From an award-winning journalist, the authoritative—and explosive—inside story of Justice Samuel Alito and his powerful role in shaping the Supreme Court
Justice Samuel Alito, the unflinching author of the Supreme Court decision that overturned Roe v. Wade, is so influential that many now refer to the “Alito Court.” But his powerful role, long overlooked, has aroused the ire of activists outraged by the emergence of a cohesive conservative majority on the court.
In this first comprehensive study of Alito, Mollie Hemingway explains how his common sense and prosecutorial experience, combined with fearless intellectual rigor, have shaped the man and the jurist. Through the lens of Alito’s judicial career, Hemingway provides a fresh perspective on the political, social, and legal battles that have unsettled the Supreme Court and the nation.
From menacing mobs encamped outside the justices’ homes to senators bellowing violent threats on the steps of the court itself, Alito offers a captivating insider account of the Supreme Court under unprecedented attack in a polarized age.
Few would have predicted that the modest and reserved judge who joined the high court with little fanfare two decades ago would lead the originalists to their astonishing ascendancy, but Hemingway’s compelling portrait reveals an intellect and character that make such leadership seem inevitable.
Hemingway makes clear where she is writing from – she is clearly no friend of Democrats and does not have many kind words for Justices appointed by Democratic Presidents (I'm not sure I agree entirely with her comments on Sotomayor J, for example). Nevertheless, with this caveat in mind, this book makes for a good read for understanding Justice Samuel Alito and his jurisprudence.
Chapter 1 is titled "Though the Heavens Fall", a reference to Lord Mansfield's judgment in R v John Wilkes, Esq, a 1770 controversial seditious libel case where crowds were packed into the courtroom and outside the courthouse. Lord Mansfield wrote: "The constitution does not allow reasons of State to influence our judgments: God forbid it should! We must not regard political consequences; how formidable soever they might be: if rebellion was the certain consequence, we are bound to say "fiat justitia, ruat caelum."" Hemingway briefly sketches recent events where the public has been riled up over the constitution and decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States ("SCOTUS"), from protesting in an effort to affect the court's decision (with the help of politicians like Chuck Schumer), to threatening to assassinate Supreme Court Justices and even attempting to do so to one Justice in the majority of Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization following the leak of the draft decision. The Dobbs decision was written by Alito J, and Hemingway writes: "In spite of political threats to the legitimacy of the Court—accompanied by very real threats to the justices' own lives—Alito had quietly and consistently delivered justice while also anchoring the team through its most controversial decision in half a century. The heavens had fallen, and Alito had done his duty, unawed."
With that background, Chapter 2 covers Alito's background, schooling years, and his experience after graduation from Yale Law School clerking, spending time at the US attorney's office, Solicitor General's Office, being appointed US attorney, followed by being nominated and confirmed to the Third Circuit. Chapter 3 covers the lead-up to his nomination and confirmation to SCOTUS. Chapter 4 covers Alito J's earlier cases on the bench, and his interactions and disagreements with his colleagues. For example, in Ledbetter v Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co.. Ginsburg J dissented and, in her reading of her dissent from the bench, called for Congress to pass legislation to correct the court's decision. After the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act was passed, Ginsburg J hung a copy in her office, while Hemingway opined that it was a "validation" of the Ledbetter majority's ruling: "If elected representatives wanted the law to say something different from what it actually said, it was in their power to change the law." In another example, Alito J's plurality opinion in Hein v Freedom from Religious Foundation kept in place a past decision from 1968, which Scalia and Thomas JJ wanted to overturn. Scalia J (joined by Thomas J) thus wrote a "biting concurrence". Hemingway also covers the deaths of Ginsburg and Scalia JJ in this chapter and the addition of the newest SCOTUS justices leading up to Jackson J (following Breyer J's retirement).
Chapter 5 takes a more political tone, discussing the controversies that SCOTUS has found itself in recently, such as the media's reporting on Thomas J's gifts and Alito J's wife hanging an upside-down US flag which the media deemed a sign of support for Trump. Hemingway defends the justices, arguing that the media was biased in reporting on Thomas J in such a scandalous manner while ignoring similar trips made by Ginsburg and Sotomayor JJ or similar gifts given to Jackson J, and reproducing Alito J's public responses concerning the flags his wife hangs. I found this chapter to be the toughest for me to get through, perhaps because I came to this book keen to learn more about Alito J's jurisprudence and career and not for the political moves that are played with the SCOTUS justices as chess pieces.
