Foreword
p.1 – Long before history, Zeus sent a pair of eagles to fly around the world. Wherever they met would be its centre, and there an oracle would sit to pronounce on the affairs of men. Delphi was that place, not far to the west of Athens, and for a thousand years its oracle did just that. The oracle’s main message was “Know thyself.” For Aristotle, that meant knowing that man was a “social animal” who without community became either “beast or god.”
p.2 – The West owes its civilisation to the Greeks. It’s a debt we often tell ourselves we have repaid: by supporting Greece’s struggle for independence and the nation’s expansion in the nineteenth century; her stand against Nazi tyranny, postwar boom and joining of the European Union in the twentieth. But this support has seldom been disinterested, and it has sometimes come at great cost to the Greek people. After the Second World War, Britain and America helped bring about a civil war whose legacy was half a century of political turmoil and the worst financial crisis ever endured by an advanced economy. The harsh terms that were attached to Greece's “rescue” from that crisis suggest that Europe now considers its debt fully settled. It isn’t. Over the coming decades, our democracy will be tested as never before. In its current guise it is unlikely to survive. I have written this book because I believe that the story of the Greeks – ancient, modern and contemporary – can help us reinvent it.
Part One – Ruling Half the World (Beginnings – 1453)
The Homeric Age
p.7 – They looked to the gods, too, for answers to the questions posed by being mortal: the emotions, motives and contradictions that make us who we are. It helped that these gods were as imperfect as those they ruled over. They too loved, schemed, lusted, envied and took their revenge. Their moral instruction was limited and practical. Give hospitality (xenia) to the stranger who knocks at your door, they said, since he might just be Zeus in disguise. The great German scholar of Greek mythology, Walter Burkert, described myth as a “traditional tale with a secondary, practical reference to something of collective importance.”
p.8 – The historical Minoan civilisation of Crete (2500-1400 BCE) seems to have been a peaceful trading culture. Figurines show a caste of powerful, snake-wielding female priests, who are generally larger than their darker-skinned male counterparts. Exquisite frescoes from the Minoan settlement of Akrotiri on Santorini suggest a sea-faring civilisation given to fishing, celebration and commerce.
p.11 – The Iliad describes a few crucial weeks towards the end of the ten-year siege of Troy, when the Greeks are on the point of losing the war. Everything turns on whether the semi-divine Achilles – their one-man blitzkrieg – can be persuaded to abandon literature’s longest sulk to rejoin the fight.
p.12 – Yet the whole story hinges on the moment when rage dissolves into grief and pity, as Achilles allows Priam to remove his son’s body and give him a proper burial. This is the moment when Achilles puts divinity behind him and embraces the business of being human, which is the business of grief and pity.
p.13 – Whether the two poems were authored by a man called Homer or emerged from a collective folk tradition, their form was more or less fixed in the sixth century BCE. They were recited again and again at festivals and other public events, including over consecutive nights at the Olympic games. Together they speak of the Greeks’ first steps towards taking responsibility for their world. They underpin later Greek political thinking, playing a vital part in the growth of a system that put citizen participation at its very core.
The Archaic Are (776-500 BCE)
p.21 – the Greek word for Spartan, lakon, has given us the adjective laconic, meaning dry or understated: Attic wit, on the other hand, was subtle or delicate. Perhaps nothing defines difference like humour.
The Classical Age (500-323 BCE)
p.22 – “Nothing in excess” was another of the Delphic Oracle’s dicta.
p.23 – Paideia (education) strove to promote arete (virtue or excellence) in every area. It combined the study of the liberal arts and science with physical and moral education, imparted through music, poetry and philosophy.
p.28 – Pericles’ reforms of 461 BCE placed more power in the hands of ordinary Athenians than ever before. Henceforth they would be paid from the city purse for jury service (and later, for attendance at the ecclesia too), which meant that everyone could afford to participate. Pericles believed that the greatness of Athens came from every level of her talented citizenry, directed by education towards the common good. He dismissed individualists as idiotes.
