition to the Vietnam War. His
thesis is that the conflict is the defining conflict of our time, and
has had that status for at least sixty years. It is behind the rise of
militant Islam. It was the impetus for 9/11 and 7/7.
Heywood-Smith argues that it is the responsibility of all adult and
thinking members of the world community to inform themselves of
the background to the conflict and the current issues associated
with its resolution. It is not good enough for thinking people to say to themselves ‘it’s too hard’. Nor is it good enough to say: ‘I am not anti-Semitic; I must support Israel.’
and has been for over 100 years. The Case for Palestine
presents persuasive reasons why we cannot ignore this issue and
also pretend to be concerned about the world or its people.
Paul Heywood-Smith’s interest in the Arab–Israeli conflict
commenced in London in 1973 at the time of the Yom Kippur War. He was then a young lawyer imbued with the values derived from the fight against apartheid and opposition to the Vietnam War. His
thesis is that the conflict is the defining conflict of our time, and
has had that status for at least sixty years. It is behind the rise of
militant Islam. It was the impetus for 9/11 and 7/7.
Heywood-Smith argues that it is the responsibility of all adult and
thinking members of the world community to inform themselves of
the background to the conflict and the current issues associated
with its resolution. It is not good enough for thinking people to say to themselves ‘it’s too hard’. Nor is it good enough to say: ‘I am not anti-Semitic; I must support Israel.’
160 pages, Paperback
First published October 1, 2014
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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
November 18, 2023
A highly recommended reading. Some quotes:
Chapter 1:
At no time, certainly in the last 3500 years, did people cease to live [in Palestine]. The Zionist catch-cry 'A land without a people for a people without a land' was, when first uttered in the 19th century, palpably wrong.
For an Australian of British ancestry such a slogan necessarily touches a raw or sensitive chord. Australia was of course described as 'terra nullius'. That genocide was practised on the Australian aboriginal cannot be denied. Readers interested in attempts by Australia to rectify the wrong might well start with the decision of the Australian High Court in Mabo and Another v The State of Queensland [1988]
—-
Chapter 3:
In 1928 [Transjordan] achieved modified independence sufficient to control immigration policy.
The indigenous people of Palestine, however, were not considered fit for independence or to have control over immigration before 1948. At any time before the end of WWII independence for Palestine would have meant an Arab immigration minister. An immigration minister, as John Howard and Philip Ruddock made very clear to Australians in the early years of this century, is a most important minister, because every sovereign nation has the right to say who is admitted and when.
It is ironic that the parts of the Arab world which achieved independence following the break up of the Ottoman Empire were the most socially, culturally, and economically backward, while the more sophisticated areas, including Palestine, were placed under the control of Western Christian nations.
—-
Chapter 4:
there is convincing evidence that Zionists prompted Jews in Arab countries to move to Israel. Iraqi Jews had no desire to adopt Zionism. Former CIA agent Wilbur Eveland asserts it was necessary for Zionists to attack Iraqi Jews to induce them to "flee to Israel, and that they planted bombs in Iragi synagogues and in an American building in an attempt to portray the Iragis as anti-American and to terrorise the Jews."
—-
Chapter 5:
During the war of 1948, more than half of the Palestinian population at the time 1,380,000-were driven off their homeland by the Israeli Army.
Though Israel officially claimed that a majority of the refugees fled and were not expelled, it still refused to allow them to return, as a UN resolution demanded shortly after the 1948 war.
—-
Chapter 7:
The International Court of Justice found that the right of self-defence did not apply because there was no armed attack against Israel by another state. Israel's problem was building the wall in the Occupied Territories. If Israeli settlers were not located there a situation of Israel's own making they would not require protection. The problem was they were seeking to defend its citizens in Occupied Territories where they had no right to be.
—-
Chapter 11:
Ilan Pappe has described Israel as a herrenvolk democracy; democracy only for the masters, for one ethnic group, which, given the space Israel controls, i.e. including the Territories, is not even a majority group. No known definition of democracy applies to Israel.
—-
Postscript
A final statement. The Jewish people, rightly, came out of World War II with the goodwill of the world. The state of Israel and those who support it, have, however, in my opinion, used up that goodwill.
Paul Heywood-Smith
27 July 2014
Chapter 1:
At no time, certainly in the last 3500 years, did people cease to live [in Palestine]. The Zionist catch-cry 'A land without a people for a people without a land' was, when first uttered in the 19th century, palpably wrong.