Chapters 6-7 cover more of Alito J's jurisprudence, going into his originalism and how he tempers it with his focus also on the "immediate practical consequences" – a factor which other originalist justices may not place that much weight on. This affects how Alito J treats precedent cases which he believes were flawed decisions. For example, in American legion v American Humanist Association, SCOTUS was presented an opportunity to overturn the test in Lemon v Kurtzman which allowed for government action as long as it is for a "secular purpose", the "primary effect [does not] inhibit or advance religion" and "it [does not] cause an excessive entanglement with religion". Alito J wrote the majority opinion, where he criticised the Lemon test for lacking foundation in the text and history of the Constitution and its unworkability, but did not abolish the test. In a separate opinion, Thomas and Gorsuch JJ criticised Alito J for not doing so.
Another observation I found interesting is how Alito J seems to favour a more limited right to free speech compared to his colleagues. For example, in Brown v Entertainment Merchants Association, the question before SCOTUS was whether a California law restricting sales of violent video games to minors was constitutional. Scalia J, writing for the majority, opined that it has never been understood that the freedom of speech did not include portrayals of violence, analogising violent video games to reading about violence in a book. Alito J, in a concurring opinion, criticised Scalia J for too quickly dismissing the possibility that the experience of playing video games is fundamentally different from reading about violence in a book – "Today's most advanced video games create realistic alternative worlds in which millions of players immerse themselves for hours on end", and a book is less vividly interactive to the reader compared to a video game to the player. In another case where the Westboro Baptist Church protested at the funeral of a deceased Marine (Snyder v Phelps), SCOTUS ruled 8-1 that the protest was protected by the First Amendment. Alito J, the sole dissenter, noted the contents of the Westboro church's protest and held that "Our profound national commitment to free and open debate is not a license for the vicious verbal assault that occurred in this case". This, combined with Alito's previous stating of his views (when he was applying for a job with the Reagan administration) that government has a role in "protecting traditional values", has led some academics to describe Alito J as "Burkean" in his recognition that the Constitution provides the government some space to preserve values, and his being "quite institutionally pragmatic." An interesting observation seemingly setting Alito J apart from other originalists, and one which I wonder may be a product of the Justice's time in government and prosecution, having seen the limitations governments and law enforcement have to deal with.
Chapter 7 covers the lead-up to and the Dobbs decision, which I do not think I can accurately summarise without leaving out important information and context. I simply note that I preferred the portions of this chapter discussing the jurisprudence and law undergirding the Dobbs advocates' arguments and decision, compared to the portions discussing how political actors reacted in the lead-up to the arguments, following the leak, and following the decision.
Overall, I think Hemingway's book makes for a good read for an overview of Alito as a person, tracing his life through his many careers to its current point, as well as his jurisprudence. I definitely left this book knowing more about the justice and appreciating him and his thought more than when I first picked it up.
Alito: The Justice Who Reshaped the Supreme Court and Restored the Constitution releases on 21 April 2026. I am grateful to Netgalley for an advance reader copy.
The Supreme Court is an institution filled with history—good, bad, and ugly. It is an institution which has, in its record, handed down decisions both accurate and misguided, well-reasoned and socially legislated. Its justices have at times been well-equipped to address the deepest questions of government’s role, and in other cases, they have been people whose names will forever linger as those who failed to exercise their gift of reason, or who reasoned from faulty premises. In Mollie Hemingway’s most recent book, she does not simply give a history of a justice or a biography of Samuel Alito, but a history of the institution and a biography of the Court itself.