p.35 – Ochlocracy in Action: Anacylosis Cycle – It was the 2nd-century BCE Greek historian Polybius who coined the word ochlocracy. He looked back over 500 years of Greek political experiment and discerned a cycle (anacyclosis) that went from anarchy (no rule) to monarchy (rule of the one) to aristocracy (rule of the best) to oligarchy (rule of the few) to democracy (rule of the people). Ochlocracy (rule of the mob) followed when a dissatisfied majority looked to populist demagogues for answers.
p.42 – Aristotle’s Polity – His polity mixed the direct participation of citizens (excluding women) with election for roles that required technical expertise (e.g. in military or financial matters). The whole was underpinned with four principles that would render it proof against populist demagogues:
MODERATION: Solon’s avoidance of extremes, particularly in wealth and individual expression. As the Delphic Oracle had prescribed: “Nothing in excess.”
A STRONG MIDDLE CLASS: to act as a balance between the tyranny of the poor (what democracy risked becoming) and the tyranny of the rich (the main pitfall of oligarchy). In Aristotle's words: “The great preserving principle that the loyal citizens should be stronger in number than the disloyal.”
A LEGAL SYSTEM: that could withstand changes in the political climate: “as man is the best of animals when perfected, so he is the worst of all when sundered from law and justice.” Laws should be adapted to suit changing conditions, but their purpose was to uphold the constitution, and this should change only rarely.
EDUCATION: (paideia) to cultivate virtue (arete), fit citizens for participation in the government of the polis and imbue them with law-abidingness (eunomia).
The Hellenic Age (323-30 BCE)
p.60 – Epicureanism – Epicurus (341-270 BCE) proposed revolutionary ideas: science, not the gods, makes the universe go round; happiness is freedom from the fear of those gods; all matter is made up of tiny particles in perpetual motion. His denial of an afterlife enraged a clergy who saw terror of damnation as a useful way to control their flock […].
Epicurus defined pleasure as the absence of suffering, which he believed came from a sober and moral life surrounded by friends rather than one led in fear of eternal torment.
p.62 – how different the Roman polis was from the Greek model. Ordinary Romans were excluded from government and wielded no real power. There was no Roman version of the people’s jury courts, no Pnyx. A small number of powerful families ruled Rome through the Senate, and there were few mechanisms to hold them to account. Instead of an educated, politically engaged middle class to act as a check on the elite, there was the notorious Roman mob. Not only this, but Roman culture was defined by military success, and successful generals were given a free hand in the field. The result was a never-ending cycle of annexation. Rome’s very existence depended on perpetual violence.
Part Three – The Rise and Fall of the Great Idea (1830-1949)
p.141 – A Formidable Task – In February 1830, the London Protocol established Greece as an independent, sovereign state, only the second country in the world to gain independence from an imperial power. America, the first, had been left some infrastructure by the British. For Greece, the job would be much harder.
p.145 – it was with weapons not democracy that industrial Europe had conquered the world.
In 1834, Greece was one of the first countries to introduce compulsory education, and students were taught in the hybrid ancient-modern form of Greek known as katharevousa. Three years later, the University of Athens was founded and a new subject – archaeology – was coined to unearth more evidence of past glories. Soon, young Greeks with trowels joined the Europeans digging amongst the ruins of Olympia, Delphi and Messene.
p.146 – The problem was money. There weren’t enough taxpayers to sustain the existing state, let alone create a bigger one. Every year Greece had to ask the Great Powers for fresh loans just to keep up the interest payments on her existing debt. And these were the same Great Powers who emphatically didn’t want her to get bigger. A bigger Greece meant a weaker Turkey, and that meant a stronger Russia.
