This simple, fast reading book was worth reading, although some portions drifted to more about the Kennedy family than Jimmy Hoffa. Clearly Bobby Kennedy was driven to take Hoffa out of the labor movement and ‘win’ a case against him, especially after losing some high stakes court cases. What was lacking in this book is more about Hoffa the person, interviews with people who knew him, more about how he had the historical win of bringing together the long-haul trucking contracts to one single expiration date, how he improved the standards of truck drivers, what kind of father he was, whether he was faithful to his wife, etc. This book was nearly a charactered view of the two men.
It was interesting how Hoffa first became involved as a Kroger employee who was treated poorly. But it didn’t seem to take long before Hoffa was on the take, taking whatever, he wanted to supplement his income. While some of the allegations against Hoffa might not have been true, others were clear. Was he always corrupt or did he fall into the mold set by IBT national president Beck in the 1950’s, stealing money from their own members. It was sick to read how certain Teamster officials sold out their own members for pocket money when agreeing to sweetheart deals with Sears, Roebuck and Company.
Unlike some officials, Hoffa had his sight on higher union office and knew he had to look like he cleaned up his act. It was amazing how they held mammoth fund-raising dinners bringing in the who’s who of each major Teamster city, bringing his wife in a mink coat to show they cared and raise money for charity, including a hospital in Israel. The author repeatedly shared how Hoffa tried to set himself up to be the community guy.
This book was interesting in that the author spells out many of the ways teamster “officials” robbed their own members then protected themselves using bugged phones and people. It indicates how Hoffa was a different man in private than in public, especially when it came to the civil rights of his own members. While he used Blacks often, especially when trying to get favorable rulings from Black jurors. Especially disgusting was how Hoffa used famous boxing camp, Joe Louis to get him off of the hot seat in court. Hoffa used his union members’ funds, delay tactics, fear, and good luck to keep from being convicted. He had unbelievable guts in that he named the delegates to the convention in perhaps an illegal manner and dealt with being investigated and followed repeatedly.
The book doesn’t really explain how Kennedy got so wrapped up in prosecuting Hoffa. Kennedy was not a labor guy and didn’t understand mob activities when he started. He wasn’t from Michigan and evidently did not know how to run a good investigation. But Kennedy did know how to pull together a team from the campaigns he ran and did just that as Attorney General. The author did a good job painting a picture of a bunch of guys – all white, probably – who would gather in RFK’s amazing wood paneled office, drinking beer and munching on pretzels while sharing their work to get Hoffa. Discussion focused on using IRS records and the book details how they went about gathering those records, including handwriting the files since they couldn’t copy them according to regulations.
The book did do a good job in sharing how Bobby Kennedy focused on Hoffa once he started the campaign to get the labor official in prison. In addition to looking for issues including use of pension funds, land deals, double dealing with employers using his wife’s company (in his wife’s madden name despite it starting after they were long married), utilizing IRS filings, and even pushing for changes in the law that were not aligned in the true democratic views of the Kennedy clan. In 1962, Attorney General Kennedy promoted a law that would strip labor officials and businesspeople dealing with unions of their Fifth Amendment rights. In addition to being an anti-union tactic, it caught the AFL-CIO legislative director by surprise and that embarrassment made him work that much harder to defeat the anti-union measure. While catching the support of anti-union politicians, AFL-CIO President George Meany was unwilling to take that step, even though he knew the direct focus was his foe Hoffa and after Kennedy personally sat down with him to convince him to support the measure.
A side story in the book was the Teamster’s relationship with the national AFL-CIO, an organization they belonged to as part of the labor movement. Hoffa’s style was despised by AFL-CIO Chief Meaney and other union leaders running clean union organizations. By 1957, the Teamsters were expelled from the AFL-CIO – an action that didn’t get reversed until another two generations. The decision impacted the labor movement in so many ways, including allowing the Teamsters to raid other unions. This forced unions to spend resources to organize the organized instead of bringing new workers into the movement and increasing the working conditions of others. The book mentioned that after being expelled, the Teamsters gained a half million workers within four years. Still, Hoffa was re-elected as president of the Teamsters, this time in a fair election since he knew others were watching over the election process.