Hemingway has a remarkable gift for making complex subjects simple without losing their complexity. She has gone to great lengths to personally interview those who knew Alito when he was serving on the Court of Appeals, as well as those who have come to know him intimately—not only as a judge, but as a husband, a citizen, and even as a baseball fan. Her facts are well documented, and the one area where there is room for critique is not that she has under-documented the portrait she attempts to paint, but that at times she has over-documented it. In her pursuit of exactitude, she occasionally includes quotes that border on the vulgar. Notwithstanding this, it is admirable that instead of simply presenting Alito the justice, she has also shown us Alito the man.
Certainly, while always remaining within the bounds of the facts—all the facts—Hemingway has arranged them in such a way as to make the reader sympathetic to Alito and his interpretation of the law. She offers many critiques of other justices, both liberal and conservative. Sonia Sotomayor bears a large share of the blame for some of the more controversial decisions made by the Court, as does Chief Justice John Roberts. Neil Gorsuch, Clarence Thomas, Elena Kagan, and Amy Coney Barrett are presented as figures who are at times in real opposition to what Alito considers the necessary course of action. Ketanji Brown Jackson, I must admit, is treated with considerable contempt, and in this I do not disagree. Even someone as widely respected as former Justice Antonin Scalia is, at times, criticized by Hemingway through Alito. Indeed, one of the most interesting aspects of this book is that it not only shows the Court as it is now, but also as it once was, with in-depth descriptions of justices such as Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, John Paul Stevens, Anthony Kennedy, and David Souter. This greatly enriches the narrative, as it shows Alito in relation to others who were at times more famous, who at times outshone him, but from whom he always earned respect and admiration.
The name of Justice Samuel Alito will likely be remembered for his opinion in the decision in Dobbs, which struck down a fifty-year precedent that protected what you describe as the right of some human beings to murder other human beings. In some ways, the history of every Court since Roe v. Wade, from Rehnquist down to Roberts, has been the history of a colossal failure to adequately respond to what you view as an egregious abuse of constitutional law and constitutional telos. Samuel Alito was a young man studying at Yale when Roe was handed down. Now in his seventies, he helped to strike it from the record.
The author also devotes a significant portion of the book, intermittently, to Alito’s judicial philosophy. I was quite surprised to learn that Alito is not, as I had imagined, a pure constitutional originalist in the same sense as Antonin Scalia or Clarence Thomas. What Hemingway calls Alito’s “all steak, no sizzle” approach to judicial review is, she argues, his defining characteristic as a Supreme Court justice. He is, in a way, a very original originalist. Unlike Scalia, he takes a more practical approach; he believes in the Constitution and in the values it embodies, but he also believes in common sense. It is not only by reading the Constitution of the United States that we can understand Alito’s philosophy; we must also read what might be called the constitution of nature.
This practicality, without descending into a legal positivism that sees man as nothing more than a subject of law, is what gives Alito’s jurisprudence its distinctive texture. He is not content with a cold recitation of clauses, nor does he wander into the fog of untethered moral invention. Instead, Hemingway presents him as a judge who reads the Constitution with one eye on its text and the other on the enduring realities of human nature. Law, in this view, is neither an abstract game nor a malleable instrument, but a framework built for real people within a real moral order.
This should be required reading in classes on jurisprudence and the American legal system. Hemingway, in a move that is rare among explicitly biased political reporters—even on the conservative spectrum—has managed, to a remarkable degree, to stay out of the political realm, for which she deserves admiration. Certainly, she does not hesitate to call things as she sees them, or as Alito sees them, but her goal is not primarily political, and in reading this book, ours should not be either.
As a veteran editor at The Federalist, Mollie Hemingway has perfected the craft of unmasking outrageous societal and institutional behavior without joining the demagogic chorus. There’s no need. She simply assembles and presents facts in a way that reminds you of an old “David Brinkley Report,” a narrative crafted with economy, precision, and the perfect word choices to make her point. Her stories always start with a spark and some kindling. She then adds fuel one seasoned log at a time. No literary stoking needed.
Few in the digital publication lane transfer that skill to cotton-textured, paper-and-ink, Smyth Sewn books with a dust jackets and shelf lives. It’s not a criticism. Columnist to author is the difference between writing a jingle and an opera. Both require skill, art, discipline, maturity, and time. But the storytelling is different. Books are not simply more words, just as La Boheme isn’t just more notes than “Like a good neighbor, State Farm is there.” With grand scope comes great responsibility. That’s why the people who say, “I could write a book” can’t, and those who write for a living view authorship as an emotional and spiritual bloodletting.
