HOW IS THE DSM ACTUALLY PRODUCED? HERE'S THE BACKGROUND
Herb Kutchins is a professor at CSU Sacramento. Stuart A. Kirk is a former psychiatric social worker, who holds the Marjorie Crump Chair in Social Welfare at UCLA.
They wrote in the Preface to this 1997 book, "It is precisely because issues of psychiatric diagnosis, commentary by psychiatrists on all manner of social issues, and the use of medical authority are so ubiquitous in our lives and because we are so vulnerable to the misuse of psychiatric diagnosis and authority that we wrote this book. There is a growing tendency in our society to medicalize problems that are not medical, to find psychopathology where there is only pathos, and to pretend to understand phenomena by merely giving them a label and a code number... in this book we question the legitimacy of this tendency and describe its risks.
"To pursue this goal, we take the reader into the world of the psychiatric bible, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)... As the authoritative manual of the American Psychiatric Association (APA), DSM defines, classifies, and describes what the association says are mental illnesses." (Pg. x) They add, "In this book we examine critically how the APA creates categories of mental disorders.... we trace how the psychiatric profession struggles with various political constituencies to create categories of mental disorder and to garner support for their official acceptance." (Pg. 15-16)
They note, "The psychiatrists had to fight with the psychologists' association over professional turf. The dispute arose when Robert Spitzer... attempted to develop a general definition of mental disorder... When he presented his ideas ... he made the assertion that 'mental disorders are a subset of medical disorders.' This statement... attempted to establish that mental disorders are fully within the province of medicine, a notion that caused a storm of protest from the American Psychological Association... when DSM-III was released in 1980, the disputed passage had been dropped. What was learned, however, was that defining mental disorders is not only conceptually difficult but also politically controversial." (Pg. 30)
They say, "Most of these changes passed without controversy, until feminist psychotherapists confronted the APA about the proposed inclusion of three new psychiatric disorders, which they viewed as having serious negative consequences for women---Paraphilic Rapism, Premenstrual Dysphoric Disorder, and Masochistic Personality Disorder." (Pg. 47)
They record, "Spitzer ... was dissatisfied with the definition of mental disorder he had used to justify replacing the psychiatric diagnosis of homosexuality with Sexual Orientation Disorder in DSM-II... it finally appeared... as Ego-dystonic Homosexuality (EDH)... The adoption of EDH proves that not every change in DSM was the result of outside political pressure or new scientific evidence... There was some opposition to EDH... Gay activists decided against another public battle, one they feared they might lose... The wisdom of the gay activists' decision was confirmed in 1987, when Ego-dystonic Homosexuality was quietly eliminated from ... DSM-III-R." (Pg. 78)
They observe, "Throughout the entire struggle over the inclusion or exclusion of homosexuality from DSM, the minor role played by scientific research has been striking... it was a political debate, not a scientific one." (Pg. 99)
This is an excellent, very informative book, that will be of great interest to a wide variety of readers interested in issues relating to psychiatry and psychology.