What do you think?
Rate this book
The Triangle of Power: Rebalancing the New World Order
How the world broke—and how we can still save it
The liberal world order that emerged after World War II—and expanded triumphantly following the Cold War—is unraveling. Multilateral cooperation is giving way to multipolar rivalry and conflict. Global norms are eroding. What comes next will define the rest of the century, so the search is on for a new global framework—a rebalancing of power.
In The Triangle of Power, Finnish President Alexander Stubb argues that we are living through a hinge moment in history, akin to 1918, 1945, or 1989. A new international system is taking shape, driven by three major the Global West, the Global East, and the Global South. At the center is the escalating competition between the United States and China, as both try to forge bilateral deals and regional alliances, but it is the Global South that will ultimately determine whether the future tilts toward cooperation or fragmentation.
Drawing on decades at the front lines of diplomacy and blending personal insight with political and academic experience, Stubb delivers a passionate call for values-based realism and dignified foreign policy—and warns that unless the West learns to listen, it will lose its place in the world it once built.
The liberal world order that emerged after World War II—and expanded triumphantly following the Cold War—is unraveling. Multilateral cooperation is giving way to multipolar rivalry and conflict. Global norms are eroding. What comes next will define the rest of the century, so the search is on for a new global framework—a rebalancing of power.
In The Triangle of Power, Finnish President Alexander Stubb argues that we are living through a hinge moment in history, akin to 1918, 1945, or 1989. A new international system is taking shape, driven by three major the Global West, the Global East, and the Global South. At the center is the escalating competition between the United States and China, as both try to forge bilateral deals and regional alliances, but it is the Global South that will ultimately determine whether the future tilts toward cooperation or fragmentation.
Drawing on decades at the front lines of diplomacy and blending personal insight with political and academic experience, Stubb delivers a passionate call for values-based realism and dignified foreign policy—and warns that unless the West learns to listen, it will lose its place in the world it once built.
216 pages, Paperback
Published January 13, 2026
About the author
Alexander Stubb
20 books57 followersCai-Göran Alexander Stubb (Finland Swedish pronunciation: [ˈkɑi ˈjœːrɑn ɑlekˈsɑndær ˈstʉbː], born 1 April 1968) is a Finnish politician who has been the 13th president of Finland since 2024. He previously served as Prime Minister of Finland from 2014 to 2015.
Rising in politics as a researcher specialised in the affairs of the European Union, he was elected to the European Parliament in 2004 as a member of the National Coalition Party. In 2008, Stubb was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs. In 2011, he was elected to the Finnish Parliament for the first time as an MP with the second-highest vote count in the election. He was then appointed Minister for European Affairs and Trade in the Cabinet of Jyrki Katainen.
Rising in politics as a researcher specialised in the affairs of the European Union, he was elected to the European Parliament in 2004 as a member of the National Coalition Party. In 2008, Stubb was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs. In 2011, he was elected to the Finnish Parliament for the first time as an MP with the second-highest vote count in the election. He was then appointed Minister for European Affairs and Trade in the Cabinet of Jyrki Katainen.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 30 of 49 reviews
January 27, 2026
Read carefully (and think!): Competition, Conflict, and Power.
Read it again (and ruminate!): Multilateral vs Multipolarity
One more time (and decide!): Spheres of Influence vs Global Unity
Where has our world been, where are we now, and what comes next? Thoughts, ruminations, and decisions in a book that on one hand definitely does not have an original theme, but handled in a way that’s both easy for the layperson to “get” while avoiding fear-mongering.
With reviews of books like The Triangle of Power: Rebalancing the New World Order--especially given the fact that I’m both a layperson and like all humans, possess a functional opinion-making system, it remains difficult to simply pen a review about the book without my own beliefs seeping in like O-rings on a space shuttle not forming correctly allowing contaminants and gosh knows what to cause mishaps. But I will throw rules to the wayside and state that the optimistic vibe that exists on every page does in fact emulate the way I see both macro- and micro-events of our world. We are in rough times and certain events—notably one that started in late February almost four years ago—definitely can be seen as major causes of world destabilization.
But is hope warranted? Or do we have here a book written by a blind optimist?
In a book such as this one that is less about covering new ground, but providing another look at familiar issues, I did not expect to experience any “euruka!” moments, but at least one did happen: we expect too much too quickly. Ages ago, downloading even a song would take 30 minutes, but now it’s instant. We click a hyperlink (or now just a ‘link’) and expect the page to pop up fully loaded instantly. We sadly now expect this of our government. We expect change when desired—and sadly due to shorter attention spans, this has now increased to fever pitch—and expect our governments to comply and to do so...well, quickly. Sadly (or not) democracies don’t work this way, but authoritarian governments do! Thus, an extremely salient point made by Stubb was just about this: real effective change takes deliberation and time. Doing something too quickly or simply because the strongman at the top decided it was so generally leads to bad things happening down the line.
To repeat the above as it deserves repeating: If you are the kind of person who reads the news frequently and sticks to middle/non-biased or even left-leaning sources that go light on sensationalism, the bulk of what is covered in here is probably not going to be new. I feel this almost is like Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 by David M. Kennedy in that just how that book was technically a ‘no new information, but rather simply combining various sources’ type of book, this one is as well but with an almost shameless amount of a bias (not that the bias is bad as the author is pretty clear about what he has done and what he wants to see done and for fans of anti-despotic governments, it’s probably a message you may like too).
Will we see changes based on what’s noted here? Perhaps. In particular, it would be interesting to see if his UN proposals about adding more seats to the Security Council’s permanent members (“one from Latin America, two from Africa, and two from Asia plus ten rotating members” along with “eliminat[ing] single state veto power” and “suspending the voting rights of any security counsel member that violates the UN charter” (my transcription from audiobook’s conclusion) come into being. Obviously, according to what we are told, this was met with rousing applause except by...well, you can take a guess.
Read it again (and ruminate!): Multilateral vs Multipolarity
One more time (and decide!): Spheres of Influence vs Global Unity
Where has our world been, where are we now, and what comes next? Thoughts, ruminations, and decisions in a book that on one hand definitely does not have an original theme, but handled in a way that’s both easy for the layperson to “get” while avoiding fear-mongering.
With reviews of books like The Triangle of Power: Rebalancing the New World Order--especially given the fact that I’m both a layperson and like all humans, possess a functional opinion-making system, it remains difficult to simply pen a review about the book without my own beliefs seeping in like O-rings on a space shuttle not forming correctly allowing contaminants and gosh knows what to cause mishaps. But I will throw rules to the wayside and state that the optimistic vibe that exists on every page does in fact emulate the way I see both macro- and micro-events of our world. We are in rough times and certain events—notably one that started in late February almost four years ago—definitely can be seen as major causes of world destabilization.
But is hope warranted? Or do we have here a book written by a blind optimist?
In a book such as this one that is less about covering new ground, but providing another look at familiar issues, I did not expect to experience any “euruka!” moments, but at least one did happen: we expect too much too quickly. Ages ago, downloading even a song would take 30 minutes, but now it’s instant. We click a hyperlink (or now just a ‘link’) and expect the page to pop up fully loaded instantly. We sadly now expect this of our government. We expect change when desired—and sadly due to shorter attention spans, this has now increased to fever pitch—and expect our governments to comply and to do so...well, quickly. Sadly (or not) democracies don’t work this way, but authoritarian governments do! Thus, an extremely salient point made by Stubb was just about this: real effective change takes deliberation and time. Doing something too quickly or simply because the strongman at the top decided it was so generally leads to bad things happening down the line.
To repeat the above as it deserves repeating: If you are the kind of person who reads the news frequently and sticks to middle/non-biased or even left-leaning sources that go light on sensationalism, the bulk of what is covered in here is probably not going to be new. I feel this almost is like Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 by David M. Kennedy in that just how that book was technically a ‘no new information, but rather simply combining various sources’ type of book, this one is as well but with an almost shameless amount of a bias (not that the bias is bad as the author is pretty clear about what he has done and what he wants to see done and for fans of anti-despotic governments, it’s probably a message you may like too).
Will we see changes based on what’s noted here? Perhaps. In particular, it would be interesting to see if his UN proposals about adding more seats to the Security Council’s permanent members (“one from Latin America, two from Africa, and two from Asia plus ten rotating members” along with “eliminat[ing] single state veto power” and “suspending the voting rights of any security counsel member that violates the UN charter” (my transcription from audiobook’s conclusion) come into being. Obviously, according to what we are told, this was met with rousing applause except by...well, you can take a guess.
April 4, 2026
Jag tyckte han skröt lite för mycket om alla fina poster han har haft. Jag vet inte, jag fick för mycket Carl Bildt-vibbar. I en passage om utbildningsfrågor skrev han något i stil med att vi behöver satsa mer på 21st century skills och där lade jag nästan ner boken
January 2, 2026
Eesti keeles teos “Võimukolmnurk. Uue maailmakorra tasakaalustamine”. Sobiv jätk ja täiendus Stoltenbergi vahikorrale. Võimalus kaasa ja edasi mõelda, kompassi seada.
Ida, lääs ja lõuna. Multilateraalsus vs multipolaarsus. Korrast, kaosest ja kriisist koostööni. Väärtuspõhine realism ja väärikus. Nii inimeste kui poliitika osas.
Ida, lääs ja lõuna. Multilateraalsus vs multipolaarsus. Korrast, kaosest ja kriisist koostööni. Väärtuspõhine realism ja väärikus. Nii inimeste kui poliitika osas.
May 5, 2026
- Vår ferie fra historien er over.
Slik innleder Finlands president Alexander Stubb. Stubb har en imponerende internasjonal og politisk karriere, og er visstnok en vår egen statsminister Støre ser opp til.
- Europa må kvitte seg med ideen om at Europas problemer er verdens problemer, og at verdens problemer ikke er Europas problemer.
Dette sitatet fra en indisk utenriksminister fanger også essensen i boken og budskapet til Stubb.
Boken er engasjerende og spennende, med en god mix av historie og analyse av nåtidens verdenssituasjon. Boken er en oppfordring til handling. Ikke bare en analyse som kan legges tilbake i skuffen. Den engasjerer, og tiltross for det mørke globale bakteppet er dette en fin leseopplevelse. Jeg har virkelig kost meg med boken. Litt som å være tilbake på studiet i Internasjonal politikk i 2010.
