What do you think?
Rate this book
Augustine: Political Writings
The best available introduction to the political thought of Augustine, if not to Christian political thought in general. Included are generous selections from City of God, as well as from many lesser-known writings of Augustine.
304 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 396
31 people are currently reading
1027 people want to read
About the author
Augustine of Hippo
3,333 books2,026 followersEarly church father and philosopher Saint Augustine served from 396 as the bishop of Hippo in present-day Algeria and through such writings as the autobiographical
Confessions
in 397 and the voluminous
City of God
from 413 to 426 profoundly influenced Christianity, argued against Manichaeism and Donatism, and helped to establish the doctrine of original sin.
An Augustinian follows the principles and doctrines of Saint Augustine.
People also know Aurelius Augustinus in English of Regius (Annaba). From the Africa province of the Roman Empire, people generally consider this Latin theologian of the greatest thinkers of all times. He very developed the west. According to Jerome, a contemporary, Augustine renewed "the ancient Faith."
The Neo-Platonism of Plotinus afterward heavily weighed his years. After conversion and his baptism in 387, Augustine developed his own approach to theology and accommodated a variety of methods and different perspectives. He believed in the indispensable grace to human freedom and framed the concept of just war. When the Western Roman Empire started to disintegrate from the material earth, Augustine developed the concept of the distinct Catholic spirituality in a book of the same name. He thought the medieval worldview. Augustine closely identified with the community that worshiped the Trinity. The Catholics and the Anglican communion revere this preeminent doctor. Many Protestants, especially Calvinists, consider his due teaching on salvation and divine grace of the theology of the Reformation. The Eastern Orthodox also consider him. He carries the additional title of blessed. The Orthodox call him "Blessed Augustine" or "Saint Augustine the Blessed."
Santo Agostinho
An Augustinian follows the principles and doctrines of Saint Augustine.
People also know Aurelius Augustinus in English of Regius (Annaba). From the Africa province of the Roman Empire, people generally consider this Latin theologian of the greatest thinkers of all times. He very developed the west. According to Jerome, a contemporary, Augustine renewed "the ancient Faith."
The Neo-Platonism of Plotinus afterward heavily weighed his years. After conversion and his baptism in 387, Augustine developed his own approach to theology and accommodated a variety of methods and different perspectives. He believed in the indispensable grace to human freedom and framed the concept of just war. When the Western Roman Empire started to disintegrate from the material earth, Augustine developed the concept of the distinct Catholic spirituality in a book of the same name. He thought the medieval worldview. Augustine closely identified with the community that worshiped the Trinity. The Catholics and the Anglican communion revere this preeminent doctor. Many Protestants, especially Calvinists, consider his due teaching on salvation and divine grace of the theology of the Reformation. The Eastern Orthodox also consider him. He carries the additional title of blessed. The Orthodox call him "Blessed Augustine" or "Saint Augustine the Blessed."
Santo Agostinho
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 20 of 20 reviews
March 15, 2019
The most important voice in political thought throughout the Middle Ages, influencing even St. Aquinas, was that of St. Augustine. Through excerpts of sermons, letters, and selections from City of God, the 4th-century theologians’ view of the world of man is shown both in its maturity and development.
Covering almost 360 pages, the vast majority of it being the words of St. Augustine, this book’s quality comes down to the introduction by Henry Paolucci and the appendix containing a lecture by Dino Bigongiari. Instead of helping set the stage for understanding the works the reader was about to encounter Paolucci’s introduction really didn’t do anything to give context just information about the man and his works overall. However the lecture of Bigongiari opens the reader’s eyes to understanding what they had just read, but that’s only if they made it to the very end of the book after potentially giving up trying to figure out why some of these selections were included. In fact the reader learns more in the last 15 pages of the book about St. Augustine’s political thoughts than the previous 340+ by the theologians own hand. It would have been better to have Bigongiari’s lecture as the introduction so as it give the reader insights about how to understand the author’s thinking.
The Political Writings of St. Augustine is a nice selection of the theologian’s writings about political subjects, however because of the way the book is structured the reader will not understand the man until the very end if they even get that far. I can only recommend the lecture by Dino Bigongiari presented at the end of the book, the rest is unfortunately worthless.
