“If you are interested in inequality, global justice, and the future of democracy, then you should definitely read this book. The Hidden Wealth of Nations by Gabriel Zucman is probably the best book that has ever been written on tax havens and what we can do about them. It is nontechnical and lively, and it achieves three different goals in a very concise and efficient manner.” (From the Foreword by Thomas Piketty.)
This is an exceptionally concise, impeccably structured, and brilliantly reasoned piece of intellectual excellence—a seminal work, if ever there was one. Admittedly, it took me nearly ten years to finally tackle it, which is rather embarrassing, considering that reading it is mandatory.
The Missing Wealth of Nations: “On the basis of a real return of 5% and taking into account the tax rates in countries around the world, tax evasion on the investment income earned on offshore accounts reached $125 billion in 2014. I am adding to this figure two other forms of wealth-related evasion: tax fraud on inheritances and on the stock of wealth. Around 3% of the assets held in tax havens changes hands each year, and these large estates should on average be taxed at a rate of 32% (with important variations among countries, some having completely given up taxing inheritances). Thus there is the substantial loss of $55 billion per year. Some countries do have annual wealth taxes—such as the solidarity tax on wealth in France—and thus undergo a third loss (on the order of $10 billion). In total, due to tax havens, the loss to government coffers rises to $190 billion per year. These costs, calculated on the basis of conservative hypotheses, include only one type of fraud, that on wealth and the income that wealth generates. A part of the money that lands in Switzerland and elsewhere comes from activities that are themselves not declared—black-market work, drug trafficking, bribes, false billing, and others. I do not factor in the losses caused by these activities and focus only on those that come out of the dissimulation of wealth, even though the two types of losses cannot be dissociated: the certainty of being able to hide the profits of their crime can only encourage criminals.”
One of the unexpectedly effective things Zucman does is to name the criminals and fraudsters for what they are—namely, much of the ultra-wealthy, alongside banks, financial institutions, and even certain countries (or “countries,” as he pointedly fashions places like Luxembourg), which have been transformed into “platforms” for helping to hide wealth. He also excels at explaining that this concealment of wealth is, in fact, a problem that could be swiftly resolved—if only there were the political will to do so. But that will is absent, of course, precisely because the mechanisms of power have been captured by the very same rich and powerful interests.
“Collecting more tax is certainty not a goal in itself, especially in countries like France, where taxes are already high. If the struggle against fraud is essential, it is because it would make it possible to lower the tax that is imposed on the vast majority of taxpayers—those who do not have wealth to hide and benefit little or not at all by tax loopholes—and would contribute to reestablishing the balance of public finances, with the added benefits of more growth and social justice. This issue is again particularly relevant for Europe, where many countries are entrapped in the spiral of austerity. Growth has tended to be anemic since the financial crisis of 2008–9, pushing the ratio of public debt to GDP up; in response, governments have tended to slash spending, which has depressed demand, further reducing growth and increasing debt. Battling offshore tax havens would help reverse this deadly spiral. Greece wouldn’t have to impose as much austerity on its citizens to satisfy the demands of European authorities if the government could bring its elites to heel. France would have more leeway to stimulate its economy without upsetting the Germans. Imagine, for instance, that French hidden wealth suddenly becomes taxable. Any form of amnesty for defrauders would be out of the question, as it would be unacceptable for the law not to be applied to the rich and powerful. Ideally, the tax authority should treat each case on its own merits, establish fines according to legislation (in function of the amount of tax owed, the duration of the fraud, et cetera) and carry out any necessary legal actions. In many cases, this might result in total levies (past taxes owed, penalties, fines) of 100% or close to 100% of the total amount of wealth previously hidden. Spain has recently adopted a law applying sanctions potentially even higher than 100% of hidden assets—in addition to losing their accounts, the defrauders could have their house seized, for example.”
What to Do?: “Imposing trade tariffs on uncooperative tax havens is well-founded in economic reasoning. Each year financial secrecy—the lack of effective exchange of information between offshore banks and foreign authorities—deprives governments around the world of about $200 billion. It’s important to understand that we’re not talking about tax competition, but of theft pure and simple: Switzerland, Luxembourg, or the Cayman Islands offer some taxpayers who wish to do so the possibility of stealing from their governments. It is their choice, but there is no reason that the United States, Europe, or developing countries should pay the price for it. Financial secrecy—like greenhouse gas emissions—has a costly impact on the entire world, which tax havens choose to ignore. In economic lingo, it is a matter of negative externality. (…) In any event, there is no progress possible without specific threats. The great majority of Swiss citizens and Swiss companies have nothing to lose with full financial transparency and would certainly prefer that offshore tax evasion disappears rather than see their country regularly singled out. But bankers have a political influence that far exceeds their true economic weight, so that, without threats of reprisals, there is good reason to fear that they will succeed in maintaining a form of status quo—for instance, abandoning a portion of their clientele, those who do not have the means to hide assets in trusts, while at the same time concentrating on the greatest wealth. (…) The trade of sovereignty knows no limits. Everything is bought; everything is negotiable. It has attracted thousands of investment funds, the holdings of multinational groups, shell companies, and private banks. The installation of companies, in turn, has brought workers in finance, auditing, and consulting. There are currently more than 150,000 people who cross the border twice every day, half from France, a quarter each from Belgium and Germany. Luxembourg is not the only country that has sold its sovereignty, far from it. Many microstates have given in to the temptation.”