- Relasjonene mellom land er til syvende og sist basert på relasjonene mellom folk.
Slik innleder Finlands president Alexander Stubb. Stubb har en imponerende internasjonal og politisk karriere, og er visstnok en vår egen statsminister Støre ser opp til.
- Europa må kvitte seg med ideen om at Europas problemer er verdens problemer, og at verdens problemer ikke er Europas problemer.
Dette sitatet fra en indisk utenriksminister fanger også essensen i boken og budskapet til Stubb.
Boken er engasjerende og spennende, med en god mix av historie og analyse av nåtidens verdenssituasjon. Boken er en oppfordring til handling. Ikke bare en analyse som kan legges tilbake i skuffen. Den engasjerer, og tiltross for det mørke globale bakteppet er dette en fin leseopplevelse. Jeg har virkelig kost meg med boken. Litt som å være tilbake på studiet i Internasjonal politikk i 2010.
- Relasjonene mellom land er til syvende og sist basert på relasjonene mellom folk.
April 9, 2026
The world that took shape after World War II was built on rules, trust, and a belief that cooperation could tame raw power. That framework is now badly frayed. Authoritarian governments are pushing outward, populist movements are pulling inward, and digital platforms have turned facts into weapons. Trade is retreating, tariffs are back in fashion, and global leadership (once assumed to flow naturally from the West) is openly contested.
As power diffuses, fragmentation has deepened
on power and behaviour
- It all comes down to the interaction of three spheres: the Global West (which includes North America, Europe, and its Pacific partners), the Global East (which includes China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea), and the Global South (which includes India, Africa, and Latin America).
- For most of history, large empires offered societies something they instinctively seek: order. Beginning with the long reign of the Roman Empire and China’s Qing realms, these systems created shared rules that organized people, territory, and authority. They were never permanent, and often brutal, but they brought coherence. Order, in this sense, has always been about stability – about arranging power so everyday life doesn’t tip into chaos.
- following the demise of the Soviet Union, the 1990s brought violent fragmentation in Europe. Western values didn’t fit well, especially when forced upon people who didn’t feel like they had a say in the matter. Russia’s failed transition, and the difficult expansion of the European Union and NATO, added up to a lot of disorder and instability, which laid the seeds for today’s authoritarianism. Then came the early 2000s, when, after 9/11, Western governments elevated security and attempted to shape outcomes through force. Western credibility took a dive, and the balance of power began to spread
- Emerging economies began to demand influence in bodies such as the World Trade Organization. Western authority weakened again with the Iraq War and the 2008 financial crisis. After that, the West became more permissive about rule-breaking abroad. By the 2010s, confidence in democracy, capitalism, and globalization was visibly thinning. Populism surged, Brexit weakened Britain’s role while China advanced with patience and long-term thinking. The shocks of the 2020s – pandemic, economic strain, and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine – made the breakdown unmistakable.
- We now live in an unsettled in-between marked by fractured authority and shifting alliances. Countries such as India embody this moment. Dynamic and democratic, yet underrepresented, India is pressing for a larger role in forums like the United Nations Security Council, the BRICS, and the G20
on war and fragmentation:
- Russia’s decision to wage war was rooted in a national narrative. Russian history is taught as a cycle of encirclement and survival. The lesson is that power is earned through strength rather than diplomacy or mediation. Russia never truly embraced the liberal order that followed the Cold War. Its worldview treats international politics as a zero-sum contest where dominance leads to legitimacy.
- Ukraine occupies a central place in this thinking, viewed as essential to restoring its imperial stature. This belief extends well beyond the Kremlin. Militarily, the invasion proved disastrous. Russian leaders misjudged their own capabilities, underestimated Ukrainian resistance, and misunderstood the international response. Rather than dividing the West, the war pulled the European Union and the United States closer together, revitalized NATO, and pushed cautious states toward deeper security commitments. Finland’s membership into NATO alone reshaped Europe’s strategic map
- Beyond Europe and the US, many governments opted for neutrality or selective engagement, proving that Western leadership no longer commands automatic alignment. Even within the Global East, the reaction has been mixed. For China, the conflict was an unwanted disruption that also created leverage. Beijing balanced its economic ties to Europe against the strategic value of Moscow, keeping its support ambiguous and pragmatic. In the Global South, the response has also revealed fluid, transactional positions shaped by local priorities rather than inherited loyalties. India exemplified this approach, balancing democratic ties with the West against longstanding security relations with Russia
- a world increasingly unwilling to line up behind a single center of power, where influence and legitimacy matter as much as territory and arms
on self correct in the west
- The Global West is made up of the US, Europe, and its democratic partners, like Japan, South Korea, Australia and Canada. This group grew out of a long experiment in political and economic freedom. Across its societies, democracy and capitalism evolved in different shapes, from Scandinavia’s expansive welfare states to the leaner market-driven systems of the US. What links them is a shared commitment to open societies, individual choice, and the rule of law.
- Democracy remains the West’s defining strength, but it has become harder to maintain.
- Social media rewards outrage more than deliberation. Populist movements have capitalized on real frustration among voters who feel economically squeezed and politically ignored. In the US and across Europe, economic inequality, job insecurity, and cultural change have deepened political division
- the EU exerts global influence that often sets standards beyond its borders. At the same time, clashes between Brussels and national governments reveal how difficult it is to balance shared values with domestic politics
- Renewal has to be practical, not symbolic, and must include updating democratic practices for a digital age
on rewriting power:
- In the triangle of power, the Global East has emerged as the most direct challenger to the liberal world order. At its core stand China, Russia, and Iran, with North Korea increasingly operating alongside them
- China sits firmly at the top of this sphere. Its one-party system relies on long-term planning, large-scale projects, and a strong sense of shared civilization. State-driven capitalism has delivered speed, scale, and global reach, lifting living standards while concentrating power and controlling information
- Its major project is the Belt and Road Initiative, promising to better connect Asia with Europe, Africa and Latin America. Is the initiative about partnership development or creating more worldwide dependency? Fair question. What’s certain is that China’s strategy is adaptable. Its future points toward a hybrid model combining markets, central direction, and digitally enhanced authoritarian control. Russia’s path is far less dynamic
- States such as India, Brazil, South Africa, and Gulf powers are using the space opened by East–West rivalry to press for influence on their own terms. Demography is on their side. The Global South is young, urbanizing, and growing fast. But this advantage only works if governments deliver education, jobs, and opportunity at scale
on co-operation and next steps:
- Some challenges simply ignore borders. Climate change is the most visible, but it sits alongside pandemics, financial instability, food security, technological disruption, migration, water scarcity, and waste.
- While digitalization has expanded commerce, it has also displaced workers and fueled backlash. This, in turn, has resulted in populist politics, which undermines growth through protectionism. Small and medium-sized countries can’t navigate this terrain alone. A functioning World Trade Organization remains essential, and its reform has become a signal of whether the international system can serve emerging economies as well as established ones.
- Reforming global rules is unavoidable. Since 1945, institutions have evolved repeatedly. Another update is overdue. A complete reset would risk chaos. Incremental reform offers a steadier path: preserve what works, adapt what does not (one being international law)
- three possible paths ahead: uneasy disorder, systemic collapse, or a rebalanced order built on a new symmetry among West, East, and South. The hinge, he argues, is the Global South, whose choices will shape the next balance of power. The future is not predetermined. World order is human-made.
As power diffuses, fragmentation has deepened
on power and behaviour
- It all comes down to the interaction of three spheres: the Global West (which includes North America, Europe, and its Pacific partners), the Global East (which includes China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea), and the Global South (which includes India, Africa, and Latin America).
- For most of history, large empires offered societies something they instinctively seek: order. Beginning with the long reign of the Roman Empire and China’s Qing realms, these systems created shared rules that organized people, territory, and authority. They were never permanent, and often brutal, but they brought coherence. Order, in this sense, has always been about stability – about arranging power so everyday life doesn’t tip into chaos.
- following the demise of the Soviet Union, the 1990s brought violent fragmentation in Europe. Western values didn’t fit well, especially when forced upon people who didn’t feel like they had a say in the matter. Russia’s failed transition, and the difficult expansion of the European Union and NATO, added up to a lot of disorder and instability, which laid the seeds for today’s authoritarianism. Then came the early 2000s, when, after 9/11, Western governments elevated security and attempted to shape outcomes through force. Western credibility took a dive, and the balance of power began to spread
- Emerging economies began to demand influence in bodies such as the World Trade Organization. Western authority weakened again with the Iraq War and the 2008 financial crisis. After that, the West became more permissive about rule-breaking abroad. By the 2010s, confidence in democracy, capitalism, and globalization was visibly thinning. Populism surged, Brexit weakened Britain’s role while China advanced with patience and long-term thinking. The shocks of the 2020s – pandemic, economic strain, and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine – made the breakdown unmistakable.
- We now live in an unsettled in-between marked by fractured authority and shifting alliances. Countries such as India embody this moment. Dynamic and democratic, yet underrepresented, India is pressing for a larger role in forums like the United Nations Security Council, the BRICS, and the G20
on war and fragmentation:
- Russia’s decision to wage war was rooted in a national narrative. Russian history is taught as a cycle of encirclement and survival. The lesson is that power is earned through strength rather than diplomacy or mediation. Russia never truly embraced the liberal order that followed the Cold War. Its worldview treats international politics as a zero-sum contest where dominance leads to legitimacy.
- Ukraine occupies a central place in this thinking, viewed as essential to restoring its imperial stature. This belief extends well beyond the Kremlin. Militarily, the invasion proved disastrous. Russian leaders misjudged their own capabilities, underestimated Ukrainian resistance, and misunderstood the international response. Rather than dividing the West, the war pulled the European Union and the United States closer together, revitalized NATO, and pushed cautious states toward deeper security commitments. Finland’s membership into NATO alone reshaped Europe’s strategic map
- Beyond Europe and the US, many governments opted for neutrality or selective engagement, proving that Western leadership no longer commands automatic alignment. Even within the Global East, the reaction has been mixed. For China, the conflict was an unwanted disruption that also created leverage. Beijing balanced its economic ties to Europe against the strategic value of Moscow, keeping its support ambiguous and pragmatic. In the Global South, the response has also revealed fluid, transactional positions shaped by local priorities rather than inherited loyalties. India exemplified this approach, balancing democratic ties with the West against longstanding security relations with Russia
- a world increasingly unwilling to line up behind a single center of power, where influence and legitimacy matter as much as territory and arms
on self correct in the west
- The Global West is made up of the US, Europe, and its democratic partners, like Japan, South Korea, Australia and Canada. This group grew out of a long experiment in political and economic freedom. Across its societies, democracy and capitalism evolved in different shapes, from Scandinavia’s expansive welfare states to the leaner market-driven systems of the US. What links them is a shared commitment to open societies, individual choice, and the rule of law.