Covering almost 360 pages, the vast majority of it being the words of St. Augustine, this book’s quality comes down to the introduction by Henry Paolucci and the appendix containing a lecture by Dino Bigongiari. Instead of helping set the stage for understanding the works the reader was about to encounter Paolucci’s introduction really didn’t do anything to give context just information about the man and his works overall. However the lecture of Bigongiari opens the reader’s eyes to understanding what they had just read, but that’s only if they made it to the very end of the book after potentially giving up trying to figure out why some of these selections were included. In fact the reader learns more in the last 15 pages of the book about St. Augustine’s political thoughts than the previous 340+ by the theologians own hand. It would have been better to have Bigongiari’s lecture as the introduction so as it give the reader insights about how to understand the author’s thinking.
The Political Writings of St. Augustine is a nice selection of the theologian’s writings about political subjects, however because of the way the book is structured the reader will not understand the man until the very end if they even get that far. I can only recommend the lecture by Dino Bigongiari presented at the end of the book, the rest is unfortunately worthless.
November 28, 2024
Augustine is a canonical classic for one exploring the intellectual elements of Christianity. I would say that reading this helped better inform my role as a citizen in contemporary society through a Christian ethic--how can I be a good citizen and a good Christian, and do they feed into each other? I think this would be an enjoyable read for those that are religious, interested in the history of Christianity, or would like to reflect on religion's relationship with politics.
September 4, 2016
This edited volume from E. M. Atkins and R. J. Dodaro stands out because it consists entirely of letters and sermons from Augustine. Rather than draw upon selections from De civitate dei, De vera religione, or various pamphlets published against perceived heretics, Atkins and Dodaro stick exclusively to a smattering of more practical literature—letters and sermons. “It is easy to forget that [Augustine] was, before all else, a Christian pastor,” they write. Whereas his writing in Confessions or his magnum opus, De civitate dei, is often committed to developing large-scale ideas or biblical exegesis, “we find Augustine reflecting on practical issues as they arise” in his letters and sermons, answering requests, interceding with Roman authorities, debating opponents, or advising friends (xii). For my part, I maintain that their decision to move away from the more well-known works of Augustine works quite well; the intellectual intimacy afforded by his letters and sermons offers readers a unique opportunity to immerse themselves in the colorful world of Augustine’s brilliant mind. Moreover, these letters and sermons touch upon a wide variety of political topics, from judicial authority to war and peace. Augustine never missed an opportunity to advise a friend on Christianity and Roman citizenship or correct a Donatist rival for his simple-minded views on rebaptism and the sacraments.
In these letters and sermons, Augustine relates intimate encounters with people of his flock and articulates robust political assertions rooted in theology. For example, with respect to the former instance, in a letter written to Alypius, another North African bishop and lifelong friend of Augustine, the saint describes a personal interview with a small girl who was captured by, then saved from, slave traders.
With respect to the latter instance—when Augustine formulates his political philosophy—a noteworthy example derives from a letter to Emeritus, a Donatist North African bishop whom Augustine repeatedly attempted to persuade to rejoin the Catholic Church. In one section, Augustine explains, with reference to the Hebrew prophets and the apostle Paul, why bad people do not exert undue influence over good people by mere association.
While Augustine’s attitude toward institutional purity in this letter pertains to the Church, his claims certainly apply to contemporary institutions other than the Catholic Church. Governments, for example, share with the Church a mission to protect and, in some instances, better the communities over which they have jurisdiction. Like the Church, however, governments often employ and citizens often elect officials with questionable moral characters. If we follow Augustine, “bad people” at the helm of administration do not make a government bad by mere association. Of course, they may make it bad through concerted effort condoned by those around them or without a proper system of checks of balances. But in and of itself, the fact that a “bad person” administers, say, a government program that provides unemployed citizens with financial assistance, does not make that government program or the consequences of that program bad. Those unemployed citizens will benefit from the financial assistance they receive regardless of the moral character of the bureaucrat in charge. When evaluating the goodness of an institution or the moral efficacy of its programs, an Augustinian approach is important. It works when examining the Church, governments, school boards, and charities.
