'A serious and consequential analysis of a serious and consequential politician' Alastair Campbell 'Fascinating and well written' Matthew Parris 'Tells us more than we have ever known about this highly significant figure' Shelagh Fogarty
A compelling new biography of former prime minister Gordon Brown, a dominant figure in the Labour Party for five decades.
More than fifteen years since he left Downing Street, Brown continues to wield significant influence among the current generation. Polls regularly suggest he is the most popular living former prime minister. Yet his short time in Number 10 ended in bitterness and election defeat. In James Macintyre's fascinating new biography, he provides a definitive portrait of a true political giant. Based on unique access to Brown's personal archive and interviews with his family, friends, colleagues and political rivals - including Tony Blair, David Cameron and Alastair Campbell, among many others - Macintyre reveals the private man behind the public figure. We gain unprecedented insight into his family life, his faith and what it is that still motivates him. From his political birth as a teenage student at Edinburgh University to his ongoing efforts to improve children's education around the world, Brown's passionate engagement in politics remains undimmed. Macintyre takes the reader to the heart of the action, providing fresh perspectives on key events in Brown's career, whether it's the battle for the Labour leadership in 1994, the invasion of Iraq, the challenges of coping with the global financial crash in 2008 or the Scottish independence and Brexit referendums. Gordon Power with Purpose not only outlines Brown's formidable legacy but shows how, even as he reaches the age of seventy-five, there is still a powerful purpose in all he does that can inspire anyone who wants to create meaningful change.
Maybe the best politician of the last seventy years, this insight into the mind and life of GB is well worth reading. Gordon Brown is a special human being , a man of principle and vast intellect. A great read .
Honest, balanced and fair. I will simply quote from its final pages: "As I walked with him after lunch on that quiet January afternoon in light rain up a hill behind his home, I reflected that Gordon Brown, infused by faith from birth as a son of the manse, is indeed a conviction politician from a seemingly lost age. He displasys today the 'moral leadership' he attributed to the late Jimmy Carter. He will be judged as having delivered power with purpose for his beloved party, for Fife, Scotland, for Britain and, on international development, for the global south. Since the dishonest campaign for Brexit in 2016, the premiership of Boris Johnson from 2019 and, yes, the 2024 free gifts scandal, principle in British politics appears to many to have faded away. But hope is a duty, and we must believe it will return. If it does, not for the first time, Gordon Brown, for all his faults, will have set a most powerful example, not just for the future of the Labour Party which he helped secure, but also for that of the country and indeed the wider world.
This is a short, workman-like tour through Brown's incredible life and political career. It also comes at a propitious moment, as Brown's legacy has increasingly come in for reappraisal as a decent and capable leader who was under-appreciated in his moment. The most interesting sections here cover his early apprenticeship in Scottish Labour politics, and his rich years of work since leaving No. 10. The sections covering the 1994-2010 period feel the least revelatory, as one feels like they aren't learning much that's new. The book's biggest weakness is its limp, lifeless prose. This feels too much like a recitation of facts and events, and lacks the more lyrical, over-arching analysis of Brown's life that a book like this should rightly demand.
This is a new biography of erstwhile UK prime minister, Gordon Brown. It is an easy read, but it borders on hagiography; Andy Beckett in the London Review of Books describes the tone of the book as ‘occasionally critical, but essentially admiring’. That sums it up nicely. I am sure Macintyre would say in his defence that he does mention many negative points about Brown, but it is really only to downplay them.
Brown certainly towers over the five Tory prime ministers that came after him as an intellectual and politician. Indeed, he has a respectable position in the league table of post-war political figures. But he wasn’t the political saint that Macintyre conjures up. The theme of the book is that Brown only wanted power in order to do good. But if that were true then why did he have a thirteen-year sulk, when Blair outfoxed him for the Labour leadership in 1994. Indeed, he still seems to be sore and bitter about it, as he is quoted in the book as saying, Blair “tried to gazump me”. Being the top dog clearly had some intrinsic worth for Brown.