- Democracy remains the West’s defining strength, but it has become harder to maintain.
- Social media rewards outrage more than deliberation. Populist movements have capitalized on real frustration among voters who feel economically squeezed and politically ignored. In the US and across Europe, economic inequality, job insecurity, and cultural change have deepened political division
- the EU exerts global influence that often sets standards beyond its borders. At the same time, clashes between Brussels and national governments reveal how difficult it is to balance shared values with domestic politics
- Renewal has to be practical, not symbolic, and must include updating democratic practices for a digital age
on rewriting power:
- In the triangle of power, the Global East has emerged as the most direct challenger to the liberal world order. At its core stand China, Russia, and Iran, with North Korea increasingly operating alongside them
- China sits firmly at the top of this sphere. Its one-party system relies on long-term planning, large-scale projects, and a strong sense of shared civilization. State-driven capitalism has delivered speed, scale, and global reach, lifting living standards while concentrating power and controlling information
- Its major project is the Belt and Road Initiative, promising to better connect Asia with Europe, Africa and Latin America. Is the initiative about partnership development or creating more worldwide dependency? Fair question. What’s certain is that China’s strategy is adaptable. Its future points toward a hybrid model combining markets, central direction, and digitally enhanced authoritarian control. Russia’s path is far less dynamic
- States such as India, Brazil, South Africa, and Gulf powers are using the space opened by East–West rivalry to press for influence on their own terms. Demography is on their side. The Global South is young, urbanizing, and growing fast. But this advantage only works if governments deliver education, jobs, and opportunity at scale
on co-operation and next steps:
- Some challenges simply ignore borders. Climate change is the most visible, but it sits alongside pandemics, financial instability, food security, technological disruption, migration, water scarcity, and waste.
- While digitalization has expanded commerce, it has also displaced workers and fueled backlash. This, in turn, has resulted in populist politics, which undermines growth through protectionism. Small and medium-sized countries can’t navigate this terrain alone. A functioning World Trade Organization remains essential, and its reform has become a signal of whether the international system can serve emerging economies as well as established ones.
- Reforming global rules is unavoidable. Since 1945, institutions have evolved repeatedly. Another update is overdue. A complete reset would risk chaos. Incremental reform offers a steadier path: preserve what works, adapt what does not (one being international law)
- three possible paths ahead: uneasy disorder, systemic collapse, or a rebalanced order built on a new symmetry among West, East, and South. The hinge, he argues, is the Global South, whose choices will shape the next balance of power. The future is not predetermined. World order is human-made.
January 25, 2026
Üle pika aja tõeline lugemiselamus.
Alexander Stubb – Soome president, endine peaminister ja rahvusvaheliste suhete doktor – kirjutab harukordse aususe ja mõtteselgusega maailma jõujoontest. Eriti sümpaatne on tema võime tunnistada, mida ta ei tea – omadus, mida tipp-poliitikas kohtab harva.
Kaks stiilinäidet:
„Olen kohtunud liidritega üle kogu maailma, kuid ma ei saa väita, et oleksin uurinud Kagu-Aasia majandust, Aafrika ajalugu või Ladina-Ameerika sotsioloogiat sedavõrd põhjalikult, et võiksin end pidada piirkonna eksperdiks. Samas aitab eksperdiks mitteolemine mõnikord paremini puude taga metsa näha.“
„Ma sain demokraatia tähtsuse kohta umbes viis minutit sõna sekka öelda. Karimov ütles mulle väga selgelt, et Läänel pole vaja tulla Taškenti moraali lugema. Püüdsin selgitada, et väärtused, sealhulgas inimõigused, on universaalsed. Tema silmadest oli näha, et ta pole nõus. Lahkusin kohtumiselt vapustatuna.“
2. Stubbi keskne mõiste on võimukolmnurk:
- globaalne lääs
- globaalne ida
- globaalne lõuna
Ida ja lääs on vastanduvad äärmused. Otsustav roll on aga globaalsel lõunal, kellel on vabadus valida, kummas suunas maailm liigub. See on kainestav vaade neile, kes usuvad, et demokraatia ja lääne väärtused on universaalsed ning iseenesestmõistetavad.
Stubb: „Mida rohkem ma kuulan globaalse lõuna juhte, seda enam mõistan, et võtmed, mis avavad uue maailmakorra, on nende riikide kätes. Miks? Sest neil on vabadus valida. Ja seda nad teevadki.“
3. Nauditav mõtteselgus – arusaadav ka huvitatud mitte-poliitikule
Raamatu suur tugevus on mõtteselgus, mis minu meelest hakkab välja surema. Stubb ei moraliseeri, vaid selgitab: maailmas konkureerivad ideoloogiad, majandusmudelid ja väärtused ning lääs peab õppima suhtlema uue alandlikkuse ja loovusega.
Kokkuvõte:
Mõnus lugemine ka õhtuti – mitte rusuvalt raske, vaid pigem inspireeriv ja mõtlema panev. Arvestades, millised on lood maailmamajanduse ja poliitiliste liidritega, kõlab Stubbi hääl kui „jumalik mõistuse hääl“ – just selline analüüsiv, mõistev, aus ja julge hääl on nendes tõmbetuultes puudu. Soovitan kõigile, kes tahavad maailma paremini mõista, mitte lihtsalt hinnata.
Alexander Stubb – Soome president, endine peaminister ja rahvusvaheliste suhete doktor – kirjutab harukordse aususe ja mõtteselgusega maailma jõujoontest. Eriti sümpaatne on tema võime tunnistada, mida ta ei tea – omadus, mida tipp-poliitikas kohtab harva.
Kaks stiilinäidet:
„Olen kohtunud liidritega üle kogu maailma, kuid ma ei saa väita, et oleksin uurinud Kagu-Aasia majandust, Aafrika ajalugu või Ladina-Ameerika sotsioloogiat sedavõrd põhjalikult, et võiksin end pidada piirkonna eksperdiks. Samas aitab eksperdiks mitteolemine mõnikord paremini puude taga metsa näha.“
„Ma sain demokraatia tähtsuse kohta umbes viis minutit sõna sekka öelda. Karimov ütles mulle väga selgelt, et Läänel pole vaja tulla Taškenti moraali lugema. Püüdsin selgitada, et väärtused, sealhulgas inimõigused, on universaalsed. Tema silmadest oli näha, et ta pole nõus. Lahkusin kohtumiselt vapustatuna.“
2. Stubbi keskne mõiste on võimukolmnurk:
- globaalne lääs
- globaalne ida
- globaalne lõuna
Ida ja lääs on vastanduvad äärmused. Otsustav roll on aga globaalsel lõunal, kellel on vabadus valida, kummas suunas maailm liigub. See on kainestav vaade neile, kes usuvad, et demokraatia ja lääne väärtused on universaalsed ning iseenesestmõistetavad.
Stubb: „Mida rohkem ma kuulan globaalse lõuna juhte, seda enam mõistan, et võtmed, mis avavad uue maailmakorra, on nende riikide kätes. Miks? Sest neil on vabadus valida. Ja seda nad teevadki.“
3. Nauditav mõtteselgus – arusaadav ka huvitatud mitte-poliitikule
Raamatu suur tugevus on mõtteselgus, mis minu meelest hakkab välja surema. Stubb ei moraliseeri, vaid selgitab: maailmas konkureerivad ideoloogiad, majandusmudelid ja väärtused ning lääs peab õppima suhtlema uue alandlikkuse ja loovusega.
Kokkuvõte:
Mõnus lugemine ka õhtuti – mitte rusuvalt raske, vaid pigem inspireeriv ja mõtlema panev. Arvestades, millised on lood maailmamajanduse ja poliitiliste liidritega, kõlab Stubbi hääl kui „jumalik mõistuse hääl“ – just selline analüüsiv, mõistev, aus ja julge hääl on nendes tõmbetuultes puudu. Soovitan kõigile, kes tahavad maailma paremini mõista, mitte lihtsalt hinnata.
February 7, 2026
Not revolutionary, not horribly insightful. I can appreciate the self-reflection on one's own naivety.
April 9, 2026
In The Triangle of Power by Alexander Stubb, we've learned that the rules-based order built after World War II is weakening under pressure from rising authoritarian powers, internal Western populism, and a shift toward transactional, interest-driven politics. Power has now spread across three broad spheres – the Global West, Global East, and Global South – and the interaction among them will determine what comes next.
Competition is unavoidable, but without credible rules and trusted institutions it will continue to drift toward conflict. Russia’s war against Ukraine exposed this reality, while China’s long-term strategy and the Global South’s growing assertiveness show that automatic alignment with the West is over.
Democracy and autocracy are now in a contest over who can deliver stability, prosperity, and security in a disrupted world. The way forward lies neither in nostalgia nor resignation, but in reform. The Global West must renew itself at home, share power more fairly abroad, and lead through example rather than instruction. Multilateral institutions – from the UN to the WTO – need to evolve to reflect today’s balance of power and give the Global South real agency.
Cooperation must be grounded in shared interests such as climate action, trade, security, and technological governance. All of this leads to practicing values-based realism paired with dignified foreign policy, which means staying true to democratic principles while engaging respectfully with those who do not share them.
Competition is unavoidable, but without credible rules and trusted institutions it will continue to drift toward conflict. Russia’s war against Ukraine exposed this reality, while China’s long-term strategy and the Global South’s growing assertiveness show that automatic alignment with the West is over.
