The enduring popularity of the Faust legend (especially in German-speaking lands) is revelatory of the characteristic stance towards God and the cosmos held by modern man, who is not, like medieval man, content calmly to accept the revealed order and the well-crafted plans of providence tending to our ultimate salvation, but, rather, adopts a questioning and Promethean posture. To be Faustian is to nurse a dissatisfaction with quotidian knowledge and to be consumed by a longing for mastery over nature, even if it mean turning to the dark arts. For most of us, a literary trope, whether in Christopher Marlowe’s fairly simplistic retelling or in Johann Wolfgang Goethe’s masterly refashioning of the tale, which draws out its psychological roots and, what is more, pursues the spiritual fate of the man so driven.
To digress! The historical Doctor Faustus was an astrologer and magician who lived in central Germany around the year 1540, during the time of intellectual ferment known to us as the early modern period. In western Europe of those days, one was aware of a turning of the age: medieval scholasticism had reached a ripe maturity and was due to be superseded by a more humanistic model of learning, new modes of interacting with the world were afoot (stimulated by the ongoing advance of technology), voyages of exploration were being ventured, natural philosophy and the exact mathematical disciplines were witnessing mounting progress and a renaissance in the arts was underway.
In the present work, the early modern historian and tenured professor at Princeton University, Anthony Grafton, wants to draw our attention to another facet of the era, namely, the surprising prevalence of magic, astrology and alchemy. For the modern empirical sciences, as we know them since Galileo and Descartes, were still in a formative stage and had not yet differentiated themselves from the heady mix of speculation that embraced magical modes of relating to the world as well.
Grafton’s writing is very dense, stuffed with anecdotes, historical curiosities and telling details, and wanders, circling around a few recurring themes (natural magic versus other kinds, intellectually serious pursuit versus charlatanism, practical magic versus the high resp. the demonic). The value added compared to doing the research on one’s own may be minimal. Yes, scanning Grafton’s erudite disquisitions may save some time over reviewing the scholarly literature oneself, but, in general, the reason for consulting a good historian is that he can provide insights one would be unlikely to arrive at on one’s own. By this test, our author falls flat, yet his work is worth the perusal for the wealth of historical incidents he relates.
Grafton’s prose exemplifies what one may call a ‘workmanlike’ style; i.e., conscientious but uninspired, and exhibits a lamentable loss of perspective typical of the ivory tower. For Grafton conceives his project as merely to ruminate on what others may have thought in the past in the dispassionate non-judgmental tone of the modern historian. Thus, too academic in the pejorative sense, uninterested in the truth of the matter much less its significance for us, or what may confer on it relevance.
The point nevertheless is, while reading this book to reflect on the real ground of the belief in magic and to ponder whether magic could have any force behind it, other than superstition. At the same time, one will be fascinated to catch a glimpse into what life was like for the magi’s contemporaries ahead of the scientific revolution that so transformed the landscape of European culture in subsequent centuries. For instance, some degree of credence in occult astrological powers of the planets was a commonplace among medieval men, even Aquinas subscribes to it. Remember, the great quantitative successes of modern empirical science still lay in the future. In such a milieu, magic (whether natural or demoniacal) could well have enjoyed a measure of plausibility among educated people that it cannot have for us today, instructed as we are in a thorough-going mechanistic world-view.
Chapter one on the medieval background wields Nicholas of Cusa as a foil, but has nothing on his subtle and paradoxical teaching itself, just his views on learned magic and astrology. Also mentioned are Roger Bacon and the humanist Gaspare of Verona. By the close of this chapter, one will have become familiar with Grafton’s style: long-winded, studded with detail, usually starts out obliquely and works its way up to the main theme – a kind of information dump, not tight and consecutive argument.