Upon re-election, Hoffa took more control with the delegates authorizing a new legal aid service to leaders up on criminal charges, increasing his salary from $50,000 to $75,000, and gave Hoffa more funds to play with by increasing union dues so the national union had a full budget of $20 million, up $12 million.
Neff pointed out that not everyone in the Teamster’s Ivory Tower were part of a corrupt machine. He singles out Harold Gibbons, a Hoffa top lieutenant who was a true trade unionist, a strong progressive democrat and a big supporter of racial equality.
There were some interesting stories that dealt with JFK’s campaign that were not pertinent to Hoffa. For example, the author reported that repeatedly Ohio Governor Mike DiSalle, a conservative Democrat, told Kennedy he was going to support his bid for president only to back away when it became a public statement. He claimed that since they were both Catholics, it would be best if another big state governor went first. Finally, threatened with RBK running for governor of Ohio, he announced his public support for JFK. It was also interesting to read how Kennedy’s father wanted Bobby to be the Attorney General and it seemed the boys couldn’t turn him down. The reaction was strong – all against a guy who had no court experience and being the president’s close brother selected for such a sensitive assignment.
The author did speak about how Hoffa played in the race against JFK, including having a role in placing two columns wide and four-inch-deep political ad in 256 weekly papers across Wisconsin to fuel anti-Catholic sentiment. Hoffa tried to get his locals to engage but nothing he did stopped the future president from winning the state, with 56% of the vote.
Hoffa came back to fight John Kennedy at the convention, paying for a Stevenson campaign in an attempt to keeping Kennedy from winning on the first ballot. It failed.
Most importantly, Hoffa tried to use his one and three-quarter million-member union to turn against the Democrat. Hoffa called Kennedy anti-union and a spoiled millionaire. He raised the question about legislation that Kennedy supported bringing new restrictions to labor, although Kennedy shifted his views when the worse of the labor provisions were added onto the bill. Hoffa had the union’s educational department feature Democratic Oregon senator Wayne Morse attack Kennedy in one video that was then shown to their members from throughout the country. Morse labeled Kennedy as the person “most responsible” for “one of the most antilabor bills” in history – the 1959 Landrum-Griffin Act.
The tension between FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and Robert Kennedy also played out slightly in this book. Much as it was what we have learned in so many books, but this book specifically mentioned that of the 32,000 Justice Department employees, move than 13,000 were FBI employees; they were people who thought that Hoover was the leader.
The ending of the book was interesting, although seemingly rushed. Conflicting civil rights were colliding with a trial in Nashville and Chattanooga. The various players were busy pushing for opposite decisions – local Teamsters trying to help with people they knew on the jury and showing support for their union boss, Kennedy and his men working to get people to testify, the local newspaper covering a story they became a part of (it became known that the Hoffa side had someone saying they were a reporter was knocking at doors of jury members to learn more about them), a former Hoffa guy who was trying to save his own butt and playing both sides, the FBI doing their thing, and an administration and judge worried about jury fixing. It was interesting to read that Hoffa had the discipline to keep to his own routine including going to the WMCA to work out and run the union from a run-down hotel.
In the end, Hoffa was finally found guilty – and sentenced to eight years in prison. He served most of that time despite his attempts to overturn his conviction then using political muscle to be freed. His hand-picked successor, Frank Fitzsimmons, turned on his old boss and placed a provision in his pardon that kept him from returning to union office until 1980. That didn’t stop Hoffa from campaigning for the job, a decision that most likely led to his disappearance on July 30, 1975.
The author also threw in allegations that possibly Hoffa had something to do with the assassination of President Kennedy, almost as an afterthought. He pointed out that immediately prior to the assassination, Jack Ruby placed number of calls to criminals connected with Hoffa.
This book is worth the read with considerable information and interesting stories in a relatively short period of time. Anyone reading this book should see the movie Hoffa, covering much of the same material in a compelling manner. Having read two of Neff’s other four books – The Wrong Man, Mobbed Up, this was my least favorite of his books.