To rein in the expansionist ambitions of the young nation and its monarch, the Great Powers cut off the money supply. Otto was forced to agree unpopular austerity measures, while his foreign creditors took direct control of the tax revenues.
p.147 – To the City! – The constitution was ready by March 1844. On paper at least, it made Greece one of the most progressive liberal parliamentary democracies of its day, extending the franchise to almost all Greek male citizens.
p.155 – Corinth Canal was finally opened in 1893, linking the Aegean and Ionian seas and saving ships the stormy journey round the bottom of the Peloponnese.
p.156 – 1896 modern Olympic games in Athens.
p.157 – In February 1897, Prince George led an expeditionary force ashore in Crete to claim the island for Greece. The reaction of the Great Powers was swift and deflating. Instead of enosis (union), the island would be partitioned between Britain, France, Russia and Italy.
p.174 – So began the reconstruction of Greece under the auspices of the Refugee Settlement Commission. It would prove an outstanding success. By 1926, some 625,000 refugees had been provided with homes and become economically self-supporting. The experience helps to explain Greek attitudes to refugees today. In 2015, islanders in the eastern Mediterranean were confronted with hundreds of thousands of Muslim refugees seeking sanctuary on their shores. Many of those who volunteered assistance had grandparents who had first arrived on those islands from the hell of Smyrna, to be given help and hope. Now they were returning the kindness.
p.175 – According to the 1928 census, one in five of Greece's population were refugees.
p.177 – In April 1932 Greece once again declared herself bankrupt.
The End of Democracy (1932-41) and Second World War (1941-1945)
p.187 – The occupying powers did their best to make things worse. They began to charge Greece for the costs of occupation – costs that could only be met by printing more money. Inflation, then hyper-inflation, took the price of a loaf of bread from 7o to 2 million drachma as the middle classes saw their savings evaporate. With the government utterly unable to cope, the black market seeped into every corner of the economy. On the islands things were little better. Boats were requisitioned, fishing forbidden and inter-island trade banned.
Part Four – Democracy Debased (1949 – present)
p.206 – Women were finally given full voting rights in the election of 1956.
p.207 – Cyprus had been a British colony since 1878 and its population was spilt 80% Greek, 20% Turkish.
p.211 – Life under the junta – as the new regime was soon dubbed, with the contempt generally aimed at rulers of Latin American banana republics – was restrictive, sometimes violent and often bizarre. Colonel George Papadopoulos, its frontman, might like to talk grandly about the “Revolution of 21 April” but in fact his regime was little more than a parade of phobias: xenophobia, homophobia, ephebiphobia.
p.213 – The 1973 oil crisis shook the Greeks out of their apathy.
The students moved first. In November they massed at the Athens Polytechnic, chanting “Bread! Education! Liberty!” and broadcasting events live to the world via a home-made transmitter. Within three days as many as 100,000 protesters had gathered and running battles were being fought with the police. This was too much for the Colonels. They sent in the tanks.
p.214 – Campus Asylum – After the junta, a law was passed to ban all police or military presence on university campuses. For decades after the tanks ploughed through the student barriers in 1973, Greeks
lived with its perverse consequences: chaos within Greece’s higher education system, with universities in central Athens regularly closed by anarchist student sit-ins, and others turning into open yet untouchable marketplaces for drugs and other contraband.
p.215 – Cyprus, where Greeks and Turks were shooting each other in the streets.
After thousands had died, hundreds of thousands had been displaced from their homes and two members of NATO had very nearly gone to war, the Americans brokered a peace which divided the island between Greek and Turk, as it remains today.
p.216 – Karamanlis renewed negotiations to join the EC as a full member, and in 1980 Greece was accepted amidst rhetoric that echoed the philhellenic fervour of 1821: “[Greek entry into the EC] is a fitting repayment by the Europe of today of the cultural and political debt that we all owe to a Greek heritage almost 3,000 years old.” (EC Junior Foreign Office Minister, 1980)
Demotic was brought in as the official language of education, and Greek officialese at last became comprehensible to everyone.
p.219 – Athens had a new airport, ring road and metro, and the area around the Acropolis had been given a facelift. Venues all over the country Games had been similarly embellished. It may all have cost €9 billion, but Greece could afford it. Its per capita GDP had never been higher. The economy was clearly on a stable footing – if it wasn’t, why would the country have been allowed to join the 2002 exclusive Eurozone club in 2001? On that hot August evening, it must have seemed that the Eurozone dream of becoming a modern, democratic nation had finally come to pass. In the sixty years since the civil war, Greece had transformed itself from an impoverished, third-world nation into one of the 28 richest countries in the world.
