38 degrees celsius (100 degrees fahrenheit), 92% humidity, a major rainstorm looming over Beijing’s densely populated urban area of 4,000 square miles, tens of thousands of delivery workers are rushing on the street trying to get their customers’ parcels or food delivered within the promised 30 minutes. The storm hits. Most of the city’s 30 million residents (two thirds are permanent) hide in their homes, offices, or malls and other covered spaces. The enormous proletariat army of delivery service donning yellow, blue, or grey uniforms that advertise the corporate giants of this industry, does not retreat. They keep riding, running, calling, and getting their job done, for a few quarters (in USD value). A fine of late delivery is incurred when the parcel fails to arrive in the hands of the client in time; some customers want them punished even more. But for millions across the country, some with college or more advanced academic degrees, the low-bar delivery job is the only employment they can find to earn a basic living wage in China’s massive urban economy that has encroached more rural land and livelihood than a sustainable agricultural economy would allow.
Hu Anyan, a nomadic worker with a passion for literature hailing from Guangdong, the Cantonese-speaking province, switched 20 jobs spanning roughly from 2005 to 2020, and geographically from the most dazzling metropolitan centers like Shenzhen, Shanghai, and Beijing to lesser developed towns in Guangxi and Yunnan. The atlas of his work gives many snapshots of the uneven rise of China’s e-commerce bustling with knockoff brands. These snapshots reveal the demand of labor flexibility, merchant competition and tricks, and quick amassing and circulation of capital that constitute what Anna Kornbluh calls the too-late capitalist style of “immediacy.” One cannot get a fuller picture of “immediacy” without looking at the physical, mental, and emotional tolls this urgent, instantaneous consumerist culture exerts on the proletariat body. Eat, don’t think. Order, don’t wait. Patience evaporates as the demand of frictionless exchange dominates the ideology of consumerism and communication. “Blur, immersion, presence: too late is no longer merely late. The material corollary of this stylized time is the inevitable environmental ruin wreaked by undead zombie capitalism.”
Like zombies the delivery workers feel. They are often caught in, or causing, traffic gridlock from the street to residential or corporation buildings, accelerating and making sharp turns between vehicles, bikers, and pedestrians, parking their motorbikes on sidewalks, running into the gated highrise compounds while calling their customers, and punching the elevator buttons to every floor they need to reach. In 2019, after many failed business attempts and partnerships, Hu found himself on the other side of the delivery network that used to send him supplies and deliver his products.
Donning the uniform of a powerful logistics company after waiting many weeks for a delayed onboarding, Hu began to navigate the neighborhoods in the eastern section of Beijing, which is the title story. This job followed a months-long warehouse sorting job in Shenzhen, where he worked the night shift and physiological and mental stress quickly developed over the disrupted diurnal rhythm. In Beijing, it was not just the physical spaces of the streets and neighborhoods that he had to navigate. Like the millions of other delivery workers everywhere in the country, Hu’s tricycle, footprint, phone calls, and gas bill extend the massive computational system of the Internet of Things (IoT) to every elevator, winding hallway, and corner of every building. Their bodies, often soaked in sweat or frozen in wintry weather, configure the ubiquity of the IoT’s synthetic operational infrastructure.
For readers not familiar with the urban structure of Beijing and every other Chinese city, Hu’s self-reflective narrative doesn’t provide much context and interpretation. The city is laid out on the east-west and north-south axes, meanwhile concentric ring roads radiate from the city center, Tiananmen. Because of this orientation, more than most cities in the country or the world, Beijing’s streets are named with directions in the “suffix.” Land and property prices slide down from the center to the periphery, except for the area around the north fourth and fifth ring roads where universities and high-tech start-ups cluster. The neighborhoods that Hu was assigned to are farther out to the east, close to the Beijing Capital International Airport. Many were built in the last decade or two, often with names combining plants or affects featured in classic Chinese poetry and characters referencing wealth and prosperity. All residential compounds are gated for security reasons and marking boundaries — the hereditary obsession with walls and gates runs through Chinese architectural and spatial history — but only a minority are high-end.
In my brief elevator conversation with the delivery workers in Beijing the last two summers, they much prefer delivering parcels and food to companies to residential compounds. Whereas the safety codes of the former usually ask that the package be dropped off in the lobby, the latter would be door-to-door delivery covered by elevator time and foottaps inside the highrises. Malls and some restaurants during slow hours become their resting places where they recharge their batteries and bodies alike. The diurnal and energy cycles of the human body are plugged into and rubbed hard against the 24/7 digital and electric infrastructure to provide for the sleepless capitalist productivity, desire, and profit. The uniforms they are required to wear maximize their anonymity to the “immediacy” infrastructure and to the consuming public, blending them visually, functionally, and physically into what Marc Augé calls the “non-place” and “non-time” of late capitalism.
To systems that build by razing identities, individuals will always remain “anonymous” — they may have names and dreams, but those are treated indiscriminately and do not hold substantial, irreducible meanings. But even more so for the delivery and warehouse workers, they are physically embedded in the machine and infrastructure and literally become part of the nonhuman surrogate body of the city. Accelerated urbanization and financialization materializes much faster than can be absorbed by human capacity, whether in health, economy, or space and time. Ghost towns and malls emerge everywhere out of nowhere, marking futures already in ruins and abandonment. Who will be telling these stories of the emptied present and haunted future? Not the planners, entrepreneurs, and visionaries. Urban explorers and scholars might do it, but their vision is mediated through a protected position that the city recognizes. The raw and unguided experience comes only from those in a migrant worker’s limbo status. They may not provide a 30-thousand-foot view, but they see, inhabit, and coexist with the unfulfilled, sometimes rotten, plans of a future that most likely perpetuates the hyperconsumerist present without a pause or an exit.