For an Australian of British ancestry such a slogan necessarily touches a raw or sensitive chord. Australia was of course described as 'terra nullius'. That genocide was practised on the Australian aboriginal cannot be denied. Readers interested in attempts by Australia to rectify the wrong might well start with the decision of the Australian High Court in Mabo and Another v The State of Queensland [1988]
—-
Chapter 3:
In 1928 [Transjordan] achieved modified independence sufficient to control immigration policy.
The indigenous people of Palestine, however, were not considered fit for independence or to have control over immigration before 1948. At any time before the end of WWII independence for Palestine would have meant an Arab immigration minister. An immigration minister, as John Howard and Philip Ruddock made very clear to Australians in the early years of this century, is a most important minister, because every sovereign nation has the right to say who is admitted and when.
It is ironic that the parts of the Arab world which achieved independence following the break up of the Ottoman Empire were the most socially, culturally, and economically backward, while the more sophisticated areas, including Palestine, were placed under the control of Western Christian nations.
—-
Chapter 4:
there is convincing evidence that Zionists prompted Jews in Arab countries to move to Israel. Iraqi Jews had no desire to adopt Zionism. Former CIA agent Wilbur Eveland asserts it was necessary for Zionists to attack Iraqi Jews to induce them to "flee to Israel, and that they planted bombs in Iragi synagogues and in an American building in an attempt to portray the Iragis as anti-American and to terrorise the Jews."
—-
Chapter 5:
During the war of 1948, more than half of the Palestinian population at the time 1,380,000-were driven off their homeland by the Israeli Army.
Though Israel officially claimed that a majority of the refugees fled and were not expelled, it still refused to allow them to return, as a UN resolution demanded shortly after the 1948 war.
—-
Chapter 7:
The International Court of Justice found that the right of self-defence did not apply because there was no armed attack against Israel by another state. Israel's problem was building the wall in the Occupied Territories. If Israeli settlers were not located there a situation of Israel's own making they would not require protection. The problem was they were seeking to defend its citizens in Occupied Territories where they had no right to be.
—-
Chapter 11:
Ilan Pappe has described Israel as a herrenvolk democracy; democracy only for the masters, for one ethnic group, which, given the space Israel controls, i.e. including the Territories, is not even a majority group. No known definition of democracy applies to Israel.
—-
Postscript
A final statement. The Jewish people, rightly, came out of World War II with the goodwill of the world. The state of Israel and those who support it, have, however, in my opinion, used up that goodwill.
Paul Heywood-Smith
27 July 2014
October 15, 2020
I'm going to give this 4 stars especially because it was written by someone from Adelaide.
This short book, written by a lawyer, very concisely summarised why Israel's occupation of Palestinian land is simply illegal. And leads me to continue to wonder my the world tolerates Israel's belligerence and turns a blind eye to the suffering of the Palestinian people imposed on them by an *occupying force*. Do international laws not apply to Israel?
This short book, written by a lawyer, very concisely summarised why Israel's occupation of Palestinian land is simply illegal. And leads me to continue to wonder my the world tolerates Israel's belligerence and turns a blind eye to the suffering of the Palestinian people imposed on them by an *occupying force*. Do international laws not apply to Israel?
Read
March 12, 2016I'm not sure why I bought this book but it was in Abbey's bookshop and it appeared to offer a different perspective.
It certainly did, and I think everyone who has an interest in Israel, the Middle East and how a lasting peace might even
be considered.
In short, there is always two sides to every story. In this case there are several stories and the world at large
only really hears one.
An insightful, direct and, for some, it will be a confronting view of the Palestine challenge.
Be brave and read it with an open heart and mind – whatever your current position.
Also, extremely interesting given that Palestine has now been admitted to the International Court of
Justice. Of course, this 'decision' by an independent group of nations has been opposed by the USA.
Why am I not surprised.
It certainly did, and I think everyone who has an interest in Israel, the Middle East and how a lasting peace might even
be considered.
In short, there is always two sides to every story. In this case there are several stories and the world at large
only really hears one.
An insightful, direct and, for some, it will be a confronting view of the Palestine challenge.
Be brave and read it with an open heart and mind – whatever your current position.
Also, extremely interesting given that Palestine has now been admitted to the International Court of
Justice. Of course, this 'decision' by an independent group of nations has been opposed by the USA.
Why am I not surprised.
August 4, 2015
Fantastic book, 120ish pages of condensed facts in order to really understand what has happened with Palestine & Israel! Great book, will be recommending to many enthusiastic political & human rights friends!
Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews