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Comment naît le fascisme: Préface de Marie-Anne Matard-Bonucci
- GenresNonfictionPoliticsItaly
120 pages
Published October 22, 2025
About the author
Antonio Gramsci
573 books1,041 followersAntonio Francesco Gramsci was an Italian Marxist philosopher, linguist, journalist, writer, and politician. He wrote on philosophy, political theory, sociology, history, and linguistics. He was a founding member and one-time leader of the Italian Communist Party. A vocal critic of Benito Mussolini and fascism, he was imprisoned in 1926, where he remained until his death in 1937.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources — not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — use cultural institutions to maintain wealth and power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources — not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — use cultural institutions to maintain wealth and power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.
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Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews
February 1, 2026
J'ai vraiment apprécié la façon dont Gramsci analyse le fascisme : sa genèse, son caractère réactionnaire, la perte de confiance dans les parlements, la complicité des fonctionnaires (notamment la police), et surtout l’alternance entre démocratie et fascisme. Il montre comment la démocratie a besoin du fascisme pour contenir la révolution prolétarienne. Ce qu'expose Gramsci rappelle malheureusement la montée de l'extrême droite dans la plupart des pays occidentaux, et témoigne que le fascisme est à nos portes.
Ce que j’ai moins aimé, c’est que le livre exige une bonne connaissance de l’histoire italienne : certains épisodes cités par Gramsci en exemple m’étaient inconnus.
C’était donc une lecture très intéressante, mais j’aurais peut-être préféré m’informer un peu plus sur le fascisme italien avant.
Ce que j’ai moins aimé, c’est que le livre exige une bonne connaissance de l’histoire italienne : certains épisodes cités par Gramsci en exemple m’étaient inconnus.
C’était donc une lecture très intéressante, mais j’aurais peut-être préféré m’informer un peu plus sur le fascisme italien avant.
March 28, 2026
"La "démocratie" a produit le fascisme quand elle a senti qu’elle ne pouvait plus résister à la pression de la classe ouvrière même dans des conditions de liberté seulement formelle."
100 ans plus tard t’as toujours autant raison Antonio, si pas plus.
100 ans plus tard t’as toujours autant raison Antonio, si pas plus.
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June 13, 2026Fascism as the story of a (in the European context) relatively weak middle class passing from a stifling prewar Giolittist coalition with rural workers to a defensive postwar alliance with rising heavy industrialists and the landed aristocracy as inflation both increases the number of rural small proprietors via land sales and puts the lifestyle of the urban middle (shopkeepers, small proprietors, officials) in danger. This movement perpetuates itself by expanding complicity in mounting violent crimes and the never-fulfilled promise to end Italy's economic predicament and the squeeze on the urban middle classes.
Charles S. Maier - "Thus a decaying small-town bourgeoisie and a rising rural one reinforced each other. Both were defensive, either about newly acquired or newly threatened status and property. Veterans and university youth who had migrated politically from syndicalist or republican radicalism via interventionism to fascism were ready to lead them. Major landlords were prepared to defray the costs of meetings and transport and to contribute to their local newspapers; lawyers and bankers in the provincial centers intervened to prevent police response; and even Rome was willing to delay any effective repression of the new violence."
Summary of Key Points
"Reaction", Fascism and Democracy
- "Reaction" is a global phenomenon made up of those tendencies within capitalist states responding to an increasing lack of control over the productive process.
- Fascism restores the capitalist state in a two-step movement whereby "illegal" violence against those disrupting the productive process is then denounced but continued via "legal" processes that achieve the same ends: socialists are arrested and then executed rather than assassinated, workers' organisations are dissolved rather than ransacked and set on fire.
- Fascism and "Democracy" end up striking a deal. When Italian Democrats are unable to control workers exercising their rights, the violence of fascism is used to restore the conditions for proper functioning of "Democracy": workers with all the legal rights to be politically active but none of the will, resources or organisational capacity.
The Distinctive role of the Middle Classes in the Italian Crisis and Fascism
- The Italian crisis involves an urban Petit Bourgeoisie/middle class that has lost its historical economic role and is thus leaping from one political institution to another in an attempt to define a historical position for itself. This leads to "cretinism" first in Italian parliament via reformist socialism and Giolittism, then in workers' institutions themselves following the demonstration in June 1914 that the mass of the population has lost faith in parliamentary institutions. This infiltration, exemplified in the rise of populist parties, stifles the Italian class struggle in its infancy. When protest and regional political struggles intensifies after the war, this group of "popolo delle scimmie" moves to a new arena - adherence to private patrons.
- Fascism as middle-class reaction is in part created by the immediate effects of the great war: a shrinking artisan and small-proprietor class and rising military professional and heavy industrialist blocs respond by way of violence to the strengthened postwar position of labour (Gramsci links this to an estimated 20 million working-age men killed and another 20 million wounded internationally) and the reversed flow of migration between colonies and metropoles.
- Fascism is not wholley a class phenomenon - it offers a formal, political varnish to the messy and wild outpouring of emotions from the groups in Italian society who have been left behind by modernising processes (neither schooled nor urbanised).