Democracy and autocracy are now in a contest over who can deliver stability, prosperity, and security in a disrupted world. The way forward lies neither in nostalgia nor resignation, but in reform. The Global West must renew itself at home, share power more fairly abroad, and lead through example rather than instruction. Multilateral institutions – from the UN to the WTO – need to evolve to reflect today’s balance of power and give the Global South real agency.
Cooperation must be grounded in shared interests such as climate action, trade, security, and technological governance. All of this leads to practicing values-based realism paired with dignified foreign policy, which means staying true to democratic principles while engaging respectfully with those who do not share them.
April 5, 2026
Kunnskapsrik bok med flere gode poenger, men blir i overkant repeterende, med vesentlig preg av idealisme og 90-tallsglobalisme. Kort oppsummert: «multilateralisme og demokrati er bra, multipolaritet og autokrati er dårlig.» Fremhever EUs evne til regulering som noe positivt, samtidig som det hoppes bukk over slikt som manglende økonomisk vekst og overnasjonal styring. Av en eller annen grunn hadde jeg forventet et bredere, nøytralt perspektiv.
February 22, 2026
Reflections on the revolution in geopolitics the past decade from a Finnish point of view.
Most of the book is high level abstractions on changing international relations post-Trump, post invasion of Ukraine, post rise of China. Sometimes Alexander Stubb tells personal stories from his youth or from his long career in foreign policy, but this is mostly to explain power dynamics.
If this book wasn't authored by a head of state, it would be like reading an unexciting standard (European) International Relations textbook.
Stubb is a great explainer of the consensus view of international policy among Nordic Governing Political Parties. So, it's probably an excellent intro (4⭐) for Non-European readers who want to know the Nordic view of international relations. To Nordic readers who follow the news, it's probably not so many insights.
According to Stubb, the "Triangle model" is the future is determined by the interactions between the West (US/Europe/Japan), "East" (China+Russia), and the "South" ie the emerging powers like India/Saudi Arabia.
Most of the book is high level abstractions on changing international relations post-Trump, post invasion of Ukraine, post rise of China. Sometimes Alexander Stubb tells personal stories from his youth or from his long career in foreign policy, but this is mostly to explain power dynamics.
If this book wasn't authored by a head of state, it would be like reading an unexciting standard (European) International Relations textbook.
Stubb is a great explainer of the consensus view of international policy among Nordic Governing Political Parties. So, it's probably an excellent intro (4⭐) for Non-European readers who want to know the Nordic view of international relations. To Nordic readers who follow the news, it's probably not so many insights.
According to Stubb, the "Triangle model" is the future is determined by the interactions between the West (US/Europe/Japan), "East" (China+Russia), and the "South" ie the emerging powers like India/Saudi Arabia.
April 25, 2026
Mycket läsvärd och en bra grund för reflektion kring världen nu och framåt.
April 7, 2026
I think the blocks framework for analysing today's geopolitical dynamics falls short; however, some of the ideas for a path forward are rooted in profound knowledge and understanding of the role of diplomacy and multilateralism.
February 18, 2026
A staunch reminder to never read a book by an active politician...
January 31, 2026
President Stubb accounts for what is perhaps the most humble, reasonable and honest view of the world as we know it today. Value-based realism, which lays the foundation for a decent foreign policy, is arguably the best way in which we can act - locally, regionally and internationally. Democracy is the best we have, but it is not free from faults and other parts of the world have other traditions, cultures, and reasons for their way of living. These thoughts are not contrary, and must be a cornerstone for relationship-based diplomacy at all times.
Without abandoning the traditional democratic values, he admits to the historical faults and double standards of the western colonial powers and acknowledges the fact that global south has paid (and pays) a disproportionately high price for both climate change and economic prosperity. This provides an important context in explaining the importance of global south the coming decades and why south will be deciding factor in which way the pendulum moves between west and east. Also, the book pedagogically describes China’s emergence as a global powerhouse as opposed to Russia’s decline.
Without abandoning the traditional democratic values, he admits to the historical faults and double standards of the western colonial powers and acknowledges the fact that global south has paid (and pays) a disproportionately high price for both climate change and economic prosperity. This provides an important context in explaining the importance of global south the coming decades and why south will be deciding factor in which way the pendulum moves between west and east. Also, the book pedagogically describes China’s emergence as a global powerhouse as opposed to Russia’s decline.
Read
April 10, 2026"The Triangle of Power: Rebalancing the New World Order" by Alexander Stubb examines how the global system that emerged after World War II is steadily unraveling and being replaced by something far less stable and predictable. The postwar order was built on shared rules, trust in institutions, and the belief that cooperation could manage power. For decades, especially after the Cold War, it appeared that this framework would endure, with the West at its center. But that assumption has weakened significantly. Today’s world is marked by rising authoritarian influence, growing populism within democracies, and the disruptive role of digital platforms that blur truth and amplify division. Trade tensions, geopolitical rivalry, and contested leadership have all contributed to a fragmented landscape where no single power dominates. Stubb frames this emerging reality as a triangle made up of three major spheres - the Global West, the Global East, and the Global South - whose interactions will determine the future of international order.
To understand how this shift occurred, the book traces the evolution of power and order over time. Historically, large empires provided structure and stability, even if they were imperfect and often oppressive. Over time, this idea of order expanded into a global system of sovereign states, formalized through agreements that emphasized legal equality and defined boundaries. This system held relatively firm during the Cold War, when two opposing blocs maintained a tense but structured balance. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, however, the world entered a period of apparent unity under Western leadership. Yet beneath that surface, instability was already growing. The expansion of Western institutions did not always align with local realities, particularly in regions where people felt excluded from decision-making. Russia’s difficult transition after the Cold War, combined with Western interventions and crises such as the Iraq War and the 2008 financial collapse, gradually eroded confidence in the system. By the 2010s and early 2020s, with events like Brexit, the pandemic, and renewed geopolitical conflict, it became clear that the old order had lost its coherence.
One of the clearest illustrations of this breakdown is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which the book presents as a turning point in global alignment. Unlike earlier conflicts, this war did not produce a unified international response. Instead, countries reacted based on their own strategic interests, revealing a world no longer willing to follow a single leader. Russia’s actions were rooted in its historical perspective, one that emphasizes strength, survival, and distrust of external influence. While the invasion strengthened Western alliances and revitalized institutions like NATO, it also exposed the limits of Western influence globally. Many countries, particularly in the Global South, chose neutrality or selective engagement, reflecting a more pragmatic and less ideological approach to international relations. Even within the Global East, responses were varied, with China balancing its strategic interests carefully rather than offering unconditional support.
The Global West, composed of the United States, Europe, and their democratic allies, remains a powerful force, but it is under significant internal strain. Its strength lies in democratic governance, economic depth, and technological innovation, yet these advantages are increasingly challenged by domestic divisions. Rising inequality, political polarization, and the rapid influence of digital media have made it harder for democratic systems to function smoothly. Populist movements have gained traction by tapping into public dissatisfaction, questioning established institutions and policies. While the West continues to promote values such as freedom and rule of law, its credibility depends on its ability to address these internal challenges and deliver tangible improvements in people’s lives. Externally, it must also adapt to a world where its authority is no longer taken for granted and where cooperation requires genuine partnership rather than direction.
At the same time, the Global East is reshaping power dynamics through a different model of governance and strategy. Led primarily by China, and supported by countries like Russia and Iran, this group does not form a unified ideological bloc but shares a resistance to Western dominance. China, in particular, stands out for its long-term planning, state-driven economic model, and global ambitions, exemplified by initiatives that expand its influence across continents. Its approach combines market mechanisms with centralized control, creating a hybrid system that challenges traditional Western models. Russia, by contrast, faces economic and institutional limitations, while Iran operates within regional constraints. Together, these nations contribute to a more multipolar world where power is distributed and alliances are flexible.
Perhaps the most dynamic and deciding element in this new triangle is the Global South, a diverse collection of countries across Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. These nations are not unified by ideology but by a shared desire for greater influence and recognition in global affairs. With growing populations, expanding economies, and increasing innovation, they represent both opportunity and uncertainty. Countries like India and Brazil are asserting themselves more confidently, seeking a larger role in international institutions and decision-making processes. However, challenges such as governance issues, economic dependency, and inequality remain significant. The Global South’s choices - whether to align with existing powers or chart independent paths - will play a crucial role in shaping the future balance of power.
As these three spheres interact, competition has become more complex and widespread, extending beyond traditional military and economic domains into technology, information, and culture. Advances in artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and data control are transforming how power is exercised and contested. Different regions approach these technologies in distinct ways, reflecting their political and social priorities. While competition can drive innovation and growth, it also increases the risk of conflict when not managed by shared rules and mutual trust. Modern conflicts are no longer confined to battlefields; they include cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, and economic pressure, blurring the line between war and peace.
In this environment, cooperation becomes both more difficult and more essential. Global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and economic instability cannot be addressed by any single nation. Effective collaboration depends on strong institutions and shared commitments, yet many existing systems are struggling to keep pace with changing realities. Reforming these institutions is necessary to ensure they remain relevant and inclusive. This includes giving greater representation to emerging powers and ensuring that rules are applied fairly. Incremental change, rather than complete overhaul, is presented as the most practical path forward, preserving stability while adapting to new conditions.
Stubb outlines possible futures ranging from continued disorder to systemic collapse or the emergence of a rebalanced order based on cooperation among the three spheres. The outcome will depend largely on how nations manage the tension between competition and collaboration. The Global South, in particular, holds significant influence in determining which path is taken, as its alignment choices will shape the overall balance. The book emphasizes that the future is not predetermined; it will be shaped by decisions made collectively and individually by states.
In conclusion, "The Triangle of Power: Rebalancing the New World Order" by Alexander Stubb argues that the era of a stable, Western-led global system has come to an end, replaced by a more fragmented and multipolar reality. The interplay between the Global West, Global East, and Global South will define the next phase of international relations. While competition is inevitable, the key challenge lies in preventing it from escalating into conflict by strengthening cooperation and reforming global institutions. By embracing a balance of realism and shared values, and by adapting to the shifting distribution of power, the international community can still shape a more stable and inclusive order.