Then chapter two, entitled power over nature: art, engineering and humanism, takes us into the Renaissance world when other trends began competing against magic. Examples include Giannozzo Manetti, Leon Battista Alberi, Filippo Brunelleschi, Leonardo da Vinci. Many enterprising projects were underway in this period, the construction of the dome of the cathedral in Florence, cryptography, automata, ships and war engines. In such an environment, Grafton observes,
Magic was not only unlawful but unnecessary: devices crafted by human intellect and energy could produce wonder. [p. 59];
These men did more than practice the mechanical arts – though they valued their skills in these greatly. They also insisted that their craft had a major intellectual component. Their very title, ingegneri or ingeniatores – ‘engineers’, in a particular period sense not to be confused with modern ones – designated them as men of the intellect, ingenium, as well as creators of clever new devices, ingenia. These were the terms that Manetti consciously echoed in his praise of human inventiveness. [p. 60]
The at first glance straightforward-seeming situation is complicated, though, in that
In one vital respect at least, the engineers departed from the path that Bacon and Nicholas would have wanted them to follow. Almost all of them connected their practice, implicitly or explicitly, with the powers of magic. [p. 63]
Manetti exclaimed that human industry had transformed the world into a simulacrum of heaven: ‘They are ours, that is human, since they are all the products of human industry: all the houses, all the towns, all the cities, and finally all the buildings over all the world. They are so great that on account of their excellence, they ought properly to be evaluated as the work of angels rather than men’. Both men celebrated the feats of navigation that had stitched networks of trade and communications across the known world and beyond. And both men made clear that machines embodied the creative energy of the human mind at its highest level. The chief lesson that the humanists drew from the work of the engineers was clear: the advancing edge of human effort had transformed, and was continuing to transform, the natural world. Like Bacon and the alchemists he cited, the artist-engineers and the literati who praised them framed a vision of human power, found ways to praise the creativity of their own culture, and identified a set of objects and techniques: all produced by applying force to materials that evoked as much wonder as any products of magic. [p. 89]
In order to secure continued relevance, magic had to evolve, as we see in chapter three about Pico della Mirandola and Marsilio Ficino – names with which every student of the history of philosophy will be conversant. Grafton proceeds to a study of their contrasting characters and their dependence on traditional influences, and inducts us into their strange world of thought; for instance:
The stars, Ficino argued, following al-Kindi and Bacon, send out their influences in rays, which traverse the ‘spirit of the world’. The human being, a composite of body and soul, also possessed a third and vital element, which joined the other two. This ‘spirit’, a subtle vapor produced from the blood – pure, hot and clear – flies upward to the brain. There ‘the soul uses it continually for the exercise of interior as well as the exterior senses. This is why the blood subserves the spirit; the spirit, the senses; and finally, the senses, reason’. The rays from the planets, transmitted through the ‘spiritus mundanus’, come into contact with the ‘spiritus humanus’. Through that they can influence the ‘imaginatio’ and ‘ratio’ but not the free ‘mens’ of man. This tight-knit and symmetrical system, constructed from both Neoplatonic and Stoic ingredients, made clear what connected every set of elements in the system, from the stars to human appetites. It also explained how individuals could bring superior forces down to aid them without engaging in illegal communication with supernatural beings. [pp. 94-95]
Both Pico and Ficino, in other words, promised that good magic, in their sense, did not promise a violent transformation of the natural world but the full realization of its powers. [p. 99]
There follows an inward turn, under the influence of Plotinus, and a curious episode in early modern history, the reception of Jewish kabbalah by Christian scholars. Grafton portrays Pico and Ficino as transitional figures who made intellectually acceptable a new form of learned magic, for
Learned magic might be able to claim something like divine power. Many efforts would be made, in the decades to come, to extirpate this new magic. Thanks to Pico and Ficino, they failed. The new form of magic was nearing what would prove to be its mature form, and it had left the bottle. It would not return. [p. 124]
Next, chapters four and five deal with this mature from, first in Johannes Trithemius then in Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa, which Grafton sketches thus:
As to the positive core of his magical cosmology, Trithemius described it in letters to Joachim of Brandenburg and others that seem to confirm this interpretation. Like Ficino, he explained that magic rested on a sort of higher numerology. The magus must understand ‘the division of the whole universe of superior and inferior beings, from one up to the quaternary resting in the ternary, and he must know that the order of descent and ascent, the degree, the number, the influx and reflux are and are not into one and three. And it is very hard to know this, for the whole root of miraculous effects, however they are carried out in natural and supernatural magic, rests on this principle’. In his original responses to Maximilian he offered a similar account of how the learned man could take advantage of the ‘subtle and difficult’ principles of unity: the binary, the ternary and the quaternary. These he described as ‘the center of the wisdom of the Chaldeans, who were famous for their miracles’. Trithemius applied this scheme, most reminiscent of the Pythagoreans, in many different ways. He used it, for example, to rationalize alchemy. [p. 157]
Yet for Grafton Trithemius is an ambivalent figure who wishes to criticize diabolical magic and at the same time forward a good kind of magic which turns out to be more of a ruse, or in the term Grafton employs, a camouflage: he is really interested in such things as developing the newfound art of cryptography but hides it behind a veneer of magical terminology to throw unserious researchers off the track.
