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Base Nation: How U.S. Military Bases Abroad Harm America and the World
From Italy to the Indian Ocean, from Japan to Honduras, a far-reaching examination of the perils of American military bases overseasAmerican military bases encircle the globe. More than two decades after the end of the Cold War, the U.S. still stations its troops at nearly a thousand locations in foreign lands. These bases are usually taken for granted or overlooked entirely, a little-noticed part of the Pentagon's vast operations. But in an eye-opening account, Base Nation shows that the worldwide network of bases brings with it a panoply of ills—and actually makes the nation less safe in the long run.As David Vine demonstrates, the overseas bases raise geopolitical tensions and provoke widespread antipathy towards the United States. They also undermine American democratic ideals, pushing the U.S. into partnerships with dictators and perpetuating a system of second-class citizenship in territories like Guam. They breed sexual violence, destroy the environment, and damage local economies. And their financial cost is though the Pentagon underplays the numbers, Vine's accounting proves that the bill approaches $100 billion per year.For many decades, the need for overseas bases has been a quasi-religious dictum of U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, a bipartisan coalition has finally started to question this conventional wisdom. With the U.S. withdrawing from Afghanistan and ending thirteen years of war, there is no better time to re-examine the tenets of our military strategy. Base Nation is an essential contribution to that debate.
384 pages, Kindle Edition
First published April 14, 2015
62 people are currently reading
3161 people want to read
About the author
David Vine
4 books50 followersDavid Vine is Professor of Anthropology at American University in Washington, DC. David’s newest book, The United States of War: A Global History of America’s Endless Conflicts, from Columbus to the Islamic State, will launch in October. The United States of War is the third in a trilogy of books about U.S. wars and struggles to make the United States and the world less violent and more peaceful. The other books in the trilogy are Island of Shame: The Secret History of the U.S. Military Base on Diego Garcia and Base Nation: How U.S. Military Bases Abroad Harm America and the World.
David’s other writing has appeared in the New York Times, Washington Post, Guardian, Mother Jones, Boston Globe, and the Chronicle of Higher Education, among others. With the Network for Concerned Anthropologists, David has helped write and compile The Counter-Counterinsurgency Manual or, Notes on Demilitarizing American Society and Militarization: A Reader. David is honored to be a board member of the Costs of War Project, a co-founder of the Overseas Base Realignment and Closure Coalition (OBRACC) and the COVID-19 Global Solidarity Coalition, and a contributor to TomDispatch.com and Foreign Policy in Focus. As a believer in the importance of public education systems (apologies to American University), David is proud to have received his PhD and MA degrees from the City University of New York’s Graduate Center. There, David developed an approach to a holistic anthropology that combines the best of anthropology, history, political science, economics, sociology, and psychology.
All royalties from David’s books and all speaker honoraria are donated to the exiled Chagossian people and to non-profit organizations serving victims of war. David feels at home in many places but has lived for much of his life in New York City, Oakland, and the Washington, DC area, where he was briefly a dancing waiter.
See davidvine.net and basenation.us for more information.
David’s other writing has appeared in the New York Times, Washington Post, Guardian, Mother Jones, Boston Globe, and the Chronicle of Higher Education, among others. With the Network for Concerned Anthropologists, David has helped write and compile The Counter-Counterinsurgency Manual or, Notes on Demilitarizing American Society and Militarization: A Reader. David is honored to be a board member of the Costs of War Project, a co-founder of the Overseas Base Realignment and Closure Coalition (OBRACC) and the COVID-19 Global Solidarity Coalition, and a contributor to TomDispatch.com and Foreign Policy in Focus. As a believer in the importance of public education systems (apologies to American University), David is proud to have received his PhD and MA degrees from the City University of New York’s Graduate Center. There, David developed an approach to a holistic anthropology that combines the best of anthropology, history, political science, economics, sociology, and psychology.
All royalties from David’s books and all speaker honoraria are donated to the exiled Chagossian people and to non-profit organizations serving victims of war. David feels at home in many places but has lived for much of his life in New York City, Oakland, and the Washington, DC area, where he was briefly a dancing waiter.
See davidvine.net and basenation.us for more information.
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September 27, 2017
Did you know the military owns and operates 170 golf courses across the world? Why exactly do we spend more than half of the discretionary federal budget on the military? Intriguing questions within...
This was probably the best possible follow-up I could have found to Chalmers Johnson's Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire to further explore the costs and consequences of American empire into the present day.
Obviously, there are larger areas of overlap. Like Johnson, Vine spends a lot of time looking at the resentments that American bases abroad can foster, through the displacement of native populations, the effects on the environment, and the economic gravity they create, which often manifests in sexual exploitation. He makes a convincing argument that one of the real, tangible reasons that our government supports strongmen and dictators abroad is not that they will fight communists and Islamists in their own countries, but that they offer greater predictability for the maintenance of U.S. bases in those countries.
Vine also spends a lot of time looking at the more tangible costs of U.S. bases abroad. Why are we building billion dollar bases in Germany when Germany can defend itself? Why are so many of these bases being built and serviced by contractors who have next to no incentive to do so cheaply? He estimates the costs of maintaining American bases abroad conservatively at $100 billion a year. And that's just the spending we know about! The military has refused direct Congressional orders to make itself auditable.