To understand how this shift occurred, the book traces the evolution of power and order over time. Historically, large empires provided structure and stability, even if they were imperfect and often oppressive. Over time, this idea of order expanded into a global system of sovereign states, formalized through agreements that emphasized legal equality and defined boundaries. This system held relatively firm during the Cold War, when two opposing blocs maintained a tense but structured balance. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, however, the world entered a period of apparent unity under Western leadership. Yet beneath that surface, instability was already growing. The expansion of Western institutions did not always align with local realities, particularly in regions where people felt excluded from decision-making. Russia’s difficult transition after the Cold War, combined with Western interventions and crises such as the Iraq War and the 2008 financial collapse, gradually eroded confidence in the system. By the 2010s and early 2020s, with events like Brexit, the pandemic, and renewed geopolitical conflict, it became clear that the old order had lost its coherence.
One of the clearest illustrations of this breakdown is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which the book presents as a turning point in global alignment. Unlike earlier conflicts, this war did not produce a unified international response. Instead, countries reacted based on their own strategic interests, revealing a world no longer willing to follow a single leader. Russia’s actions were rooted in its historical perspective, one that emphasizes strength, survival, and distrust of external influence. While the invasion strengthened Western alliances and revitalized institutions like NATO, it also exposed the limits of Western influence globally. Many countries, particularly in the Global South, chose neutrality or selective engagement, reflecting a more pragmatic and less ideological approach to international relations. Even within the Global East, responses were varied, with China balancing its strategic interests carefully rather than offering unconditional support.
The Global West, composed of the United States, Europe, and their democratic allies, remains a powerful force, but it is under significant internal strain. Its strength lies in democratic governance, economic depth, and technological innovation, yet these advantages are increasingly challenged by domestic divisions. Rising inequality, political polarization, and the rapid influence of digital media have made it harder for democratic systems to function smoothly. Populist movements have gained traction by tapping into public dissatisfaction, questioning established institutions and policies. While the West continues to promote values such as freedom and rule of law, its credibility depends on its ability to address these internal challenges and deliver tangible improvements in people’s lives. Externally, it must also adapt to a world where its authority is no longer taken for granted and where cooperation requires genuine partnership rather than direction.
At the same time, the Global East is reshaping power dynamics through a different model of governance and strategy. Led primarily by China, and supported by countries like Russia and Iran, this group does not form a unified ideological bloc but shares a resistance to Western dominance. China, in particular, stands out for its long-term planning, state-driven economic model, and global ambitions, exemplified by initiatives that expand its influence across continents. Its approach combines market mechanisms with centralized control, creating a hybrid system that challenges traditional Western models. Russia, by contrast, faces economic and institutional limitations, while Iran operates within regional constraints. Together, these nations contribute to a more multipolar world where power is distributed and alliances are flexible.
Perhaps the most dynamic and deciding element in this new triangle is the Global South, a diverse collection of countries across Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. These nations are not unified by ideology but by a shared desire for greater influence and recognition in global affairs. With growing populations, expanding economies, and increasing innovation, they represent both opportunity and uncertainty. Countries like India and Brazil are asserting themselves more confidently, seeking a larger role in international institutions and decision-making processes. However, challenges such as governance issues, economic dependency, and inequality remain significant. The Global South’s choices - whether to align with existing powers or chart independent paths - will play a crucial role in shaping the future balance of power.
As these three spheres interact, competition has become more complex and widespread, extending beyond traditional military and economic domains into technology, information, and culture. Advances in artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and data control are transforming how power is exercised and contested. Different regions approach these technologies in distinct ways, reflecting their political and social priorities. While competition can drive innovation and growth, it also increases the risk of conflict when not managed by shared rules and mutual trust. Modern conflicts are no longer confined to battlefields; they include cyberattacks, disinformation campaigns, and economic pressure, blurring the line between war and peace.
In this environment, cooperation becomes both more difficult and more essential. Global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and economic instability cannot be addressed by any single nation. Effective collaboration depends on strong institutions and shared commitments, yet many existing systems are struggling to keep pace with changing realities. Reforming these institutions is necessary to ensure they remain relevant and inclusive. This includes giving greater representation to emerging powers and ensuring that rules are applied fairly. Incremental change, rather than complete overhaul, is presented as the most practical path forward, preserving stability while adapting to new conditions.
Stubb outlines possible futures ranging from continued disorder to systemic collapse or the emergence of a rebalanced order based on cooperation among the three spheres. The outcome will depend largely on how nations manage the tension between competition and collaboration. The Global South, in particular, holds significant influence in determining which path is taken, as its alignment choices will shape the overall balance. The book emphasizes that the future is not predetermined; it will be shaped by decisions made collectively and individually by states.
In conclusion, "The Triangle of Power: Rebalancing the New World Order" by Alexander Stubb argues that the era of a stable, Western-led global system has come to an end, replaced by a more fragmented and multipolar reality. The interplay between the Global West, Global East, and Global South will define the next phase of international relations. While competition is inevitable, the key challenge lies in preventing it from escalating into conflict by strengthening cooperation and reforming global institutions. By embracing a balance of realism and shared values, and by adapting to the shifting distribution of power, the international community can still shape a more stable and inclusive order.
March 16, 2026
Finlands president skriver godt og interessant om geopolitikk i endring, og presenterer en strategi vestlige land kan jobbe ut fra for å opprettholde en regelstyrt verdensorden framover. Siste del absolutt mest interessant! Brukte mye tid innledningsvis på å sette kontekst, som i stor grad er selvfølgeligheter for oss over snittet interessert i internasjonal politikk.
January 20, 2026
In The Triangle of Power schetst Alexander Stubb de contouren van een nieuwe wereldorde. Meer zeggenschap voor de Global South, versterking van de Verenigde Naties en een hernieuwd multilateraal systeem gebaseerd op regels en waarden. Stubb begon aan het boek in 2020. Inmiddels is hij zichtbaar ingehaald door de geschiedenis. Toch is het boek interessant. Niet als routekaart naar de toekomst, maar als spiegel van westers elite-denken in een laat-systeemfase.
Het boek laat zien hoe diep de westerse bestuurlijke klasse zich heeft vastgezet in een vocabulaire van regels, normen en waarden, zelfs nu de orde die deze taal voortbracht aan het verdwijnen is.
Schets van het wereldtoneel
Stubb stelt zich een ambitieuze taak: het analyseren van de mondiale machtsverhoudingen en het formuleren van een nieuwe wereldorde. Het resultaat is per definitie incompleet, maar wordt in vlotte, toegankelijke stijl gepresenteerd. Hij verdeelt de wereld in drie blokken: het Westen (de liberale orde van na 1945), het Oosten (met China als kern en Rusland, Iran en Noord-Korea in de periferie) en de Global South (voormalig niet-gebonden landen, feitelijk een restcategorie).
Deze blokken worden politiek, economisch, technologisch en geopolitiek getypeerd. Ze staan met elkaar in competitie; Stubb’s inzet is om die competitie niet te laten ontaarden in conflict, maar te kanaliseren richting coöperatie. Als beschrijving is dit adequaat. Als analyse blijft het oppervlakkig: macht wordt geordend naar geografie, maar niet materieel verklaard.
Diplomatic myopia
Stubb is een product van de diplomatie. Opgeleid in de VS, gevormd in Brussel, Londen en Helsinki, en langdurig actief in internationale instituties. Zijn geloof in multilateralisme, internationale organisaties en de rules-based international order is consistent — en begrijpelijk vanuit het perspectief van een klein, open land als Finland.
Juist daarom is een passage uit hoofdstuk 4 onthullend. Over Europese integratie schrijft hij in retrospectief: *“I realize my view on the EU is naïve. I believed the benefits of European integration were obvious to everyone. I was wrong.”* Deze constatering dateert uit 2016. Dat is laat. De ongelijke verdeling van de baten van globalisering en EU-integratie was toen al uitgebreid gedocumenteerd door onder anderen Rodrik, Stiglitz en Autor. Oost-West-convergentieproblemen binnen de EU waren zichtbaar en politiek explosief.
Dit niet zien is geen moreel falen, maar een analytisch falen van een bestuurder die te lang binnen zijn institutionele bubbel opereerde.
Ontbrekende puzzelstukken
Stubb is uitgesproken normatief. Integratie is goed. Legitimiteit volgt uit rationele beleidskeuzes. Zijn centrale concept - values-based realism - volgt niet uit analyse, maar fungeert als reddingsplan. Het is een poging om dezelfde normatieve orde te herstellen die het Westen decennialang universeel heeft willen maken.
Wat ontbreekt is een serieuze analyse van falen. Waarom internationale instituties hun legitimiteit hebben verloren. Hoe regels structureel selectief zijn toegepast, met name door westerse staten. Over kapitalisme schrijft Stubb dat het groei heeft gegenereerd, maar dat politiek heeft gefaald in de verdeling daarvan. Die constatering blijft hangen. Er volgt geen analyse van machtsstructuren, geen institutioneel alternatief, geen politiek-economisch ontwerp voor een “nieuwe wereldorde”.
Populisme wordt benoemd als probleemversterker. De zorgen die populisten adresseren zijn volgens Stubb reëel, hun antwoorden ondeugdelijk. Maar ook Stubb blijft ons de antwoorden op deze vragen schuldig.
Een gefragmenteerde wereldorde
The Triangle of Power is een document van de laat-systeemfase waarin het Westen zich bevindt: de overgang van een monopolaire wereldorde naar een gefragmenteerde wereld. Het boek is analytisch en moreel overtuigd — als ik het mag zeggen: Stubb schrijft een tikkeltje arrogant — en tegelijkertijd circulair.
Stubb schreef geen gids voor een nieuwe wereldorde, maar een pleidooi om de oude orde met betere retoriek te redden.
Het boek laat zien hoe diep de westerse bestuurlijke klasse zich heeft vastgezet in een vocabulaire van regels, normen en waarden, zelfs nu de orde die deze taal voortbracht aan het verdwijnen is.
Schets van het wereldtoneel
Stubb stelt zich een ambitieuze taak: het analyseren van de mondiale machtsverhoudingen en het formuleren van een nieuwe wereldorde. Het resultaat is per definitie incompleet, maar wordt in vlotte, toegankelijke stijl gepresenteerd. Hij verdeelt de wereld in drie blokken: het Westen (de liberale orde van na 1945), het Oosten (met China als kern en Rusland, Iran en Noord-Korea in de periferie) en de Global South (voormalig niet-gebonden landen, feitelijk een restcategorie).
