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Radicals: The Working Classes and the Making of Modern Britain
An authoritative and original history of the working classes and the British Left
The political Left in Britain rose out of the Industrial Revolution, as the working classes emerged as the leading force in the call for social change. Their contributions extended widely to political representation, the birth of the Labour Party and women’s suffrage, the autodidact tradition in adult education, and Britain’s literary culture. Throughout subsequent decades, the working classes remained central to the British radical tradition.
Geoff Andrews traces the history of the Left and the Labour Party through the ideas of leading thinkers, writers, educationalists, trade unionists, and politicians. Ranging from the Workers Educational Association to the General Strike and the Women’s Liberation Movement, Andrews uncovers the voices of key figures. The first account of the Labour Party to put the working classes at the heart of its history, this fascinating book tells a wider story of their progressive contribution to British culture, politics, and the movements which have driven social change.
The political Left in Britain rose out of the Industrial Revolution, as the working classes emerged as the leading force in the call for social change. Their contributions extended widely to political representation, the birth of the Labour Party and women’s suffrage, the autodidact tradition in adult education, and Britain’s literary culture. Throughout subsequent decades, the working classes remained central to the British radical tradition.
Geoff Andrews traces the history of the Left and the Labour Party through the ideas of leading thinkers, writers, educationalists, trade unionists, and politicians. Ranging from the Workers Educational Association to the General Strike and the Women’s Liberation Movement, Andrews uncovers the voices of key figures. The first account of the Labour Party to put the working classes at the heart of its history, this fascinating book tells a wider story of their progressive contribution to British culture, politics, and the movements which have driven social change.
304 pages, Hardcover
Published May 12, 2026
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Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews
September 13, 2026
This was a very interesting and, ultimately, depressing account of the ways in which the working class in Britain rose to some degree of political prominence during the twentieth century.
The author compares the influence of a range of individuals and organizations (the 'Radicals' of the title) and reaches the conclusion that, despite the traditional Marxist idea of a 'vanguard' of professional agitators leading the 'masses' to some kind of political awakening, working people's gravitation towards different degrees of socialism was far more rooted in their local communities and their desire for self-improvement.
Consequently, the most interesting chapters focus on the development of education, from self- improvement classes to Ruskin college to the Open University. There is also a fascinating analysis of 'The Ragged -trousered philanthropists' and eye-opening sections on working class authors of the 1930s, particularly Jack Hilton and Jack Common, both of whose works I look forward to reading.
There are sections on key events from Labour history, including the General Strike, the post-war government of Clement Attlee, and the Miners' strike of 1984/5 and a justifiably strong focus on the Women's Liberation Movement in the latter part of the book.
It's the impact of Thatcherism, the development of New Labour and the advent of globalisation which Andrews blames for the demise of the 'working class' as a potent political force and the book ends as the reemergence of right wing populism and a realignment of political loyalties leaves us facing a very uncertain future. Sobering stuff!
The author compares the influence of a range of individuals and organizations (the 'Radicals' of the title) and reaches the conclusion that, despite the traditional Marxist idea of a 'vanguard' of professional agitators leading the 'masses' to some kind of political awakening, working people's gravitation towards different degrees of socialism was far more rooted in their local communities and their desire for self-improvement.
Consequently, the most interesting chapters focus on the development of education, from self- improvement classes to Ruskin college to the Open University. There is also a fascinating analysis of 'The Ragged -trousered philanthropists' and eye-opening sections on working class authors of the 1930s, particularly Jack Hilton and Jack Common, both of whose works I look forward to reading.
There are sections on key events from Labour history, including the General Strike, the post-war government of Clement Attlee, and the Miners' strike of 1984/5 and a justifiably strong focus on the Women's Liberation Movement in the latter part of the book.
It's the impact of Thatcherism, the development of New Labour and the advent of globalisation which Andrews blames for the demise of the 'working class' as a potent political force and the book ends as the reemergence of right wing populism and a realignment of political loyalties leaves us facing a very uncertain future. Sobering stuff!
June 3, 2026
Geoff Andrews' "Radicals: The Working Classes and the Making of Modern Britain" looks at the history of the political left from the industrial revolution to the 21st century. In particular he is interested in developing the notion of a Socialist ethos based on culture, education and loyalty that provides a base from which ideas, actions and policies arise.
His opening chapter is concerned with the work and legacy of a now-forgotten 19th century writer Thomas Wright who in between periods of unemployment worked as an engineer and was the author of several books looking at the experience of working people in the late 19th century. Wright was an autodidact - that is someone who was self-taught. He believed in the importance of education, but he didn't see education as a top-down process, but rather a sharing of knowledge by equals.
Andrews sees such education as the basis for creating a more egalitarian society. And much of "Radicals" is concerned with this, from the creation of the WEA (Workers Education Authority) and Ruskin College to the setting-up of the Open University during Harold Wilson's term as Labour Prime Minister.