As a practical matter, Atkins and Dodaro have arranged this edited volume remarkably well. A succinct introduction precedes the thirty-five letters and sermons of Augustine, followed by extraordinarily helpful biographical entries that provide essential details about the lives of Augustine’s distinguished correspondents. In addition, their flurry of endnotes nicely contextualize each of the letters and sermons and cross-reference the biographical entries. Finally, Atkins and Dodaro include a lengthy bibliography that pertains to the sociopolitical world of Late Antiquity, Augustine’s political thought, and good biographical treatments of the saint. All in all, their volume is a useful introductory tool for students eager to learn more about Augustine.
In these letters and sermons, Augustine relates intimate encounters with people of his flock and articulates robust political assertions rooted in theology. For example, with respect to the former instance, in a letter written to Alypius, another North African bishop and lifelong friend of Augustine, the saint describes a personal interview with a small girl who was captured by, then saved from, slave traders.
“I myself asked one girl how she had come to be sold to the slave-traders. (She was among those freed by the efforts of our own church from this pitiful state of captivity.) She replied that she had been snatched from her parents’ house. I went on to ask whether the kidnappers had found her there on her own; she replied that they had done it when her parents and brothers were actually there. In fact, the brother who had come to fetch her was there too, and he explained to us—as she was quite small—how they had done it” (44).In this same letter, Augustine encloses an imperial law he thinks might check the sudden influx of slave traders around Hippo Regius. However, he is worried that the punishment prescribed by the law—beating with leaden whips—is too harsh, and therefore writes to Alypius, influential at Rome, to persuade the “Christian emperors” to publicize the law but exempt those prosecuted under it from such brutal treatment. The entire affair demonstrates Augustine’s deft political maneuvering, his moral opposition to cruel punishment, and his keen concern for the lives of everyday Christians. It is a remarkable letter that, in fact, only recently came to light.
With respect to the latter instance—when Augustine formulates his political philosophy—a noteworthy example derives from a letter to Emeritus, a Donatist North African bishop whom Augustine repeatedly attempted to persuade to rejoin the Catholic Church. In one section, Augustine explains, with reference to the Hebrew prophets and the apostle Paul, why bad people do not exert undue influence over good people by mere association.
“If so many unjust individuals within the one people of God did not make the prophets who witnessed against them like themselves; and if the mass of false brethren did not turn the apostle Paul into someone who sought what belonged to himself rather than to Christ Jesus, even though he was a member with them of a single church [cf. Gal. 2.4; 2 Cor. 11.26]; then it is obvious that a man is not made bad just because some bad person approaches Christ’s altar with him” (138).For Augustine, this axiom is self-explanatory. He understood that the Church welcomes questionable people into its ranks by virtue of its universal mission in the world. The goodness of this mission, however, does not slavishly depend upon the moral innocence of the Church’s members, not even its clergy. Augustine recognized the ineluctability of human failing, especially in himself. He was not prepared, like Pelagius, to spurn people from communion with God and fellow Catholics on the grounds that they were unable to obey God’s commands. When fault is known, of course, it should be condemned and corrected; but when it is not, “no one can be contaminated by the unknown crimes of unknown persons” (137). Thus, those Catholics in the East, for example, with no knowledge of the supposed crimes perpetrated by Catholic bishops during the Great Persecution, did not need to worry about the state of their souls. According to Augustine, the Donatists stood completely alone in their supposed purity.
While Augustine’s attitude toward institutional purity in this letter pertains to the Church, his claims certainly apply to contemporary institutions other than the Catholic Church. Governments, for example, share with the Church a mission to protect and, in some instances, better the communities over which they have jurisdiction. Like the Church, however, governments often employ and citizens often elect officials with questionable moral characters. If we follow Augustine, “bad people” at the helm of administration do not make a government bad by mere association. Of course, they may make it bad through concerted effort condoned by those around them or without a proper system of checks of balances. But in and of itself, the fact that a “bad person” administers, say, a government program that provides unemployed citizens with financial assistance, does not make that government program or the consequences of that program bad. Those unemployed citizens will benefit from the financial assistance they receive regardless of the moral character of the bureaucrat in charge. When evaluating the goodness of an institution or the moral efficacy of its programs, an Augustinian approach is important. It works when examining the Church, governments, school boards, and charities.