- The unique conditions for Italian fascism emerge from the relative immaturity of its middle classes - the political victory of these classes over feudal, landed interests was more the result of international conditions than their own strength. Thus, prewar politics was defined by Giolitti's weak state cobbling together coalitions of agricultural workers and all urban classes against the landed aristocracy. The Great War put this to an end not only by way of a crisis of production (the strengthening position of workers and the crisis of the urban middle classes) but also the formation of a new class bloc in which the middle turns to the directors of large heavy industry combines, the military staff and the large landowners rather than the peasants. The peasants themselves, meanwhile, end up fractured between three organisations: in the north and central regions of Italy a million peasants go to the PSI and to the populists each, whereas in the south and in the "backwards" regions with little history of political organisation, veteran groups dominate. While small and large proprietors begin terrorist squadristi interventions from 1919 onwards with the support of Bonimi's 60,000 demobilised officers, the scattered peasant base of the PSI, mislead for the past decade by flailing middle-class political officials, is unsufficiently instructed as to a programmatic response.
Spain as Model
- Spain serves as a model that all of Europe will soon follow: Italy's fascist militias emerging in 1920-1921 are at the stage of development of Spain's in 1919.
How Fascism Perpetuates Itself
- Once established, fascism is perpetuated by four elementary circumstances: an accumulating mass of crimes that fascists will be charged for if they lose control of power; complicity of functionaries in these crimes; large munitions stocks; military discipline and integration with the Italian military Staff.
- Fascism is the self-sustaining collapse of the Italian middle-classes: the interventions of its opportunist politicians often favour their large combine patrons and place increasing pressure on the middle classes, yet are sold as the solution to this pressure rather than one of its causes.
The PSI
- The PSI is using Marxist doctrine as an excuse for organisational inaction and lack of a clear political programme. If the fascists can raise the masses despite conditions not theoretically being "ripe" for this, why can't the PSI do the same?
Mussolini
- Mussolini, by his own admission, is applying a "non-revolutionary Blanquism" which brings about the rule of a minority via armed aggression but does not use this upheaval for the transformation of political and legal structures or integration of the broader masses into these institutions.
- Mussolini is an exemplary Italian Petit-Bourgeois: fuelled by outrage at decades of foreign intervention and economic inefficiency and principally committed to a politics of Staff not of Class.
Charles S. Maier - "Thus a decaying small-town bourgeoisie and a rising rural one reinforced each other. Both were defensive, either about newly acquired or newly threatened status and property. Veterans and university youth who had migrated politically from syndicalist or republican radicalism via interventionism to fascism were ready to lead them. Major landlords were prepared to defray the costs of meetings and transport and to contribute to their local newspapers; lawyers and bankers in the provincial centers intervened to prevent police response; and even Rome was willing to delay any effective repression of the new violence."
Summary of Key Points
"Reaction", Fascism and Democracy
- "Reaction" is a global phenomenon made up of those tendencies within capitalist states responding to an increasing lack of control over the productive process.
- Fascism restores the capitalist state in a two-step movement whereby "illegal" violence against those disrupting the productive process is then denounced but continued via "legal" processes that achieve the same ends: socialists are arrested and then executed rather than assassinated, workers' organisations are dissolved rather than ransacked and set on fire.
- Fascism and "Democracy" end up striking a deal. When Italian Democrats are unable to control workers exercising their rights, the violence of fascism is used to restore the conditions for proper functioning of "Democracy": workers with all the legal rights to be politically active but none of the will, resources or organisational capacity.
The Distinctive role of the Middle Classes in the Italian Crisis and Fascism
- The Italian crisis involves an urban Petit Bourgeoisie/middle class that has lost its historical economic role and is thus leaping from one political institution to another in an attempt to define a historical position for itself. This leads to "cretinism" first in Italian parliament via reformist socialism and Giolittism, then in workers' institutions themselves following the demonstration in June 1914 that the mass of the population has lost faith in parliamentary institutions. This infiltration, exemplified in the rise of populist parties, stifles the Italian class struggle in its infancy. When protest and regional political struggles intensifies after the war, this group of "popolo delle scimmie" moves to a new arena - adherence to private patrons.
- Fascism as middle-class reaction is in part created by the immediate effects of the great war: a shrinking artisan and small-proprietor class and rising military professional and heavy industrialist blocs respond by way of violence to the strengthened postwar position of labour (Gramsci links this to an estimated 20 million working-age men killed and another 20 million wounded internationally) and the reversed flow of migration between colonies and metropoles.
- Fascism is not wholley a class phenomenon - it offers a formal, political varnish to the messy and wild outpouring of emotions from the groups in Italian society who have been left behind by modernising processes (neither schooled nor urbanised).