Also Brown wasn’t afraid to use the dark arts in politics, two of his communications directors at the Treasury were forced to resign over dubious practices. And Brown’s decision to bring Mandelson back into his cabinet in 2008 and then to elevate him to Deputy Prime Minister suggests that Brown was not always guided by a moral compass.
His successes in office really have to be judged against his failures. And Macintyre probably leans too heavily towards the former. Brown did oversee more distribution of income to the poor and more money spent on public services. And he played a vital role in averting catastrophe in the world economy during the great financial crisis. The economy and tax revenues did grow strongly during Brown’s time in office. But much of that was thanks to light touch regulation promoting expansion in the financial sector. And Brown’s scaled-back regulation was an important cause of the financial crisis, whose impact is still affecting us today.
The book has the feel of being written in a hurry. There are non-sequiturs and factual errors that you would have expected to be corrected. Macintyre was ill during the writing of the book, which might explain some of that. But there were so many people who read the book before publication, I am not sure that stands up as an excuse. There is also a coda to the book, where Macintyre compares Brown to Starmer. That seems a little premature and only designed to shorten the shelf-life of the book.
Why the title 'Power with Purpose'? It is a play on words from Brown's slogan for the 1998 budget: 'Prudence with a Purpose'. That is, prudence was not an end in itself, but rather a means of addressing inequality by first having economic stability.
However, I also think the title sums up Brown. On the one hand, to have power you had to first be elected. As a result, unpopular 'old left' policies such was unilateral nuclear disarmament, withdrawal from the EU, and higher taxes were dropped in opposition. On the other hand, power had to also be for a purpose - that is, of addressing inequality. And what is the record of those New Labour governments (1997 to 2010) in addressing this? The shortest NHS waiting times in history, Surestart, devolution, peace in Northern Ireland, half a million children out of poverty, the minimum wage, the longest period of continuous economic growth in two hundred years. Can you say the same for the 2010 to 2024 Conservative governments? Definitely not!
The distinction between 'power' and 'purpose,' however, is not black and white. There is only scope here to consider council tax and social housing. The former is considered first. Council tax bands were last revalued in 1991(!). Although there was a planned revaluation in 2007, this was dropped as the 2005 revaluation in Wales was so unpopular. Today residents of a typical (band D) property pay two times as much in Wokington (£2,358) as in Wandsworth (£1,000)! Furthermore, Right to Buy (which was very popular!) was also not ended, and not enough social housing was built: between 1998 and 2010 fewer social homes (6,330) were built than Thatcher did in 1990 alone (17,710)! If power was for the purpose of addressing inequality the New Labour governments did not address these inequalities in council tax or social housing!
Timing is also a question to consider. In Chapter Six of Burley's 'Why Is This Lying Bastard Lying to Me?' (2023), it starts off with a fictional scenario of the UK in 2016: Gordon Brown is President of the European Commission having won a snap election in 2007, and narrowly winning the 2012 ‘Olympic bounce’ election. His protégé - Ed Balls - has just won a sixth consecutive election for Labour. Although in August 2007 Gordon Brown had his highest personal prime ministerial rating of 65 percent(!), and Labour was eight points ahead in the polls (4o Labour, 32 Conservatives), in the election that never was Brown's personal approval rating (and Labour's poll rating also) declined.
I also think that what Brown has done after leaving power has been just as important as what he did in power. When his friend Jimmy Carter died in November 2024, Brown wrote that his 'second act' was more 'momentous' than his time in power. Comparing Carter and Brown is not a perfect analogy! Although both had lots of problems in power, Brown also had ten years of being one of - if not the most - successful post-war chancellors. However, after leaving power Brown has played a role in Scotland voting No! in the 2014 Independence Referendum, and has campaigned to end child poverty. Compare this with David Cameron, or Tony Blair!
The phrases 'Power with Purpose' or 'Prudence With a Purpose' are the ones that sum up Brown. That is, power for him was for a purpose - that is, of addressing inequality - and prudence was one of the means of doing so by first having economic stability. He and the New Labour governments did not 100 percent address inequality (see the examples here vis-a-vis council tax and social housing), but compare their record with the 2010 to 2024 Conservative governments!