Deze blokken worden politiek, economisch, technologisch en geopolitiek getypeerd. Ze staan met elkaar in competitie; Stubb’s inzet is om die competitie niet te laten ontaarden in conflict, maar te kanaliseren richting coöperatie. Als beschrijving is dit adequaat. Als analyse blijft het oppervlakkig: macht wordt geordend naar geografie, maar niet materieel verklaard.
Diplomatic myopia
Stubb is een product van de diplomatie. Opgeleid in de VS, gevormd in Brussel, Londen en Helsinki, en langdurig actief in internationale instituties. Zijn geloof in multilateralisme, internationale organisaties en de rules-based international order is consistent — en begrijpelijk vanuit het perspectief van een klein, open land als Finland.
Juist daarom is een passage uit hoofdstuk 4 onthullend. Over Europese integratie schrijft hij in retrospectief: *“I realize my view on the EU is naïve. I believed the benefits of European integration were obvious to everyone. I was wrong.”* Deze constatering dateert uit 2016. Dat is laat. De ongelijke verdeling van de baten van globalisering en EU-integratie was toen al uitgebreid gedocumenteerd door onder anderen Rodrik, Stiglitz en Autor. Oost-West-convergentieproblemen binnen de EU waren zichtbaar en politiek explosief.
Dit niet zien is geen moreel falen, maar een analytisch falen van een bestuurder die te lang binnen zijn institutionele bubbel opereerde.
Ontbrekende puzzelstukken
Stubb is uitgesproken normatief. Integratie is goed. Legitimiteit volgt uit rationele beleidskeuzes. Zijn centrale concept - values-based realism - volgt niet uit analyse, maar fungeert als reddingsplan. Het is een poging om dezelfde normatieve orde te herstellen die het Westen decennialang universeel heeft willen maken.
Wat ontbreekt is een serieuze analyse van falen. Waarom internationale instituties hun legitimiteit hebben verloren. Hoe regels structureel selectief zijn toegepast, met name door westerse staten. Over kapitalisme schrijft Stubb dat het groei heeft gegenereerd, maar dat politiek heeft gefaald in de verdeling daarvan. Die constatering blijft hangen. Er volgt geen analyse van machtsstructuren, geen institutioneel alternatief, geen politiek-economisch ontwerp voor een “nieuwe wereldorde”.
Populisme wordt benoemd als probleemversterker. De zorgen die populisten adresseren zijn volgens Stubb reëel, hun antwoorden ondeugdelijk. Maar ook Stubb blijft ons de antwoorden op deze vragen schuldig.
Een gefragmenteerde wereldorde
The Triangle of Power is een document van de laat-systeemfase waarin het Westen zich bevindt: de overgang van een monopolaire wereldorde naar een gefragmenteerde wereld. Het boek is analytisch en moreel overtuigd — als ik het mag zeggen: Stubb schrijft een tikkeltje arrogant — en tegelijkertijd circulair.
Stubb schreef geen gids voor een nieuwe wereldorde, maar een pleidooi om de oude orde met betere retoriek te redden.
April 19, 2026
Ei relativt interessant bok, men den skjemmes i hovedsak av to ting: Stubb ser verden gjennom en ideologisk linse som han tilsynelatende er helt blind for; og han bruker for mye plass på å (snik)skryte av seg selv, sine oppnåelser, og sitt land.
Han er åpenbart en intelligent mann, og har tenkt mye og dypt over disse problemene, men han har så store skylapper på, at han ser ikke sine egne forutinntagelser. Han skriver mye om det å ta det såkalte globale øst og sør på alvor på deres egne premisser, og han er så nære å skjønne greia, men han er tilsynelatende ikke i stand til å begripe at økonomisk vekst og politisk frihet ikke er det viktigste for alle.
Stubb har vært med på mye spennende og møtt mange viktige mennesker, men den nonchalante måten han forteller om dette er lettere irriterende. Det som er langt mer irriterende, er all den finske eksepsjonalismen han sniker ikke i denne boka. Nokia er Europas beste selskap, Finland klarte å stå imot Russland, badstuer er løsninga på alt, Finland klarte seg mot Russland, det demokratiske Finland gjør det mye bedre enn det autokratiske Russland, og visste du at Finland faktisk klarte å frigjøre seg fra Russland? Jeg forstår at målgruppa for boka er mer internasjonalt, men fra et norsk perspektiv blir det litt tåpelig.
Etter all klaginga mi får jeg nå påpeke at poengene han tar opp er interessante og viktige, selv om jeg ikke synes han drar dem langt nok. Vesten bør ta resten av verden mer på alvor, og bør faktisk være villig til å gi dem mer makt over sine egne skjebner, heller enn å tviholde på all makta vi kan. Han nevner at resten av verden anser det som at Vesten har misbrukt reglene vi satte etter krigen, men det er ikke åpenbart for meg at han selv faktisk tror på det, noe som svekker argumentene hans noe.
Men heller enn å fortsette å flisespikke alle de politiske punktene her, får jeg heller konkludere med at boka nok er veldig nyttig lesing for mange. Jeg var nok ikke i målgruppa, men fikk allikevel litt ut av å lese dette. Dersom han kan overbevise noen om verdien av å omforme de internasjonale institusjonene, er det en enorm seier i seg selv. Alexander Stubb har inntatt en uforholdsmessig stor rolle internasjonalt, så det er nyttig å vite litt om hva han faktisk tenker og mener.
Han er åpenbart en intelligent mann, og har tenkt mye og dypt over disse problemene, men han har så store skylapper på, at han ser ikke sine egne forutinntagelser. Han skriver mye om det å ta det såkalte globale øst og sør på alvor på deres egne premisser, og han er så nære å skjønne greia, men han er tilsynelatende ikke i stand til å begripe at økonomisk vekst og politisk frihet ikke er det viktigste for alle.
Stubb har vært med på mye spennende og møtt mange viktige mennesker, men den nonchalante måten han forteller om dette er lettere irriterende. Det som er langt mer irriterende, er all den finske eksepsjonalismen han sniker ikke i denne boka. Nokia er Europas beste selskap, Finland klarte å stå imot Russland, badstuer er løsninga på alt, Finland klarte seg mot Russland, det demokratiske Finland gjør det mye bedre enn det autokratiske Russland, og visste du at Finland faktisk klarte å frigjøre seg fra Russland? Jeg forstår at målgruppa for boka er mer internasjonalt, men fra et norsk perspektiv blir det litt tåpelig.
Etter all klaginga mi får jeg nå påpeke at poengene han tar opp er interessante og viktige, selv om jeg ikke synes han drar dem langt nok. Vesten bør ta resten av verden mer på alvor, og bør faktisk være villig til å gi dem mer makt over sine egne skjebner, heller enn å tviholde på all makta vi kan. Han nevner at resten av verden anser det som at Vesten har misbrukt reglene vi satte etter krigen, men det er ikke åpenbart for meg at han selv faktisk tror på det, noe som svekker argumentene hans noe.
Men heller enn å fortsette å flisespikke alle de politiske punktene her, får jeg heller konkludere med at boka nok er veldig nyttig lesing for mange. Jeg var nok ikke i målgruppa, men fikk allikevel litt ut av å lese dette. Dersom han kan overbevise noen om verdien av å omforme de internasjonale institusjonene, er det en enorm seier i seg selv. Alexander Stubb har inntatt en uforholdsmessig stor rolle internasjonalt, så det er nyttig å vite litt om hva han faktisk tenker og mener.
March 3, 2026
“Külma sõja järgne periood on läbi. Reeglitel põhinev maailmakord, mille Lääs pärast teist maailmasõda kehtestas, on rusudes. Liberaalne ideaal, mis toetab demokraatiat ja vabadust või vähemalt püüdleb
selle poole, on rünnaku all. Meie puhkus ajaloost on lõppenud.”
***
“Vene revolutsiooni eelõhtul olevat Vladimir Iljitš Lenin öelnud: „On aastakümneid, kus midagi ei juhtu, ja on nädalaid, mil juhtub aastakümneid." Harva leian end kommunistlike revolutsionääridega ühel meelel olevat, kuid selles osas tabas seltsimees Lenin naelapead.”
***
“”Mida inimesed alustavad, selle saavad inimesed ka lõpetada." Nii ütles minu mentor, Soome president ja Nobeli rahupreemia laureat Martti Ahtisaari, kelle mälestusele pühendasin selle raamatu. Ja see kehtib ka meie teadlikult kujundatud maailmakorra põhiolemuse kohta. Inimesed kujundasid selle ajal, mil vajadus korra järele oli kriitiline. Inimesed võivad lasta sellel ka laguneda. Või me saame selle ka ümber kujundada, et alustada uuesti.”
***
“Iga regioon peab teadlikult vältima omaenda geopoliitilist lõksu. Seni oleme teinud välispoliitikas kollektiivselt kolmekordse vea. Lääs on pimesi uskunud oma ajaloo lõpu teesi. Idapoolsed totalitaarsed riigid on rajanud oma lähenemisviisi nostalgilisele imperialismile. Ja paljud riigid eri regioonides on rajanud oma välispoliitika ohvri narratiivile. Seal, kus need kolm viga kohtuvad, vajub maailm deterministlikku raamistikku, mis hoiab meid minevikus kinni.”
***
“Lahkusin kohtumiselt vapustatuna. Karimovi nimetamine autokraadiks on vähe öeldud. Ta oli kurikuulus diktaator. Väidetavalt laskis ta oma julgeolekuteenistusel kaks vangi surnuks keeta ja surnukehad nende peredele toimetada. Ta klammerdus võimu külge 25 aastaks. Ma loodan siiralt, et miski, tegelikult ükskõik mis, viib temasuguste juhitud autoritaarsete diktatuuride kokkuvarisemiseni.”
selle poole, on rünnaku all. Meie puhkus ajaloost on lõppenud.”
***
“Vene revolutsiooni eelõhtul olevat Vladimir Iljitš Lenin öelnud: „On aastakümneid, kus midagi ei juhtu, ja on nädalaid, mil juhtub aastakümneid." Harva leian end kommunistlike revolutsionääridega ühel meelel olevat, kuid selles osas tabas seltsimees Lenin naelapead.”