As a practical matter, Atkins and Dodaro have arranged this edited volume remarkably well. A succinct introduction precedes the thirty-five letters and sermons of Augustine, followed by extraordinarily helpful biographical entries that provide essential details about the lives of Augustine’s distinguished correspondents. In addition, their flurry of endnotes nicely contextualize each of the letters and sermons and cross-reference the biographical entries. Finally, Atkins and Dodaro include a lengthy bibliography that pertains to the sociopolitical world of Late Antiquity, Augustine’s political thought, and good biographical treatments of the saint. All in all, their volume is a useful introductory tool for students eager to learn more about Augustine.
October 29, 2019
This compilation of a number of Augustine's letters and sermons was published back in 2001 as one of the "Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought". Obviously though, this was not written in the recent past. Augustine lived in the 4th/5th centuries AD and is widely known by many people for being one of the greatest early church theologians. I enjoyed reading this work and appreciated the fact that a couple of scholars put this together not from a Christian perspective, but from a scholarly perspective, attempting to discern Augustine's thoughts on politics (or rather, civil authority and its out-workings). Augustine himself I must confess I do not know well. Yes, he was a bishop in the early church, prominent in North Africa and widely influential in his day...but beyond that? I do not know as much as I should. I need to read more of him and this first glimpse at his writings convinces me that further reading of him will be most profitable. This book itself is a fascinating look at the man, because the bulk of it is personal letters written from Augustine to various personages. This more personal look into Augustine's thoughts was much enjoyed and even though I didn't agree with everything Augustine wrote, my soul was blessed by this book. Some of the things I found the most fascinating? Well, Augustine lived during the period when Rome was a nominally Christian empire. He lived after the time of Constantine and so the church had state support. This led to Augustine's view that the "conversion of the empire" to Christianity was fulfilling prophecies from the Old Testament that all the kings of the earth would come to adore Christ and submit themselves to Him. Indeed, a renewing of the world order and an alignment of the nations into the kingdom of God was something that Augustine expected and thought he was seeing taking place. Without getting into the somewhat dubious interpretations of Scripture Augustine was putting forth, I did enjoy reading how he thought as he lived in a Christian empire. What was the place of the state and what was the place of the church? He touches on some of these themes, but what's most interesting is that he doesn't write about these things in a vacuum - but he addresses real issues that were taking place in the surrounding areas (usually in his region of North Africa). I also was struck by Augustine's view of how the state should uphold the law and punish wrongdoers. In his mind, the goal of any criminal justice system should be primarily to deter others from practicing evil and to reform the individual responsible. Vengeance should never be the motivation and driver behind the punishment of a criminal. And indeed, Augustine often urged mercy. That for me is one of the biggest takeaways in this book. Augustine seemed to err on the side of mercy more often than not, simply because he wanted - if possible - the guilty party to change their ways and come to Christ. He was almost always against capital punishment - for indeed, how can the soul of the guilty party be saved if the man was executed? I have not always myself thought capital punishment is a great evil, but I am pondering this further and greatly appreciate Augustine's thoughts on this. Even when various Christians were tortured and persecuted and killed...Augustine pleaded for mercy for the perpetrators and said that the Christians did not want the guilty party to be treated as the Christians had been treated. But Augustine did also recognize that the state had the right and the authority and even the duty to maintain order - and so he does not oppose civil authority using its authority to punish wrongdoers. He simply urges mercy whenever possible. Let the man who is without sin throw the first stone. But yes, the state does not wield the sword for no reason. But...consider mercy!! Honestly, reading his thoughts on criminal justice made me consider our own criminal justice system in 21st century America and weep as I see how often we err on the side of harsh and prolonged punishment for those who do wrong. We so often have spirits full of vengeance and hatred, wanting to see wrongdoers get what they deserve. Oh let us consider mercy and compassion. Other notes? I've already gone on too long, but I also found it tragic when Augustine wrote to Rome for help and assistance fighting the