Ever since the first klephtic call to arms in 1821, Greece had been a divided country. The centuries of Turkish rule had left mainland Greeks, island Greeks, Ottoman Greeks and overseas Greeks largely estranged from one another. For almost a century after independence, the common cause of nation-building helped to paper over the cracks, as the new political parties competed peacefully for popular support.
p.220 – Left vs Right – Then, for 30 years (nine of them a military dictatorship), the America of the
Truman Doctrine had collaborated with the Greek Right to shut the Left out of the democratic process.
p.221 – Under a new Contract with the People, PASOK would redistribute wealth and bring about radical social transformation.
PASOK would go on to win six elections and dominate Greek politics for nearly three decades.
To start with the promised changes were largely for the better. Progressive taxation distributed wealth more fairly, bringing immediate benefits in welfare, pensions, health care and employment rights. Universities sprang up, and by 1986 student numbers had doubled. Women’s rights advanced,
divorce was made easier and, to the horror of the Church, civil marriage was introduced. The Greeks approved, voting Andreas in for a second term in 1985. As for the matter of how to pay for it, progressive taxation could only do so much, especially when so many people were altogether outside the tax system.
p.222 – Greece was no stranger to clientelism – perks in return for political support. Kinship bonds had been central to politics ever since the War of Independence. What Papandreou and PASOK did was to use these bonds to infiltrate every corner of society, from student bodies to trade unions to entire professions. Career civil servants were replaced with political appointees, as the civil service became the beating heart of clientelism, overseeing its own massive expansion. Never before had so many people been hired by the state. By 1984, it was reckoned that 89% of PASOK's members had some connection with the public sector, where pay was higher than in the private sector, retirement came early, and dismissal was almost unheard of.
p.223 – “Greeks in the post-junta republic learned that one thing was paramount, above merit, effort or originality: their connection to the party... It was a naked battle for the spoils of the state.” (Yannis Palaiologos, author The 13th Labour of Hercules: Inside the Greek Crisis)
In 2001, thanks to some creative accounting courtesy of Goldman Sachs, Greece was judged to meet the criteria to join the Euro.
Age of the Memorandum (2010-2020)
p.224 – By the mid-2000s, only more borrowing could fill the gap borrowing between income and expenditure, but that was only possible if lenders believed in Greek credit-worthiness. So when EU finance ministers first noticed the “deliberate misreporting of figures by the Greek authorities,” a collective shiver passed through the financial world.
Greece could no longer afford to borrow what it needed to plug the hole in its finances. A Eurozone member suddenly seemed on the verge of defaulting on its debt, putting the entire Union at risk.
p.225 – On 23 April 2010, with the spread soaring past the 1,000 bps mark, Prime Minister Giorgos Papandreou (son of Andreas) formally requested financial assistance.
The Eurogroup would provide €80bn of the total €110bn, the IMF the rest. Unable to take the usual escape route of devaluing the currency, Greece’s leaders were forced to impose austerity on a scale never before tried by an advanced economy. Everything was savagely cut: wages, pensions, all public expenditure.
Greece’s economy shrank by 25% between 2010 and 2012 more than Germany's after the Second World War.
The Greeks had to spend 90% of the bailout money mere to service their debt.
Blame – Greeks call it the “Great Crisis.” It’s no hyperbole – it was the longest recession of any advanced economy in history, including the Great Depression in America. But where to point the finger? One politician had the courage to blame the very system that had elected him.