For the third time in a row Hemingway has done what the best always do: make the near impossible look easy. After her bestsellers “Justice on Trial: The Kavanaugh Confirmation and the Future of the Supreme Court” and “Rigged: How the Media, Big Tech, and the Democrats Seized Our Elections” Hemingway made it three in a row with “Alito: The Justice Who Reshaped the Supreme Court and Restored the Constitution.” And this might be her best yet.
What makes “Alito” so compelling – and you will find yourself keeping it in the car with you so you can read it at stoplights and in traffic jams – is that, like most great biographies, it’s much bigger than the man. Alito’s life is not that interesting: college, military service, Reagan administration, and the federal bench. Nothing that would keep you turning pages. But Hemingway takes an ordinary life and shows the extraordinary courage and intellect it takes to stand in the breach of what sometimes seems like a demonic assault. From the political maneuvering of Obergefell to the assassination attempts and coordinated leaks and delays during Dobbs, two men – Alito and his philosophical brother Clarence Thomas - held our entire judicial system together.
The question Hemingway’s book can’t answer, but raises through anecdotes on every page, is: How long?
The public laughs at the notion of blind justice. “Nobody is above the law” has become an ironic meme. Elementary school kids recognize the fundamental inequities in our system based on race, class, and connections. Mentally ill murderers roamed the streets of major cities while grandmothers who took a guided tour of the Capital in 2021 had their lives destroyed. John Eastman has been disbarred and is surviving on donations while Fani Willis still prosecutes cases in Fulton County, GA and collects a taxpayer-funded check. The dwindling number of lawyers and pundits who still use lines like “envy of the world” of the American legal system have become a dark joke.
The legal ship is sinking. Everybody sees it.
When you finish Hemingway’s terrific book – and you should buy it in hardback before digital literature is censored forever - you’re left with a couple of other daunting questions:
Alito is 76. Thomas is 77. Who’s next? And what is the price of doing nothing as we watch a systemic judicial collapse.
This taught me much about a justice who doesn't spend a lot of time in the limelight. You don't see his name on the guest lists of Washington's elites. It's a good, basic biography of Alito and the forces that shaped him. It looks at his ability to shape the court. The book deserves far better mnore comprehensive treatment than what I've given it. Perhaps Hemingway best encapsulates the book in her epilogue:
"Samuel Alito is an improbable justice. Unlike so many people in Washington, DC, he arrived at his position solely because of his intellect and hard work. He is not a politician or a glad-hander. His personality and way of life are shockingly normal. He occupies an exalted position that is ordinarily attained only through relentless diplomacy and self-promotion, traits no one has ever observed in him. His public schools, liberal college, and liberal law school did not weaken his rock-solid convictions. He does not care what people think of him, and indeed the most common word his fellow justices use to describe him is “courageous.”
"Throughout a long and occasionally stormy career, he has remained committed to his principles, to serving his country, and to building a Nockian remnant. He knows that the greatest of man’s accomplishments are fleeting, and in his humility, he does not regard himself as an inspiring figure. But as he said in a speech to the lawyers of the Federalist Society, he hopes other Americans will share his passion for preserving the Constitution and the free and prosperous way of life it has made possible:
"'During my fifteen years on the court, a lot of good work has been done to protect freedom of speech, religious liberty, and the structure of government created by the Constitution. All of this is important. But in the end, there is only so much that the judiciary can do to preserve our Constitution and the liberty it was adopted to protect. As Learned Hand famously wrote, “Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women; when it dies there, no constitution, no law, no court… can do much to help it.” For all Americans, standing up for our Constitution and our freedom is work that lies ahead.'"
I received an advanced reader copy of this book via NetGalley in exchange for an honest review on my Goodreads page. This book is due out on April 21, 2026.
As an avid court watcher and history reader, I was excited to get a copy of this book to review. Justice Alito is a figure who has not attracted much attention from biographers, despite his significant and steady influence on the Court since his appointment in the early 2000s. Because of that gap, this book immediately piqued my interest.