rising systematization of the slave trade in Africa. He writes that the churches were doing all they could to buy slaves and then help them get somewhere safe...but that countless people were being kidnapped and shipped off as slaves. His view of slavery isn't quite the same as ours (we must allow for differences from the modern thought!), but his sorrow and emotion at the outrages he saw being perpetrated and the work the church was doing to fight back...all of this stirred my soul and made me most sad as I thought that these events in the 4th century AD were but a harbinger of the horrors to come. There is nothing new under the sun. Augustine also had a few thoughts and musings that I see as leading towards the future dogmas of the Roman Catholic church...the appropriate use of the power of the state to uphold and propagate Christianity being one. While Augustine mainly states that the state should use its power to protect Christians, there is also some language used that makes me quail a bit - i.e., words in the vein of, "If we want the souls of men to be saved, why would we not do whatever it takes, use any power at our disposal, to save their souls and fight against heretical and dangerous movements?" Reading words like these make me nervous for indeed the kingdom of Christ is not of this world. Someday, the kingdom of this world will be the kingdom of Christ. But it is not yet. The gospel should not be maintained at the point of the sword. Again, this gets back to Augustine's eschatological views, which I believe were (understandably) in error in a few points. Yes, the empire had become Christian in name. But did that mean that the kingdom of God was beginning to be further manifest in a physical, political way and that the power of the state should and must be used to fight against heretical outgrowths of the Church? Augustine also very much longed for the unity of the church and I understand a small bit of how his heart must have been breaking as he saw divisions in the church - what would he think if he could see the church now!? But unity cannot be enforced by rule of law. To move on...Augustine also had a most high view of celibacy, seeing it as superior to the state of marriage. He even advises this one Roman military commander that he was sad to see he got married...but hopeful that at some point him and his wife will come to see that celibacy is preferred and that they will live in that way in their marriage. Again, reading this made me nervous as I thought of the future of the church and the dangerous results that would come from false ideas around marriage and celibacy. But, no man is perfect, surely, and as great as Augustine is - by the grace of God - even he was not perfect in all things, as he would surely admit, resting in the love of God as he did! This book greatly encouraged me and I very much appreciated reading a book written by a Christian who lived long ago - I need to read more such books. They kick me out of my insular 21st century American bubble and make me consider the greater world in all its epochs. Yes, myself and Augustine lived in different times and places and in very different circumstances. Yet, we both worship and adore the same God. How great is that? Glad I read this work, need to read more Augustine.
June 4, 2024
AN EXCELLENT COLLECTION OF AUGUSTINE’S WRITINGS ON SUCH SUBJECTS
Augustine (354-430) of Hippo Regius (in North Africa) was a tremendously influential Christian theologian and philosopher; his ‘City of God’ is a theological landmark, and his autobiographical ‘Confessions’ tells the story of his conversion, plus much more.
He says of a ‘Just War’: “the safety of the city of God is such that it can be retained, or rather acquired, by faith and with faith; but if faith be abandoned, no one can attain it… The real evils in war are love of violence, revengeful cruelty, fierce and implacable enmity, wild resistance, and the lust of power, and such like; and it is generally to punish these things… that, in obedience to God or some lawful authority, good men undertake wars… A great deal depends on the causes for which men undertake wars, and on the authority they have for doing so… When war is undertaken in obedience to God, who would rebuke, or humble, or crush the pride of man, it must be allowed to be a righteous war…” (Pg. 163-165)
He continues, “If it is supposed that God could not enjoin warfare, because in after times it was said by the Lord Jesus Christ, ‘I say unto you, That ye resist not evil: but if any one strike thee on the right cheek, turn to him the left also,’ the answer is, that what is here required is not a bodily action, but an inward disposition.” (Pg. 165-166)
He suggests, “At one time [Jesus] says … ‘…he that hath not a sword, let him sell his garments, and buy one.’ Does this not show how, without any inconsistency, precepts and counsels may be changed, as different times require different arrangements?... And we find in the passage that we have quoted… that the words spoken by the Lord were carried into effect by his disciples… Hence we find Peter with a weapon when he cut off the assailant’s ear, on which occasion his spontaneous boldness was checked, because, although he had been told to take a sword, he had not been told to use it. Doubtless, it was mysterious that the Lord should require them to carry weapons, and forbid the use of them. But it was His part to give the suitable precepts, and it was their part to obey without reserve.” (Pg. 169)
