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China's Global Strategy under Xi Jinping
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September 16, 2026
This review appeared in the Cipher Brief on 22 September:https://www.thecipherbrief.com/book-r...
Steve Tsang, professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London is the author of The Political Thought of Xi Jinping. Olivia Cheung is Lecturer in Politics at King’s College London. Their new book China's Global Strategy Under Xi Jinping joins a list of serious books reviewed in the Cipher Brief over the last few years that address the US competition with China, and it is a worthy addition to that list, which includes The Long Game, Defending Taiwan, Chaos Under Heaven, The Lost Decade, and The World on the Brink among others. Unlike the others, Tsang and Cheung look at the competition through the lens of Xi's world view and political ideology rather than classic power politics.
The authors make the case that Xi's world view is essentially the same as that of the Chinese Emperors. China is the Middle Kingdom, the center of all things, and must reclaim its rightful place not just as a regional power but as a global one. Deng Xiaoping also shared this view (as has every Chinese leader), but Xi also represents a break with Deng's legacy in two ways. Xi broke with the post-Mao convention of collective and rotating leadership. He secured a third term as the head of the Party and has consolidated his personal political power since in a manner more reminiscent of Mao and Deng. He has also broken with Deng's global strategy of “hide capabilities and bide time.”
The authors label Xi's world view Tianxia (literal translation is “under heaven”) and it is Sino-centric like the traditional Chinese world view. The Tianxia paradigm does not require China to dominate all nations. Rather its goal is to bend the existing liberal international order to China's influence and that all nations, including the United States, show deference to China's interests. Undermining US global leadership is a main goal but not the ultimate one. The greater goal is to change the rules of the game so that China's vision of the world and how it should operate is accepted as the global norm.
The authors stress that China does not seek global hegemony, only pre-eminence. Beijing wants no responsibility for protecting the global system or acting as a global policeman. And Beijing's ambition is global not regional. Attaining pre-eminence requires an “eyeball to eyeball” confrontation with the United States at the end of which the United States blinks and the entire world accepts China's pre-eminence and shows deference to Beijing.
Based on their reading of Xi's writings and speeches, the authors argue that there are two key “pivots” in Xi's global strategy—the means by which Xi will achieve Tianxia. The first is the active cultivation of the Global South and the turning of international organizations into a pro-China political force. They point to China's greater activity in the United Nations, including its peacekeeping forces, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Belt and Road Initiative, BRICS, etc.
China has a carrot and stick approach to making others accept Beijing's pre-eminence. The Belt and Road Initiative is one example of the carrot although the resulting debt can be used as a stick. China is quick to confront any perceived slight to its sovereignty and dignity. China's aggressive actions in the South China Sea are but one example of the stick. China's pressure on foreign companies operating in China is another. A major goal is maximizing Chinese access to foreign technology overtly or clandestinely. This is a one-way flow. China does not share its technology with the Global South for instance. Part of gaining pre-eminence and remaking the international global system is making sure that international technical standards are Chinese standards.
The second pivot is Taiwan. Xi is serious about completing the Chinese Revolution of 1949 by rejoining Taiwan to the Mainland. Achieving this has another purpose as well, one critical to establishing China's global pre-eminence, and that is undermining US global leadership and credibility. This may not necessarily mean war with the United States. It does require the United States to back down in the face of Chinese pressure and abandon any commitment to the defense of Taiwan. In Xi's view this will destroy US credibility and force the world to accept China's pre-eminence.
The book concludes with a chapter on the implications for Western policymakers. These are broad statements in line with the more detailed recommendations of The Long View and The World on the Brink. The authors stress the need for the liberal world order to stand firm and together against the Xi world view. It is important to maintain economic and political ties with China but in ways that do not allow Beijing an upper hand. They argue that regime change cannot be part of Western strategy and that this must be clearly communicated to China.
This is an important book written by two serious academics. It is probably not an easy read for the casual reader, but is a must for the serious student of China and for national security officials who work the China account.
The Cipher Brief participates in the Amazon Affiliate program and may make a small commission from purchases made via links.
All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official positions or views of the US Government. Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying US Government authentication of information or endorsement of the author's views.