The final figure of Agrippa is approached via a discussion of magic squares, as in the famous print Melencolia (1514) by Albrecht Dürer, leading to Grafton’s characterization of him as follows:
‘The mathematical disciplines are so necessary and so organically connected to magic that one who practices magic without them will go completely astray, and his work will be in vain….But even without the aid of natural powers, works like the natural ones can be produced from the mathematical disciplines alone, as Plato says: not things that take part in truth and divinity, but certain simulacra related to them, like bodies that walk and speak even though they lack any animal virtue, like the statues and automata of Daedalus among the ancients….’ ‘All of these things’, Agrippa admitted, seemed repugnant to the natural order. Hence the ignorant ascribed them to the work of devils. In fact, however, these transformations in – or violations of – the natural order resulted from the application of natural and mathematical disciplines, and they had brought the human race enormous gains. Where earlier magi had written of bringing out nature’s occult powers and subtly combining and enhancing them, Agrippa evoked the possibility of building machines that rivaled natural organisms and using them to transform the natural world. [pp. 202-203]
The loose connection between engineering and magic may be expounded thus,
The fact that Agrippa came to the Kabbalah and other late discoveries from the world of natural magic and engineering explains much. First, it helps to account for the strongly practical emphasis of his use of the Kabbalah and other rich, complex traditions….As an engineer, Agrippa looked for sources less of knowledge than of power….The structure of the universe as a whole, and the identity of language and thought that had brought it into being, mattered to him. But they mattered less than his dual goal: obtaining power over it and using prayer to ascend through it. And Jewish magic promised to make that possible. Kabbalah, in this context, offered a dream of power over nature, to be obtained by radically new means, that captivated even a practical builder of pumps and explosives. [p. 216]
In conclusion, this reviewer’s take-away (not anywhere expressly stated by Grafton himself): in so far as one can extract a main thesis from the mass of detail, it would be that during the sixteenth century learned magic fused with engineering, thus diverting the original spiritual impulse into a technological project:
Mathematical magic was a solid foundation on which much of the edifice of learned magic now rested. In this respect as in others, Campanella and Dee were true, if partial, heirs of Agrippa – and through Agrippa, of Alberti and Fontana, Trithemius and Agrippa. From a discipline that challenged the magi and their art, it had become a central part of magic, and it would continue to have that status even as machines became the principal sources of wonder for erudite natural philosophers. [p. 219]
Now there is space for two comments of our own:
1) There is not that much in the present work on the figure of Faust himself, it is just used as a lead-in in the introduction. Why can we we post-moderns scarcely share his intellectual excitement (for our disenchantment is all but complete)? The persistence of, indeed, recrudescence of witchcraft in the twenty-first century testifies, however, to a yearning on the part of many, particularly women, for a deep connection with the world such as once prevailed under the aegis of the medieval symbolist mentality but which was stripped away by Protestant rationalism. The Protestant’s pared-down stereotype of Christianity, in which its profound theological doctrines lose all resonance and relevance and fall prey to an exclusively literal mode of scriptural exegesis, fails to be convincing to anyone who happens to have a literary sensibility acquainted with the complexities of the human heart actuated by all its longings, including openness to the transcendental. Evangelical Protestants are not so very different after all from Mormons and about as glib in their lack of psychological sophistication as well as willingness to subscribe to a Baconian view of a natural world drained of mystery but affording us merely with a field for the untrammeled exercise of technological mastery.
2) The greatest shortcoming of Grafton’s book, however, is that he limits himself to a descriptive and historical not a theoretical analysis of magic. Nowadays, we enjoy the inestimable advantage over scholars of sixteenth century in that the lost literatures of the ancient near East have been recovered and we can read the magi’s actual texts! The point: if one be willing to entertain a typological reading of the Old Testament it certainly implies that, despite the rule of disinterested natural law over wide swathes of our experienced life-world, at a deep level there does in fact obtain a symbolical architecture superimposed on what would otherwise be a random flux of events, and, if so, could there be a place for a magical means of engaging with that reality?
But there has always presided an ambiguity within magic itself between its spiritual ambition and theurgic tendency. Does the apotheosis of the technological understanding of being in the currently reigning epochal dispensation merely signify the triumph of magic as engineering? Thus, we could feign Protestants as the logical heirs of the Renaissance turn to a conflation of engineering and practical magic. In the vaulting of technology to the supreme role, the spiritual side, such as once figured in alchemy, recedes into desuetude (though Grafton does not stress this very much). Therefore, we moderns distinguish ourselves not in that we have outgrown magic but in that we can at last have devised a better technology!
There resides a parallel ambiguity in science itself as well: is science to be understood solely as an enabler of technology, as Francis Bacon thought, or could it be contemplative, as the ancients viewed it? Recall the title of Grafton’s book: the art, not science, of magic. Etymologically, science [from Latin scientia = knowledge, science from scient-, sciens (present participle of scire = to know)] should be connected with wisdom in the ancient sense, i.e., knowledge directed to God, whereas under the star of technology modern physics tends to degenerate into an art, as one may well discern in so much of present-day research into quantum computing, optics, lasers, cold atoms, Bose-Einstein condensates and what have you, all of which amounts to mere gadgeteering.
Then in a Feuerbachian register we could infer that, just as (supposedly) atheism constitutes the repressed truth of religion, so too, modern empirical science represents the hidden truth of magic! And along with this, licenses the entire forgetting (so characteristic of the Protestant mind-set) of a contemplative attitude oriented to God.
Four stars: overall, a smidgen disappointing in view of the promise of its theme. Not to fault Grafton’s scholarship, which appears to be dependably solid, but the telos that animates it. If only, perchance, the staid professor of history were himself to be propelled by more of a Faustian striving after secret knowledge, it would have lent urgency to what is, in the main, an anodyne and antiquarian narrative!