He argues, “If God permits [evil] things to prevail, He is in that permission showing more grievous displeasure: if He leave these crimes unpunished, such impunity is a more terrible judgment. When, on the other hand, He overthrows the props of vice, and reduces to poverty those lusts which were nursed by plenty, He afflicts in mercy… even wars might be waged by the good, in order that, by bringing under the yoke the unbridled lusts of men, those vices might be abolished which ought, under a just government, to be either extirpated or suppressed. For if the Christian religion condemned wars of every kind, the command given in the gospel to soldiers … would rather be to cast away their arms, and withdraw themselves wholly from military service; whereas the word spoken to such as, ‘Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages’---the command to be content with their wages manifestly implying no prohibition to continue in the service.” (Pg. 179-180)
He summarizes, “Peace should be the object of your desire; war should be waged only that God may by it deliver men from the necessity and preserve them in peace. For peace is no sought in order to the kindling of war, but war is waged in order that peace may be obtained. Therefore, even in waging war, cherish the spirit of a peace-maker, that, by conquering those whom you attack, you may lead them back to the advantage of peace.” (Pg. 182)
He recalls, “Fortunius began to insist upon my answering categorically this question: Whether I thought the persecutor or the persecuted to be in the right? To which I answered, that the question was not fairly stated: it might be that both were in the wrong, or that the persecution might be made by the one who was the more righteous… I also asked whether Maximianus… was in his view a righteous man… I therefore reminded him that he had endured such persecution that his church had been razed to the foundations… I labored to persuade him… go give up affirming that the suffering of persecution is the most infallible mark or Christian righteousness.” (Pg. 185-186)
He states, “the thing to be considered when anyone is coerced, is not the mere fact of the coercion, but the nature of that to which he is coerced, whether it be good or bad: not that anyone can be good in spite of his own will, but that, through fear of suffering what he does not desire, h either renounces his hostile prejudices, or is compelled to examine truth of which he had been contentedly ignorant; and under the influence of this fear repudiates the error which he was wont to defend, or seeks the truth of which he formerly knew nothing, and now willingly holds what he formerly rejected.” (Pg. 202-203)
He acknowledges, “originally my opinion was, that no one should be coerced into the unity of Christ, that we must act only by words, fight only by arguments, and prevail by force of reason, lest we should have those whom we knew as avowed heretics feigning themselves to be Catholics. But this opinion of mine was overcome not by the words of those won controverted it, but by the conclusive instances to which they could point. For, in the first place, there was set over against my opinion my own town, which, although it was once wholly on the side of the Donatists, was brought over to the Catholic unity by fear of the imperial edicts, but which we now see filled with such detestation of your ruinous perversity, that it would scarcely be believed that it had ever been involved in your error.” (Pg. 203-204)
He asserts, “It is indeed better … that men should be led to worship God by teaching, than that they should be driven to it by fear of punishment or pain; but it does not follow that because the former course produces the better men, therefore those who do not yield to it should be neglected. For many have found advantage… in being first compelled by fear or pain, so that they might afterwards be influenced by teaching, or might follow out in act what they had already learned in word.” (Pg. 214) Later, he adds, “Why, therefore, should not the Church use force in compelling her lost sons to return, if the lost sons compelled others to their destruction?” (Pg. 217)
He advises, “Lo! In what frail estate is the life of man; which sooner or later thou must abandon; do not struggle then in such wise for it, as that thou shouldest be abandoned thyself.” (Pg. 314)
This book will be of great interest to those studying Augustine and Christian theology, but also of the history of political science.
Augustine (354-430) of Hippo Regius (in North Africa) was a tremendously influential Christian theologian and philosopher; his ‘City of God’ is a theological landmark, and his autobiographical ‘Confessions’ tells the story of his conversion, plus much more.