China's Global Strategy earns a prestigious 4 out of 4 trench coats
Steve Tsang, professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London is the author of The Political Thought of Xi Jinping. Olivia Cheung is Lecturer in Politics at King’s College London. Their new book China's Global Strategy Under Xi Jinping joins a list of serious books reviewed in the Cipher Brief over the last few years that address the US competition with China, and it is a worthy addition to that list, which includes The Long Game, Defending Taiwan, Chaos Under Heaven, The Lost Decade, and The World on the Brink among others. Unlike the others, Tsang and Cheung look at the competition through the lens of Xi's world view and political ideology rather than classic power politics.
The authors make the case that Xi's world view is essentially the same as that of the Chinese Emperors. China is the Middle Kingdom, the center of all things, and must reclaim its rightful place not just as a regional power but as a global one. Deng Xiaoping also shared this view (as has every Chinese leader), but Xi also represents a break with Deng's legacy in two ways. Xi broke with the post-Mao convention of collective and rotating leadership. He secured a third term as the head of the Party and has consolidated his personal political power since in a manner more reminiscent of Mao and Deng. He has also broken with Deng's global strategy of “hide capabilities and bide time.”
The authors label Xi's world view Tianxia (literal translation is “under heaven”) and it is Sino-centric like the traditional Chinese world view. The Tianxia paradigm does not require China to dominate all nations. Rather its goal is to bend the existing liberal international order to China's influence and that all nations, including the United States, show deference to China's interests. Undermining US global leadership is a main goal but not the ultimate one. The greater goal is to change the rules of the game so that China's vision of the world and how it should operate is accepted as the global norm.
The authors stress that China does not seek global hegemony, only pre-eminence. Beijing wants no responsibility for protecting the global system or acting as a global policeman. And Beijing's ambition is global not regional. Attaining pre-eminence requires an “eyeball to eyeball” confrontation with the United States at the end of which the United States blinks and the entire world accepts China's pre-eminence and shows deference to Beijing.
Based on their reading of Xi's writings and speeches, the authors argue that there are two key “pivots” in Xi's global strategy—the means by which Xi will achieve Tianxia. The first is the active cultivation of the Global South and the turning of international organizations into a pro-China political force. They point to China's greater activity in the United Nations, including its peacekeeping forces, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Belt and Road Initiative, BRICS, etc.
China has a carrot and stick approach to making others accept Beijing's pre-eminence. The Belt and Road Initiative is one example of the carrot although the resulting debt can be used as a stick. China is quick to confront any perceived slight to its sovereignty and dignity. China's aggressive actions in the South China Sea are but one example of the stick. China's pressure on foreign companies operating in China is another. A major goal is maximizing Chinese access to foreign technology overtly or clandestinely. This is a one-way flow. China does not share its technology with the Global South for instance. Part of gaining pre-eminence and remaking the international global system is making sure that international technical standards are Chinese standards.
The second pivot is Taiwan. Xi is serious about completing the Chinese Revolution of 1949 by rejoining Taiwan to the Mainland. Achieving this has another purpose as well, one critical to establishing China's global pre-eminence, and that is undermining US global leadership and credibility. This may not necessarily mean war with the United States. It does require the United States to back down in the face of Chinese pressure and abandon any commitment to the defense of Taiwan. In Xi's view this will destroy US credibility and force the world to accept China's pre-eminence.
The book concludes with a chapter on the implications for Western policymakers. These are broad statements in line with the more detailed recommendations of The Long View and The World on the Brink. The authors stress the need for the liberal world order to stand firm and together against the Xi world view. It is important to maintain economic and political ties with China but in ways that do not allow Beijing an upper hand. They argue that regime change cannot be part of Western strategy and that this must be clearly communicated to China.
This is an important book written by two serious academics. It is probably not an easy read for the casual reader, but is a must for the serious student of China and for national security officials who work the China account.
The Cipher Brief participates in the Amazon Affiliate program and may make a small commission from purchases made via links.
All statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the official positions or views of the US Government. Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying US Government authentication of information or endorsement of the author's views.
China's Global Strategy earns a prestigious 4 out of 4 trench coats
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