While I enjoyed the read, I found myself wanting a deeper biographical portrait of Alito than the book ultimately provides. His formative years and his extensive career in government service before joining the Court are covered rather quickly, and I would have welcomed more detail, context, and insight into the experiences that shaped his judicial philosophy.
At points, the narrative drifts into lengthy discussions of other justices, Court factions, and broader institutional history. Some of this is certainly inevitable — and often interesting — but at times it felt a bit heavy-handed and distracted from the titular subject. I understand this may have been an attempt to satisfy the book’s subtitle, but I’m not sure the premise promised by that subtitle is fully demonstrated by the end. There are also several moments where information is repeated, which disrupted the flow. A tighter edit prior to publication would strengthen the work and help keep the focus sharper.
The book’s strongest material, in my opinion, is its contemporary history of the Dobbs decision — especially its account of the leak, the drafting process, and the aftermath of the opinion authored by Alito. Here, the writing is vivid, immediate, and genuinely illuminating.
Despite my reservations, I did enjoy the book and found many of the historical tidbits refreshing and worthwhile. I was simply hoping for a more comprehensive biography of Justice Alito himself. Readers interested in recent Supreme Court dynamics will still find plenty to engage in here.
Hemmingway's book was a tough one to write because she tried (I believe successfully) to accomplish three objectives - first, to explain Samuel Alito's judicial formation and thinking. Second, she did a superb job of teasing out the interactions of the eight other justices. She brings depth to the narrative of the Chief (he comes off poorly - which I think is an accurate portrayal.) But third she describes in great detail what led up to overturning Roe and Casey. IMHO Roe was one of the worst decisions in Supreme Court history. It invented a rationale for a supposed Constitutional right to privacy. It is clear if you look at the record that the emerging majority struggled to invent that rationale.
Hemingway does a great job on all of those tasks. My admiration for Alito's intellect and diligence grew after I read her coverage.
One of the interesting discussions in the book is her thoughts about the leak and the tactics of Roe's supporters. The leak was not completely unprecedented but the work of the opponents in intruding inappropriately in the lives of the majority of six was especially reprehensible. Ideologues won't like this book but anyone who wants to know more about one of the most influential justices will find the book a valuable resource.
Alito: The Justice Who Reshaped the Supreme Court and Restored the Constitution offers an in-depth look at the life, judicial philosophy, and influence of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito. The book examines how Alito’s decisions and constitutional interpretations have shaped major legal debates in the United States, particularly regarding individual rights, federal authority, and the role of the judiciary. The author presents a detailed account of Alito’s career, from his early legal work to his rise on the Supreme Court, while also exploring the controversies and praise surrounding his opinions. One of the book’s strengths is its clear explanation of complex constitutional issues, making important court decisions easier for readers to understand. The writing is informative and engaging, especially for readers interested in law, politics, and the Supreme Court. Although the book presents a perspective that many readers may see as supportive of Alito’s judicial approach, it still provides valuable insight into the impact of his legal reasoning on modern American jurisprudence. Overall, this is a compelling and thought-provoking read for anyone interested in constitutional law and the evolving role of the Supreme Court in American society.
Well written and comprehensive in detailing Justice Alito's constitutional methodology. As well as his leadership and impact on the court over his career. Although I generally understood how the court's coalition building worked, I didn't fully appreciate how difficult and intricate it actually was. Thanks to Mollie Hemingway, I think I now fully appreciate it. As well as have a better appreciation for one of best and most strident justices to sit the Supreme Court in the modern era.
An exceptional book on one of the finest justices to serve on the U.S. Supreme Court, Samuel Alito. Hemmingway’s long chapter on Alito’s reasoning in the Dobbs decision is alone worth reading the book.
The author presents Justice Alito in a very positive light, and reveals much about him that the press often skips over. However, the author also clearly has a partisan ax to grind and takes sides on many partisan issues, including ethics, January 6th prosecutions, and overruling of Roe.
A great perspective on the entire court. Hemingway doesn't just cover Alito, but gives background on all the justices and how they got to the court. She then uses that background to illuminate Alito. Good job!