***
“”Mida inimesed alustavad, selle saavad inimesed ka lõpetada." Nii ütles minu mentor, Soome president ja Nobeli rahupreemia laureat Martti Ahtisaari, kelle mälestusele pühendasin selle raamatu. Ja see kehtib ka meie teadlikult kujundatud maailmakorra põhiolemuse kohta. Inimesed kujundasid selle ajal, mil vajadus korra järele oli kriitiline. Inimesed võivad lasta sellel ka laguneda. Või me saame selle ka ümber kujundada, et alustada uuesti.”
***
“Iga regioon peab teadlikult vältima omaenda geopoliitilist lõksu. Seni oleme teinud välispoliitikas kollektiivselt kolmekordse vea. Lääs on pimesi uskunud oma ajaloo lõpu teesi. Idapoolsed totalitaarsed riigid on rajanud oma lähenemisviisi nostalgilisele imperialismile. Ja paljud riigid eri regioonides on rajanud oma välispoliitika ohvri narratiivile. Seal, kus need kolm viga kohtuvad, vajub maailm deterministlikku raamistikku, mis hoiab meid minevikus kinni.”
***
“Lahkusin kohtumiselt vapustatuna. Karimovi nimetamine autokraadiks on vähe öeldud. Ta oli kurikuulus diktaator. Väidetavalt laskis ta oma julgeolekuteenistusel kaks vangi surnuks keeta ja surnukehad nende peredele toimetada. Ta klammerdus võimu külge 25 aastaks. Ma loodan siiralt, et miski, tegelikult ükskõik mis, viib temasuguste juhitud autoritaarsete diktatuuride kokkuvarisemiseni.”
March 21, 2026
I picked up The Triangle of Power expecting another familiar take on geopolitics, but it turned out to be more reflective than I anticipated.
What Stubb does well is capturing a feeling many of us already sense but struggle to articulate: the world no longer operates under a clear structure. His idea of an interregnum, a period between orders, feels accurate. The old system hasn’t fully disappeared, but it no longer works the way it used to, and whatever comes next remains uncertain.
The “triangle” framework, consisting of the Global West, Global East, and Global South, works not because it simplifies the world, but because it shows how fluid alignments have become. Countries are no longer locked into rigid blocs. They move, adjust, and respond based on shifting interests. That is probably one of the book’s strongest points.
I also found his discussion on how interdependence has changed quite insightful. What used to connect countries, such as trade, energy, and finance, is now just as easily used as leverage. It makes the current global situation feel less stable, even when there is no formal war.
That said, I could not ignore a certain bias in how “disorder” is framed. The analysis still leans toward a Western perspective, especially when discussing global norms and institutions. The Global South is acknowledged, but not fully explored in terms of its real constraints and possibilities.
For me, this book works more as a starting point than a final answer. It helps clarify what is changing, but it leaves open the harder question of what kind of system will actually replace what we have lost.
Overall, it is a thoughtful and relevant read, especially if you are trying to make sense of where the world is heading without expecting neat conclusions.
La Mema Parandy
What Stubb does well is capturing a feeling many of us already sense but struggle to articulate: the world no longer operates under a clear structure. His idea of an interregnum, a period between orders, feels accurate. The old system hasn’t fully disappeared, but it no longer works the way it used to, and whatever comes next remains uncertain.
The “triangle” framework, consisting of the Global West, Global East, and Global South, works not because it simplifies the world, but because it shows how fluid alignments have become. Countries are no longer locked into rigid blocs. They move, adjust, and respond based on shifting interests. That is probably one of the book’s strongest points.
I also found his discussion on how interdependence has changed quite insightful. What used to connect countries, such as trade, energy, and finance, is now just as easily used as leverage. It makes the current global situation feel less stable, even when there is no formal war.
That said, I could not ignore a certain bias in how “disorder” is framed. The analysis still leans toward a Western perspective, especially when discussing global norms and institutions. The Global South is acknowledged, but not fully explored in terms of its real constraints and possibilities.
For me, this book works more as a starting point than a final answer. It helps clarify what is changing, but it leaves open the harder question of what kind of system will actually replace what we have lost.
Overall, it is a thoughtful and relevant read, especially if you are trying to make sense of where the world is heading without expecting neat conclusions.
La Mema Parandy
March 28, 2026
The President of Finland, Alexander Stubb, just released a book, "The Triangle of Power”, which explores the shift from rules-based multilateralism toward a more fragmented multipolarity.
This emerging world disorder is increasingly "transactional," where international relations are dictated by immediate self-interest rather than stable, shared values.
The author argues that the global landscape is shaped by the Global West (led by the US and EU), the Global East (led by Russia, China, and Iran), and the Global South (such as India, Brazil, South Africa, and Saudi Arabia).
While the West and East represent ideological extremes, the Global South acts as a critical swing power that prioritizes its own interests and seeks a more representative order.
This disorder was fueled by the West frequently breaking the international rules it promoted, often using its economic and technological advantages to exploit other regions.
By failing to "walk the talk," the West provided a poor example that nations in the Global East, such as Russia, have since mirrored in their own transactional actions.
The UN, on the other hand, faces heavy criticism for its inefficiency and for failing to properly represent the interests and agency of all countries, rather than the most powerful.
To remain the backbone of world order, the organization must undergo urgent reforms to ensure the majority of the world is fairly represented and its interests are met.
Stubb foresees three possible futures: a continuation of today’s "à la carte" disorder, a total collapse into chaos, or a restored cooperative world order.
The most hopeful scenario involves building effective multilateralism where the common interest eventually becomes the self-interest of every state.
Individual countries can shape this new order by maintaining democratic societies and strengthening regional cooperation and the UN reform to prevent global fragmentation.
Success requires adopting a "dignified foreign policy" based on mutual respect, leading by example, and a willingness to listen to different cultural perspectives.
This emerging world disorder is increasingly "transactional," where international relations are dictated by immediate self-interest rather than stable, shared values.
The author argues that the global landscape is shaped by the Global West (led by the US and EU), the Global East (led by Russia, China, and Iran), and the Global South (such as India, Brazil, South Africa, and Saudi Arabia).
While the West and East represent ideological extremes, the Global South acts as a critical swing power that prioritizes its own interests and seeks a more representative order.
This disorder was fueled by the West frequently breaking the international rules it promoted, often using its economic and technological advantages to exploit other regions.
By failing to "walk the talk," the West provided a poor example that nations in the Global East, such as Russia, have since mirrored in their own transactional actions.
The UN, on the other hand, faces heavy criticism for its inefficiency and for failing to properly represent the interests and agency of all countries, rather than the most powerful.
To remain the backbone of world order, the organization must undergo urgent reforms to ensure the majority of the world is fairly represented and its interests are met.
Stubb foresees three possible futures: a continuation of today’s "à la carte" disorder, a total collapse into chaos, or a restored cooperative world order.
The most hopeful scenario involves building effective multilateralism where the common interest eventually becomes the self-interest of every state.
Individual countries can shape this new order by maintaining democratic societies and strengthening regional cooperation and the UN reform to prevent global fragmentation.
Success requires adopting a "dignified foreign policy" based on mutual respect, leading by example, and a willingness to listen to different cultural perspectives.
March 14, 2026
Maktens triangel: Om maktbalansen, den nya världsordningen av Alexander Stubb. Utgiven 2026 först under engelska titeln ”Triangle of power: Rebalancing the world order och översatt till svenska senare. Genre politik, historia, statsvetenskap, ekonomi, idéhistoria. Alexander Stubb är nuvarande president i Finland och har tidigare varit statsminister, finansminister, utrikesminister samt handels och europaminister. Han har examen i internationella relationer, magiterexamen i EU-administration samt kandidat i statsvetenskap. Internationellt erkänd politiker som är även känd för främjande av folkhälsa (Han är en förebild genom sin intensiva träning-bland annat tiden 1:04:19 i triathlonloppet Jorois 2025 i Finland-750 meter simning, 20km cykling samt 5 km löpning). Även allmänt uppmuntrande av bildning.
Boken är uppdelad i tre övergripande kapitel; Ordning, balans samt dynamiska krafter med flera underkapitel. Totalt lite över 300 sidor. Skrivet på ett lättläst levande språk. Jag uppskattade berättardelarna exempelvis sms konversation med Sergej Lavrov. Världen känns levande. Författaren argumenterar för att fler delar av världen ska få komma till tals i maktforum så som FN. Väst (USA, europa) har haft den största makten sedan andra världskriget och utmanas av Öst (Kina samt Ryssland). Ukrainakriget används som exempel på en europacentrering som speglar speciellt FN. Syd står utanför trots en större roll ekonomiskt samt geopolitiskt. Länder som Indien, Brasilien, Sydafrika eller Japan skulle bli mer engagerade ifall de fick en större formell makt. Hur kan välstånd komma fler länder till del? Globala väst har 60% av globala ekonomin men 15% av världens befolkning. Det diskuteras hur västs institioner kan vara en förebild. Världen behöver mer samarbeten och att hjälpa varandra. Världen kan även förstås i form av regioner exempelvis afrika, mellanöstern, asien, amerika eller europa. Organisationer som FN, EU, WTO, G7, G20, IMF nämns. Globalisering, digitalisering. World economic forum i Davos. Med mera.
Denna bok gav en avsevärt förbättrad förståelse av världen, den nuvarande geopolitiken, samt behovet av samarbeten eller avtal. Stor del historia om länder eller framväxt institioner. ”Globala kollektiva nyttigheter”-säkerhet, handel eller klimatet behöver mellanstatliga lösningar. Jag ger boken högsta betyg för att den är högaktuell, med vissa inslag av tidslöshet. Flertalet klassiska referenser exempelvis Platon, Aristoteles, Locke, Rosseau, Thukydides. Även nygamla referenser som Dambisa Moyo (Dead aid: why aid is not working), Al gore (Earth in the balance), Francis Fukuyama (Optimist/universialist) versus Samuel Huntington (Realism/kulturalist). Ser framemot mer läsning av Stubb eller någon av de refererade verken i denna bok.