He is less concerned with the details of policy than with the way policies are developed. He believes that the development of Socialism in Britain had less to do with Marxism and more to do with morality. He argues that top-down ideologies where middle class intellectuals can sometimes be seen as preaching to the working classes they supposedly represent are ultimately counter-productive. This applies he suggests to both the right and left wings of Socialist movements and parties: it applies just as much to the likes Tony Benn and Jeremy Corbyn as it does to the likes of Tony Blair and Keir Starmer. He suggests that whereas the successes of Labour governments come from a traditional ethos based on working class culture, their failures arise from a bureaucratic and centralised form of Socialism.
He attempts to rescue progressive politics from such top-down approaches. There are chapters that look at the work of activists and writers ranging from Walter Greenwood and George Orwell to Nye Bevin and Jeannie Lee. His chapter on Orwell is particularly interesting. He argues that the middle class Orwell was particularly influenced by two working class and largely self-taught writers, neither of whom are remembered today: Jack Common (author of "Freedom of the Streets" among other books and essays) and Jack Hilton (author "Caliban Shrieks". Orwell helped them both get their work published, but according to Andrews without their influences, Orwell would not have been able to research and write books like "Road to Wigan Pier" and "Down and Out in London and Paris".
There is also a chapter on the 1926 General Strike, which looks at its grassroots origins and its ultimate failure because of the unwillingness of political representatives to challenge the power of the state.
Though there is much that some people, including me, might disagree with, it is a thoughtful, well-argued and fascinating study and is an important contribution to the literature of social history.
However, it is primarily concerned with England, with the experiences of Scottish and Welsh working class communities only mentioned as an aside.
This is particularly a problem when he is discussing the failures of the 1970s. One of the most important struggles in Britain during the 1970s was that by the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders led by Jimmy Reid and opposing the closure of the shipyards. Rather than using traditional methods like overtime bans, strikes or occupations, Reid organised a work-in where the shipbuilders continued to work, fulfilling existing orders and looking for new orders. Their work-in was successful and the shipyards remained open with additional funding being supplied. His failure to even mention this along with nothing about the earlier role of the Red Clydesiders makes the book weaker than it would otherwise have been.
His opening chapter is concerned with the work and legacy of a now-forgotten 19th century writer Thomas Wright who in between periods of unemployment worked as an engineer and was the author of several books looking at the experience of working people in the late 19th century. Wright was an autodidact - that is someone who was self-taught. He believed in the importance of education, but he didn't see education as a top-down process, but rather a sharing of knowledge by equals.
Andrews sees such education as the basis for creating a more egalitarian society. And much of "Radicals" is concerned with this, from the creation of the WEA (Workers Education Authority) and Ruskin College to the setting-up of the Open University during Harold Wilson's term as Labour Prime Minister.
He is less concerned with the details of policy than with the way policies are developed. He believes that the development of Socialism in Britain had less to do with Marxism and more to do with morality. He argues that top-down ideologies where middle class intellectuals can sometimes be seen as preaching to the working classes they supposedly represent are ultimately counter-productive. This applies he suggests to both the right and left wings of Socialist movements and parties: it applies just as much to the likes Tony Benn and Jeremy Corbyn as it does to the likes of Tony Blair and Keir Starmer. He suggests that whereas the successes of Labour governments come from a traditional ethos based on working class culture, their failures arise from a bureaucratic and centralised form of Socialism.
He attempts to rescue progressive politics from such top-down approaches. There are chapters that look at the work of activists and writers ranging from Walter Greenwood and George Orwell to Nye Bevin and Jeannie Lee. His chapter on Orwell is particularly interesting. He argues that the middle class Orwell was particularly influenced by two working class and largely self-taught writers, neither of whom are remembered today: Jack Common (author of "Freedom of the Streets" among other books and essays) and Jack Hilton (author "Caliban Shrieks". Orwell helped them both get their work published, but according to Andrews without their influences, Orwell would not have been able to research and write books like "Road to Wigan Pier" and "Down and Out in London and Paris".
There is also a chapter on the 1926 General Strike, which looks at its grassroots origins and its ultimate failure because of the unwillingness of political representatives to challenge the power of the state.
Though there is much that some people, including me, might disagree with, it is a thoughtful, well-argued and fascinating study and is an important contribution to the literature of social history.
However, it is primarily concerned with England, with the experiences of Scottish and Welsh working class communities only mentioned as an aside.
This is particularly a problem when he is discussing the failures of the 1970s. One of the most important struggles in Britain during the 1970s was that by the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders led by Jimmy Reid and opposing the closure of the shipyards. Rather than using traditional methods like overtime bans, strikes or occupations, Reid organised a work-in where the shipbuilders continued to work, fulfilling existing orders and looking for new orders. Their work-in was successful and the shipyards remained open with additional funding being supplied. His failure to even mention this along with nothing about the earlier role of the Red Clydesiders makes the book weaker than it would otherwise have been.
Displaying 1 - 2 of 2 reviews