He says of a ‘Just War’: “the safety of the city of God is such that it can be retained, or rather acquired, by faith and with faith; but if faith be abandoned, no one can attain it… The real evils in war are love of violence, revengeful cruelty, fierce and implacable enmity, wild resistance, and the lust of power, and such like; and it is generally to punish these things… that, in obedience to God or some lawful authority, good men undertake wars… A great deal depends on the causes for which men undertake wars, and on the authority they have for doing so… When war is undertaken in obedience to God, who would rebuke, or humble, or crush the pride of man, it must be allowed to be a righteous war…” (Pg. 163-165)
He continues, “If it is supposed that God could not enjoin warfare, because in after times it was said by the Lord Jesus Christ, ‘I say unto you, That ye resist not evil: but if any one strike thee on the right cheek, turn to him the left also,’ the answer is, that what is here required is not a bodily action, but an inward disposition.” (Pg. 165-166)
He suggests, “At one time [Jesus] says … ‘…he that hath not a sword, let him sell his garments, and buy one.’ Does this not show how, without any inconsistency, precepts and counsels may be changed, as different times require different arrangements?... And we find in the passage that we have quoted… that the words spoken by the Lord were carried into effect by his disciples… Hence we find Peter with a weapon when he cut off the assailant’s ear, on which occasion his spontaneous boldness was checked, because, although he had been told to take a sword, he had not been told to use it. Doubtless, it was mysterious that the Lord should require them to carry weapons, and forbid the use of them. But it was His part to give the suitable precepts, and it was their part to obey without reserve.” (Pg. 169)
He argues, “If God permits [evil] things to prevail, He is in that permission showing more grievous displeasure: if He leave these crimes unpunished, such impunity is a more terrible judgment. When, on the other hand, He overthrows the props of vice, and reduces to poverty those lusts which were nursed by plenty, He afflicts in mercy… even wars might be waged by the good, in order that, by bringing under the yoke the unbridled lusts of men, those vices might be abolished which ought, under a just government, to be either extirpated or suppressed. For if the Christian religion condemned wars of every kind, the command given in the gospel to soldiers … would rather be to cast away their arms, and withdraw themselves wholly from military service; whereas the word spoken to such as, ‘Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages’---the command to be content with their wages manifestly implying no prohibition to continue in the service.” (Pg. 179-180)
He summarizes, “Peace should be the object of your desire; war should be waged only that God may by it deliver men from the necessity and preserve them in peace. For peace is no sought in order to the kindling of war, but war is waged in order that peace may be obtained. Therefore, even in waging war, cherish the spirit of a peace-maker, that, by conquering those whom you attack, you may lead them back to the advantage of peace.” (Pg. 182)
He recalls, “Fortunius began to insist upon my answering categorically this question: Whether I thought the persecutor or the persecuted to be in the right? To which I answered, that the question was not fairly stated: it might be that both were in the wrong, or that the persecution might be made by the one who was the more righteous… I also asked whether Maximianus… was in his view a righteous man… I therefore reminded him that he had endured such persecution that his church had been razed to the foundations… I labored to persuade him… go give up affirming that the suffering of persecution is the most infallible mark or Christian righteousness.” (Pg. 185-186)
He states, “the thing to be considered when anyone is coerced, is not the mere fact of the coercion, but the nature of that to which he is coerced, whether it be good or bad: not that anyone can be good in spite of his own will, but that, through fear of suffering what he does not desire, h either renounces his hostile prejudices, or is compelled to examine truth of which he had been contentedly ignorant; and under the influence of this fear repudiates the error which he was wont to defend, or seeks the truth of which he formerly knew nothing, and now willingly holds what he formerly rejected.” (Pg. 202-203)
He acknowledges, “originally my opinion was, that no one should be coerced into the unity of Christ, that we must act only by words, fight only by arguments, and prevail by force of reason, lest we should have those whom we knew as avowed heretics feigning themselves to be Catholics. But this opinion of mine was overcome not by the words of those won controverted it, but by the conclusive instances to which they could point. For, in the first place, there was set over against my opinion my own town, which, although it was once wholly on the side of the Donatists, was brought over to the Catholic unity by fear of the imperial edicts, but which we now see filled with such detestation of your ruinous perversity, that it would scarcely be believed that it had ever been involved in your error.” (Pg. 203-204)
He asserts, “It is indeed better … that men should be led to worship God by teaching, than that they should be driven to it by fear of punishment or pain; but it does not follow that because the former course produces the better men, therefore those who do not yield to it should be neglected. For many have found advantage… in being first compelled by fear or pain, so that they might afterwards be influenced by teaching, or might follow out in act what they had already learned in word.” (Pg. 214) Later, he adds, “Why, therefore, should not the Church use force in compelling her lost sons to return, if the lost sons compelled others to their destruction?” (Pg. 217)
He advises, “Lo! In what frail estate is the life of man; which sooner or later thou must abandon; do not struggle then in such wise for it, as that thou shouldest be abandoned thyself.” (Pg. 314)
This book will be of great interest to those studying Augustine and Christian theology, but also of the history of political science.