Boken är uppdelad i tre övergripande kapitel; Ordning, balans samt dynamiska krafter med flera underkapitel. Totalt lite över 300 sidor. Skrivet på ett lättläst levande språk. Jag uppskattade berättardelarna exempelvis sms konversation med Sergej Lavrov. Världen känns levande. Författaren argumenterar för att fler delar av världen ska få komma till tals i maktforum så som FN. Väst (USA, europa) har haft den största makten sedan andra världskriget och utmanas av Öst (Kina samt Ryssland). Ukrainakriget används som exempel på en europacentrering som speglar speciellt FN. Syd står utanför trots en större roll ekonomiskt samt geopolitiskt. Länder som Indien, Brasilien, Sydafrika eller Japan skulle bli mer engagerade ifall de fick en större formell makt. Hur kan välstånd komma fler länder till del? Globala väst har 60% av globala ekonomin men 15% av världens befolkning. Det diskuteras hur västs institioner kan vara en förebild. Världen behöver mer samarbeten och att hjälpa varandra. Världen kan även förstås i form av regioner exempelvis afrika, mellanöstern, asien, amerika eller europa. Organisationer som FN, EU, WTO, G7, G20, IMF nämns. Globalisering, digitalisering. World economic forum i Davos. Med mera.
Denna bok gav en avsevärt förbättrad förståelse av världen, den nuvarande geopolitiken, samt behovet av samarbeten eller avtal. Stor del historia om länder eller framväxt institioner. ”Globala kollektiva nyttigheter”-säkerhet, handel eller klimatet behöver mellanstatliga lösningar. Jag ger boken högsta betyg för att den är högaktuell, med vissa inslag av tidslöshet. Flertalet klassiska referenser exempelvis Platon, Aristoteles, Locke, Rosseau, Thukydides. Även nygamla referenser som Dambisa Moyo (Dead aid: why aid is not working), Al gore (Earth in the balance), Francis Fukuyama (Optimist/universialist) versus Samuel Huntington (Realism/kulturalist). Ser framemot mer läsning av Stubb eller någon av de refererade verken i denna bok.
April 8, 2026
At a time when many of us are embarrassed by our world leaders, Alexander Stubb is a breath of fresh air.
Calm, intellectual, articulate, & optimistic - while remaining a realist.
He has a PhD in International Relations, was the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the European Parliament, Prime Minister of Finland, Minister of Finance, VP of the European Investment Bank, Director and Professor of International Relations at the European University, and is now the President of Finland.
He is without doubt one of the most qualified people in the world to be, well, a world leader.
In the book he outlines the historical shift we are living through, how we got here, his vision for what we need to do to preserve a prosperous future, and provides digestible academic arguments for his position. Which is so refreshing given the circus show we’ve lived through the last decade.
This is a book best read now, not next year or years down the road. So much has already changed in the world since this was published in January 2026. I urge you to add this to your list to read this year. It’s a little over 200 pages and can be read in a few hours.
Look up some of his speeches on YouTube. If he piques your interest, snag this and enjoy. You will become a more informed citizen of the world and, believe it or not, more optimistic for the future.
Calm, intellectual, articulate, & optimistic - while remaining a realist.
He has a PhD in International Relations, was the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the European Parliament, Prime Minister of Finland, Minister of Finance, VP of the European Investment Bank, Director and Professor of International Relations at the European University, and is now the President of Finland.
He is without doubt one of the most qualified people in the world to be, well, a world leader.
In the book he outlines the historical shift we are living through, how we got here, his vision for what we need to do to preserve a prosperous future, and provides digestible academic arguments for his position. Which is so refreshing given the circus show we’ve lived through the last decade.
This is a book best read now, not next year or years down the road. So much has already changed in the world since this was published in January 2026. I urge you to add this to your list to read this year. It’s a little over 200 pages and can be read in a few hours.
Look up some of his speeches on YouTube. If he piques your interest, snag this and enjoy. You will become a more informed citizen of the world and, believe it or not, more optimistic for the future.
January 17, 2026
Fantastic read! Recommend you read it and then come back to it in 10years to see how things turned out.
There are decades when nothing happens and then there are weeks when decades happen.
Stubb frames our current era not just as a time of change, but as a "hinge moment" in history. He compares the mid-2020s to 1918, 1945, and 1989—windows of time where the world order is completely rewritten. If you’ve felt that the global rules are unravelling, this book explains exactly why and, more importantly, what comes next.
Reading this feels like holding a map while the ground is still shifting. It is an optimistic but unflinching look at how we can move from a world of "Multipolar Disorder" back to a functioning "Multilateralism." It’s a must-read for anyone who wants to understand why the next ten years will define the rest of the century.
"The West’s last chance is to convince the rest of the world that they are capable of dialogue instead of monologue."
There is a corresponding lecture on the same topic : https://youtu.be/4UlBK2KoG4g?si=r2JYL...
There are decades when nothing happens and then there are weeks when decades happen.
Stubb frames our current era not just as a time of change, but as a "hinge moment" in history. He compares the mid-2020s to 1918, 1945, and 1989—windows of time where the world order is completely rewritten. If you’ve felt that the global rules are unravelling, this book explains exactly why and, more importantly, what comes next.
Reading this feels like holding a map while the ground is still shifting. It is an optimistic but unflinching look at how we can move from a world of "Multipolar Disorder" back to a functioning "Multilateralism." It’s a must-read for anyone who wants to understand why the next ten years will define the rest of the century.
"The West’s last chance is to convince the rest of the world that they are capable of dialogue instead of monologue."
There is a corresponding lecture on the same topic : https://youtu.be/4UlBK2KoG4g?si=r2JYL...
January 23, 2026
Vallan kolmio on ajankohtainen ja älyllisesti perusteellinen tutkimus muuttuvasta maailmanjärjestyksestä. Presidentti Alexander Stubb esittää vuosikymmenten diplomaattiseen, poliittiseen ja akateemiseen kokemukseensa nojaten selkeän ja vakuuttavan viitekehyksen nykypäivän geopoliittisten realiteettien ymmärtämiseksi globaalin lännen, globaalin idän ja globaalin etelän näkökulmasta.
Yksi kirjan suurimmista vahvuuksista on sen tasapainoinen, luja mutta pohdiskeleva sävy, erityisesti sen kehotus arvoihin perustuvaan realismiin ja arvokkaaseen ulkopolitiikkaan. Yhdysvaltojen, Kiinan ja globaalin etelän ratkaisevan roolin välisten muuttuvien dynamiikkojen analyysi on sekä helposti lähestyttävää että syvästi oivaltavaa. Tämä teos on tärkeä panos nykyaikaiseen geopoliittiseen ajatteluun ja merkityksellinen opas vuosisadan loppua muokkaavien voimien ymmärtämiseen.
Yksi kirjan suurimmista vahvuuksista on sen tasapainoinen, luja mutta pohdiskeleva sävy, erityisesti sen kehotus arvoihin perustuvaan realismiin ja arvokkaaseen ulkopolitiikkaan. Yhdysvaltojen, Kiinan ja globaalin etelän ratkaisevan roolin välisten muuttuvien dynamiikkojen analyysi on sekä helposti lähestyttävää että syvästi oivaltavaa. Tämä teos on tärkeä panos nykyaikaiseen geopoliittiseen ajatteluun ja merkityksellinen opas vuosisadan loppua muokkaavien voimien ymmärtämiseen.
March 24, 2026
[Audiobook] Stubbs thesis on the shifts of geopolitics stands relates but defers to Carney's Davos speech (albeit Stubb's book was published prior to it). While Carney's landmark speech warns of a rupture of the international rules-based order, many of the rules the world subscribes to people based on a belief/promise of neoliberal values, Stubb argues that the current geopolitical context serves as a transition period to a new world order that encompasses multiple spheres of influence, the West, the East and the South. I think it conveys a message of realism that multilateralism will still exist following the Trump Era- even if it will look different than before. The rise of the Global South, and how that impacts the spheres of influence, will be a determining fact in whether Stubb's thesis is proven right. Stubb presents a convincing argument, but I may just be hopeful.
February 19, 2026
A must read in these chaotic times
In this relatively short, political exposes, Alexander Stubb lays out a well-thought-out assessment of the failings we are all feeling today from the fallout of "the New World Order" of the 20th century. All throughout the book he provides evidence leading up to several key reforms that could bring stability and prosperity to the majority of the world. I'm reminded of the concepts in sailing, sometimes you have to ease off to speed up. I think President Stubb makes this point well.
On a personal note, I learned from the book that there's a small chance that I may have actually met him when he was a student at Furman University.
In this relatively short, political exposes, Alexander Stubb lays out a well-thought-out assessment of the failings we are all feeling today from the fallout of "the New World Order" of the 20th century. All throughout the book he provides evidence leading up to several key reforms that could bring stability and prosperity to the majority of the world. I'm reminded of the concepts in sailing, sometimes you have to ease off to speed up. I think President Stubb makes this point well.
On a personal note, I learned from the book that there's a small chance that I may have actually met him when he was a student at Furman University.
February 21, 2026
I read Stubb’s essay in foreign affairs back in January and I found it really interesting. I’m not super into politics or foreign policy, but reading a measured and realistic take on the current state of the world made me want to learn more.
The book is short, but packs a big punch. I think the most interesting thing stubb wrote about was competition between states. Countries aren’t just competing for resources or for influence. They’re competing for their way of life. I appreciate hearing this from a viewpoint that isn’t US centric. But Stubb was clear, in order for the west to keep its place in the world order, the US has to be in the drivers seat.
The book is short, but packs a big punch. I think the most interesting thing stubb wrote about was competition between states. Countries aren’t just competing for resources or for influence. They’re competing for their way of life. I appreciate hearing this from a viewpoint that isn’t US centric. But Stubb was clear, in order for the west to keep its place in the world order, the US has to be in the drivers seat.
March 11, 2026
An well thought out book that combines a political background with a very academic take on the changes in politics today. I feel some aspects are a bit simplified but that makes the book more accessible for a wider audience. Overall the main thesises I agree with- particularly around the global south and the UN. I found at parts of the book it was clear it was written over 5 years with a lot of changes which made it a bit less cohesive than it could have been and certainly more has happened since it went into print but overall the book holds up well. The book also misses optimism and pessimism quite well.
Displaying 1 - 30 of 49 reviews