Punishment and Control: “Now that we have analyzed the first element in a plan of action—sanctions against uncooperative territories—let’s look at the second, the creation of tools for verification. When tax havens agree to cooperate, how can we ensure that they do so in practice? (…) The primary objective, and one of the central propositions formulated in this book, is to create a global financial register. Quite simply, it would be a register recording who owns all the financial securities in circulation, stocks, bonds, and shares of mutual funds throughout the world. A register of this type is useful because it would enable tax authorities to check that banks, onshore and above all offshore, are in fact transmitting all of the data they have available. Without a register of this type, Swiss bankers will always be able to claim that they don’t have any US or UK clients and can continue to communicate very little information to the IRS or HMRC. That is what history teaches us: from the large-scale falsification of bank documents by Swiss establishments in 1945, to the fiasco of the savings tax directive and of the “qualified intermediary” program in the United States, everything points to the need for verification tools that do not exclusively rely on the goodwill of offshore bankers. Without concrete ways to verify that bankers duly transmit the information they have about their customers, wealthy tax dodgers may be able to hide in all impunity an ever-rising portion of their wealth. But the goal of the register extends beyond curbing tax evasion: a better accounting of wealth—not only real assets but also financial claims—would do much good in the fight against money laundering, bribery, and the financing of terrorism, and it would help better monitor financial stability. A financial register is a concrete embodiment of the notion of financial transparency. (…) A global financial register is in no way utopian, because similar registers already exist—but they are scattered and under the management of private companies. The goal is to combine them in order to create a global register that is used for the public good. (…) Finally, a coordinated global tax at the source, combined with the financial register described above, would give states that want it the possibility of creating their own tax on wealth, with a wide base and at a progressive rate, without having to fear evasion. In many countries, it is precisely such fears that in the last few years have led to the elimination of the existing taxes on wealth. But this doesn’t have to be the case: nations can recover the sovereignty that has been stolen from them, and they can act against the rise of inequality if they wish.”
The Tax Avoidance of Multinational Corporations: “The reason for the current failure is that the corporate tax is based on a fiction, the idea that one can establish the profits earned by each multinational subsidiary by subsidiary. But this fiction is no longer tenable today, because multinational groups, advised by great auditing and consulting firms, are in practice free to move their profits wherever they want, which is usually wherever it is taxed the least; and large countries have themselves mostly given up taxing the profits booked outside of their territory.”
Conclusion. Written by me: Ultimately, I’m grudgingly convinced. I do have a problem with all these shackles, which is the extinguishing of liberty in the World. The compliance of financial institutions on the less rich and the less powerful become ever more burdensome and the lack of privacy subjects people to increasingly unbearable consequences, namely because of political nonconformity, even in the context of supposedly democracies (try to say that Palestinians should have the same human rights than anybody else in contemporary German, US or the UK, among other Western countries… and see what happens). So, it is my fear that the ultimate price society will pay for the transparency necessary to catch the hidden wealth of the ultra-wealthy and multinational corporations will be truly unbearable, and they will manage to gain from it and continue to evade the law and accountability. But the alternative is also unbearable. This book is one decade older already and if anything, the wealth of nations gets ever more pilfered and hidden. The election of Donald Trump in the United States has been disastrous in this regard, with billionaires taking control as never before. This is among the most serious problems we face as a civilization, there are no easy solutions, probably there are no ultimate solutions at all, but something needs to be done about the current state of affairs. No good news.
Conclusion. Variation 1of2 (AI revision/edition): Ultimately, I find myself grudgingly convinced. Still, I can't ignore the troubling implications of these measures—the slow suffocation of individual liberty worldwide. For ordinary people, particularly those without great wealth or power, compliance demands grow ever more oppressive, while the erosion of privacy exposes them to increasingly harsh consequences, especially for political nonconformity—even within so-called democracies. (Just try stating that Palestinians deserve the same human rights as anyone else in present-day Germany, the US, or the UK, among other Western countries, and witness the fallout.) My deepest fear is that the price society will pay for the transparency required to expose the hidden fortunes of the ultra-wealthy and multinational corporations will ultimately prove unbearable—and that, in the end, these same elites will find ways to benefit from the system, evading both law and accountability as they always have. Yet the alternative is no less unbearable. This book is already a decade old, and if anything, the looting and concealment of national wealth has only worsened. The election of Donald Trump in the United States marked a particularly disastrous turning point, ushering in an era of billionaire dominance like never before. This is one of the gravest challenges facing civilization today. There are no easy answers—perhaps no definitive solutions at all—but the current state of affairs demands action. There is, alas, little cause for optimism.
Conclusion. Variation 2of2 (AI revision/edition): Ultimately, I am grudgingly convinced. And yet, the cost of these measures haunts—the slow, relentless suffocation of what little remains of personal freedom in the world. For those without vast fortunes or influence, the burden of compliance grows heavier by the year, while privacy disintegrates, leaving individuals increasingly exposed to brutal consequences for political nonconformity—even within the hollowed shells of so-called democracies. (Say aloud that Palestinians deserve the same human rights as anyone else in today’s Germany, the US, or the UK, and watch how quickly the mask slips.) What I fear most is that the demand for transparency, ostensibly to corner the wealth of the ultra-rich and multinational powers, will end by crushing everyone else instead. The powerful will adapt, as they always do. They will slip through the cracks they helped design, thriving as the rest are suffocated by the machinery meant to restrain them. And yet the alternative is just as intolerable. A decade has passed since this book was published, and the plunder has only accelerated. The election of Donald Trump in the United States was not an aberration but a milestone—the open handover of the state to billionaires and their enablers. This is no longer just a crisis. It is a slow collapse. There are no solutions—at least none that promise deliverance. But to do nothing is to surrender entirely. In the end, there is no good news. Only the bleak certainty that the worst is still ahead.