March 10, 2011
Taking its readings mostly from the Civitas Dei , the 'Political Writings' form a good introduction to St.Augsutine's theological anthropology and their political consequences. What does it mean for us, socially and politically that Man as such isn`t ... well... very good? (Romans 3). One thing's for sure: the saint would have made short shrift of any utopian project.
November 9, 2019
It would be hard to contest if someone said to me that Augustine's ideas were the beginning of the end for Christian thought, truly Christian intellectualism, and the doctrine being anything worth paying attention to. Are these 'good' philosophical reflections? At times, yes, usually not very, but in all times, they are decidedly, uniquely antithetical to Christian teaching prior to Augustine's work, and not in a way that improves it. If I wanted the death of God, I'd go for Nietzsche instead.
January 29, 2025
Man, Augustine is so profound in places that it is difficult to read this in a couple of sittings (which I had to do for class) I will definitely be coming back to it more in the future to mine it for deeper insights.
September 27, 2019
While I generally appreciate the writings of Augustine, I found this particular book/translation forgettable.
January 22, 2023
"How much more agreeable it is for two friends to eat, drink, and talk together than for a man and a woman to dwell in common." Basically, Augustine was the first asexual.
March 6, 2015
I loved Augustine's writings and I believe much of his philosophy is fairly enlightened for his time such as his notion of mercy for heretics and his just war concept. While many of his concepts seem a bit hopeful I like that he does not lose sight of the reality of the world and the corruption that remains in it. Unlike the other philosophers before him he realizes the ideal government is not attainable on the earth, the corruption of mankind prevents it from being so, while this is bleak Augustine does not lose sight of his concept of hope and fortitude encouraging improvement rather than perfection. I would say he has a good concept of both the abstract and natural principles of the world, and in fact much of the enlightenment thinkers tend to take there concepts from him. Locke's theories of possession, but also Machiavelli (though he is Renaissance) and Hobbes in particular with regards to the evil nature of man.
December 18, 2009
The sections taken from Augustine was wonderful. This basically an abridged version of City of God. It leaves out a lot of the historical and mythological aspects and focuses more on the specifically political content. This book gets 4 starts because the publishers (Hacket) decided to save a buck and print it on paper that is impossible to take notes on.
July 9, 2014
I read this in a Political Science course at Grove City College in 1974 and have saved it hoping to read it again. I remember being very impressed, especially after studying Plato and Aristotle and their views on government. I hope to read it again soon. It influenced my way of looking at how government should operate.
June 6, 2015
I think this is an excellent book. please beware that if you want to read it, you must reqd cover to cover, by which I mean the explanatory commentary and you must have an intention for why you're reading it. whether you agree with the philosophy, the English translation is antiquated and times very hard to read.
January 16, 2019
This is a very solid selection--I did, mirabile dictu, read City of God a while back, and have no desire to try it again. This is gives you just the right amount of it, unless you're deeply masochistic, and combines it with some far more readable letters and a solid introduction. Recommended for classrooms and anyone who wants the gist without the grind.
June 28, 2018
These letters are a ton of fun. Augustine’s preeminent works are refined and polished. These catch him in action, revealing his wit, verve, keen intelligence. This work would make for a good read even if one wasn’t studying him formally.
March 22, 2013
Excellent selections.
July 3, 2013
Quite enjoyed re-learning the base of Monotheism.
Currently reading
February 28, 2016Anything this guy writes is good, even if tainted by Platonism and pessimism.
September 21, 2013
Basically this is the city of God in colloquial and epistle format.
Displaying 1 - 20 of 20 reviews