- The unique conditions for Italian fascism emerge from the relative immaturity of its middle classes - the political victory of these classes over feudal, landed interests was more the result of international conditions than their own strength. Thus, prewar politics was defined by Giolitti's weak state cobbling together coalitions of agricultural workers and all urban classes against the landed aristocracy. The Great War put this to an end not only by way of a crisis of production (the strengthening position of workers and the crisis of the urban middle classes) but also the formation of a new class bloc in which the middle turns to the directors of large heavy industry combines, the military staff and the large landowners rather than the peasants. The peasants themselves, meanwhile, end up fractured between three organisations: in the north and central regions of Italy a million peasants go to the PSI and to the populists each, whereas in the south and in the "backwards" regions with little history of political organisation, veteran groups dominate. While small and large proprietors begin terrorist squadristi interventions from 1919 onwards with the support of Bonimi's 60,000 demobilised officers, the scattered peasant base of the PSI, mislead for the past decade by flailing middle-class political officials, is unsufficiently instructed as to a programmatic response.
Spain as Model
- Spain serves as a model that all of Europe will soon follow: Italy's fascist militias emerging in 1920-1921 are at the stage of development of Spain's in 1919.
How Fascism Perpetuates Itself
- Once established, fascism is perpetuated by four elementary circumstances: an accumulating mass of crimes that fascists will be charged for if they lose control of power; complicity of functionaries in these crimes; large munitions stocks; military discipline and integration with the Italian military Staff.
- Fascism is the self-sustaining collapse of the Italian middle-classes: the interventions of its opportunist politicians often favour their large combine patrons and place increasing pressure on the middle classes, yet are sold as the solution to this pressure rather than one of its causes.
The PSI
- The PSI is using Marxist doctrine as an excuse for organisational inaction and lack of a clear political programme. If the fascists can raise the masses despite conditions not theoretically being "ripe" for this, why can't the PSI do the same?
Mussolini
- Mussolini, by his own admission, is applying a "non-revolutionary Blanquism" which brings about the rule of a minority via armed aggression but does not use this upheaval for the transformation of political and legal structures or integration of the broader masses into these institutions.
- Mussolini is an exemplary Italian Petit-Bourgeois: fuelled by outrage at decades of foreign intervention and economic inefficiency and principally committed to a politics of Staff not of Class.
February 28, 2026
Bon bah nous en 2027
January 17, 2026
Many people are familiar with Gramsci's writings dating from the time he was locked away in a fascist prison. His well known thoughts on cultural hegemony are even adopted by the far right these days. This collection of short articles between 1920 and 1924 is less famous, however.
In it, he traces the rise of Italian fascism as it takes place around him. The themes are familiar to us, such as the loss of trust in institutions (like the parliament) and the leader cult. One can already see a great mind at work, despite his relatively young age at the time of writing. Still, as the learnings in the collection are quite well-known these days, I'd say the collection is mostly interesting from a historical perspective.
In it, he traces the rise of Italian fascism as it takes place around him. The themes are familiar to us, such as the loss of trust in institutions (like the parliament) and the leader cult. One can already see a great mind at work, despite his relatively young age at the time of writing. Still, as the learnings in the collection are quite well-known these days, I'd say the collection is mostly interesting from a historical perspective.
March 16, 2026
J’ai bien aimé le livre. Je trouve qui donne des indications et des informations importantes sur la naissance du fascisme et son fonctionnement. C’est un livre qui est assez rapide à lire donc tout le monde devrait le lire…
Ou en tout cas en parler. Il y a des notions que je n’ai pas tout à fait compris ou sur lequel j’ai des questions et je sais que je vais en parler avec des camarades et des professeurs.
Néanmoins, je comprends que le contexte italien qui est développé tout au long du livre peut être assez compliqué à comprendre si on a pas tous les éléments.
Ça n’empêche de comprendre les définitions et les points de vues sur le fascisme.
Ou en tout cas en parler. Il y a des notions que je n’ai pas tout à fait compris ou sur lequel j’ai des questions et je sais que je vais en parler avec des camarades et des professeurs.
Néanmoins, je comprends que le contexte italien qui est développé tout au long du livre peut être assez compliqué à comprendre si on a pas tous les éléments.
Ça n’empêche de comprendre les définitions et les points de vues sur le fascisme.
February 22, 2026
"Le fascisme s'est présenté comme l’anti-parti, il a ouvert ses portes à tous les candidats et, en promettant l'impunité, il a permis à une multitude incompétente de couvrir d'un vernis d’idéaux politiques vagues et nébuleux un débordement sauvage de passions, de haine, de pulsions."
June 24, 2026
Très intéressant et encore important aujourd’hui. Les analyses du Monsieur Gramsci sont concise et pertinentes.
La préface est elle même bien écrite et utile pour avoir un contexte défini avant de commencer la lecture.
La préface est elle même bien écrite et utile pour avoir un contexte défini avant de commencer la lecture.
January 5, 2026
Grand homme, belle édition
February 12, 2026
Livre à lire en ces temps troubles en France, en Europe et de l’autre côté de l’Atlantique… Comprendre pour ne pas reproduire et pour empêcher le pire avant qu’il ne soit de nouveau trop tard
March 14, 2026
Livre trop récapitulatif pour que l'on puisse découvrir en profondeur les pensées de Gramsci.
March 15, 2026
visionnaire
March 25, 2026
Je m’attendais à plus d’histoire et d’explication mais c’est juste des extraits de ses écrits
July 8, 2026
Je retiens que Mussolini se masturbe sur ses mots
Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews