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The Public and Its Problems

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Unlock the Foundations of Modern Democracy with John Dewey’s Timeless Classic.

In The Public and Its Problems, acclaimed philosopher and educator John Dewey dissects the core issues facing democratic societies. Written in response to growing disillusionment with democracy in the early 20th century, Dewey explores the gap between the ideals of democracy and the challenges of realizing them in a rapidly changing world.

With razor-sharp insight, Dewey

What defines a "public" in a complex society

Why communication is essential to democratic life

The failure of institutions to meet modern needs

A roadmap for revitalizing democracy through education and engagement

This edition is ideal for students, thinkers, political leaders, activists, and anyone concerned with the future of participatory government. Dewey’s vision is more relevant than ever.

“Democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated living.” – John Dewey

Whether you're exploring political philosophy or searching for solutions in today's fractured society, The Public and Its Problems offers enduring wisdom for building a better tomorrow.

172 pages, Kindle Edition

Published July 21, 2025

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About the author

John Dewey

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John Dewey was an American philosopher, psychologist and educational reformer whose ideas have been influential in education and social reform. Dewey, along with Charles Sanders Peirce and William James, is recognized as one of the founders of the philosophy of pragmatism and of functional psychology. He was a major representative of the progressive and progressive populist philosophies of schooling during the first half of the 20th century in the USA.

In 1859, educator and philosopher John Dewey was born in Burlington, Vermont. He earned his doctorate at Johns Hopkins University in 1884. After teaching philosophy at the University of Michigan, he joined the University of Chicago as head of a department in philosophy, psychology and education, influenced by Darwin, Freud and a scientific outlook. He joined the faculty of Columbia University in 1904. Dewey's special concern was reform of education. He promoted learning by doing rather than learning by rote. Dewey conducted international research on education, winning many academic honors worldwide. Of more than 40 books, many of his most influential concerned education, including My Pedagogic Creed (1897), Democracy and Education (1902) and Experience and Education (1938). He was one of the founders of the philosophy of pragmatism. A humanitarian, he was a trustee of Jane Addams' Hull House, supported labor and racial equality, and was at one time active in campaigning for a third political party. He chaired a commission convened in Mexico City in 1937 inquiring into charges made against Leon Trotsky during the Moscow trials. Raised by an evangelical mother, Dewey had rejected faith by his 30s. Although he disavowed being a "militant" atheist, when his mother complained that he should be sending his children to Sunday school, he replied that he had gone to Sunday School enough to make up for any truancy by his children. As a pragmatist, he judged ideas by the results they produced. As a philosopher, he eschewed an allegiance to fixed and changeless dogma and superstition. He belonged to humanist societies, including the American Humanist Association. D. 1952.

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10.6k reviews35 followers
October 13, 2024
THE FAMED PHILOSOPHER LOOKS AT SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY AND THE CONCEPT OF THE “PUBLIC”

John Dewey (1859-1952) was an American philosopher (best known as a Pragmatist), psychologist, and educational reformer whose ideas of “progressive education” have been very influential (as well as controversial, in some circles). He wrote many books, including 'Reconstruction in Philosophy,' 'The Quest for Certainty,' 'A Common Faith,' etc.

He wrote in the Foreword to this 1927 book, “This volume is the result of lectures delivered during [January 1926 at] Kenyon College.” He says in the first chapter, “social philosophy exhibits an immense gap between facts and doctrines. Compare, for example, the facts of politics with the theories which are extant regarding the nature of the state.” (Pg. 3-4)

He clarifies, “[in] the attack upon theories which would explain the state by means of special causal forces and agencies, there is no denial of causal relations or connections among phenomena themselves… What is denied is an appeal to SPECIAL forces outside the series of observable connected phenomena. Such causal powers are no different in kind to the occult forces from which physical science had to emancipate itself. At best, they are but phases of the related phenomena themselves which are then employed to account for the facts.” (Pg. 36)

He observes, “There has been a steady tendency for the education of children to be regarded as properly a state charge in spite of the fact that children are primarily the care of a family. But the period in which education is possible to an effective degree is that of childhood; if this time is not taken advantage of, the consequences are irreparable.” (Pg. 63)

He summarizes, “The same forces which have brought about the forms of democratic government, general suffrage, executives and legislators chosen by majority vote, have also brought about the conditions which halt the social and humane ideals that demand the utilization of government as the genuine instrumentality of an inclusive and fraternally associated public. ‘The new age of human relationships’ has no political agencies worthy of it. The democratic public is still largely inchoate and unorganized.” (Pg. 109)

He argues, “the machine age has so enormously expanded, multiplied, intensified and complicated the scope of the indirect consequences, have formed such immense and consolidated unions in action, on an impersonal rather than a community basis, that the resultant public cannot identify and distinguish itself… Such is our thesis regarding the eclipse which the public idea and interest have undergone. There are too many publics and too much of public concern for our existing resources to cope with. The problem of a democratically organized public is primarily and essentially an intellectual problem, in a degree to which our political affairs of prior ages offer no parallel.” (Pg. 126)

He continues, “Till the Great Society is converted into a Great Community, the Public will remain in eclipse. Communication alone can create a great community. Our Babel is not one of tongues but of the signs and symbols without which shared experience is impossible.” (Pg. 142)

He asserts, “Scientific men, philosophers, literary persons, are not men and women who have so broken the bonds of habits that pure reason and emotion undefiled by use and wont speak through them. They are persons of a specialized infrequent habit. Hence the idea that men are moved by an intelligent and calculated regard for their own good is pure mythology. Even if the principle of self-love actuated behavior, it would still be true that … the objects which they take as constituting their peculiar interests, are set by habits reflecting social customs.” (Pg. 160-161)

He explains, “the outstanding problem of the Public is discovery and identification of itself.” (Pg. 185)

This book will be of key interest to students of Dewey’s social/political philosophy.

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