But what really makes reading the newer book worthwhile is that he is able to tackle the restructuring of the military that has happened since the days of Donald Rumsfeld in the Defense Dept. American policy, he says, is moving away from the creation of big "Little America" kind of bases with huge swaths of highly visible infrastructure and American families stationed abroad, since those serve as highly visible rallying points for opposition.
Instead — and I feel like this is rarely mentioned anywhere to the degree that the new focus on intelligence and special operations is — the new strategy calls for leaner "lily pad" bases scattered across the globe. At first glance, this seems like sound strategy. You're eschewing expensive and expansive infrastructure for a leaner presence that can be scaled up as-needed, but which isn't as disruptive to host nations or the bottom line of American discretionary spending.
But already, Vine says, some of the cracks in that strategy are visible. As bases proliferate, what are supposed to be flexible arrangements often calcify into structures that look a lot like the bases of old. The clandestine nature of many bases, and the way they are often created under the veneer of humanitarian aid or treating disease, sows the same mistrust and resentment that the old bases did.
The country also runs the risk of sparking a "base race" of sorts with Russia and China, as these lily pad bases spread to just about every country in the globe. Instead of making the country safer, Vine argues, this proliferation leaves American service members at risk from domestic strife nearly anywhere in the world, putting us in the position of backing even more dictatorships or military juntas. And it increases the odds that we'll come into direct conflict with Russia, China and their proxies.
As with most books of this kind, the reality is that there is little an individual can do to change this status quo, short of daydreaming about what $100 billion a year could get you in health outcomes or infrastructure. It's a supremely complicated area of study, because who's to say where the petrodollar would be without an aggressive projection of American military power? It's a guessing game. But this book made me feel like I could make more informed guesses.
This was probably the best possible follow-up I could have found to Chalmers Johnson's Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire to further explore the costs and consequences of American empire into the present day.
Obviously, there are larger areas of overlap. Like Johnson, Vine spends a lot of time looking at the resentments that American bases abroad can foster, through the displacement of native populations, the effects on the environment, and the economic gravity they create, which often manifests in sexual exploitation. He makes a convincing argument that one of the real, tangible reasons that our government supports strongmen and dictators abroad is not that they will fight communists and Islamists in their own countries, but that they offer greater predictability for the maintenance of U.S. bases in those countries.
Vine also spends a lot of time looking at the more tangible costs of U.S. bases abroad. Why are we building billion dollar bases in Germany when Germany can defend itself? Why are so many of these bases being built and serviced by contractors who have next to no incentive to do so cheaply? He estimates the costs of maintaining American bases abroad conservatively at $100 billion a year. And that's just the spending we know about! The military has refused direct Congressional orders to make itself auditable.
But what really makes reading the newer book worthwhile is that he is able to tackle the restructuring of the military that has happened since the days of Donald Rumsfeld in the Defense Dept. American policy, he says, is moving away from the creation of big "Little America" kind of bases with huge swaths of highly visible infrastructure and American families stationed abroad, since those serve as highly visible rallying points for opposition.
Instead — and I feel like this is rarely mentioned anywhere to the degree that the new focus on intelligence and special operations is — the new strategy calls for leaner "lily pad" bases scattered across the globe. At first glance, this seems like sound strategy. You're eschewing expensive and expansive infrastructure for a leaner presence that can be scaled up as-needed, but which isn't as disruptive to host nations or the bottom line of American discretionary spending.
But already, Vine says, some of the cracks in that strategy are visible. As bases proliferate, what are supposed to be flexible arrangements often calcify into structures that look a lot like the bases of old. The clandestine nature of many bases, and the way they are often created under the veneer of humanitarian aid or treating disease, sows the same mistrust and resentment that the old bases did.
The country also runs the risk of sparking a "base race" of sorts with Russia and China, as these lily pad bases spread to just about every country in the globe. Instead of making the country safer, Vine argues, this proliferation leaves American service members at risk from domestic strife nearly anywhere in the world, putting us in the position of backing even more dictatorships or military juntas. And it increases the odds that we'll come into direct conflict with Russia, China and their proxies.
As with most books of this kind, the reality is that there is little an individual can do to change this status quo, short of daydreaming about what $100 billion a year could get you in health outcomes or infrastructure. It's a supremely complicated area of study, because who's to say where the petrodollar would be without an aggressive projection of American military power? It's a guessing game. But this book made me feel like I could make more informed guesses.
August 13, 2015
This is not the kind of book I normally read--I don’t usually read “issue” or current events non-fiction. It is not that I don’t care, it is just not what I prefer to read. However, I believe that David Vine’s book, Base Nation, is one of the most important books I have read and I believe it needs to be read by a lot more people.
As the subtitle states, the book is about how the US military’s policy of having an extensive overseas base network is on the whole damaging to US interests. While it would be tempting to dismiss this work as just the rantings of an academic liberal, the case is rather compelling. Vine has certainly done his homework and looks at the subject from a variety of perspectives. Chapters detail the thought process for creating this network of bases, relationships with dictators, contracting abuses, questionable relationships with organized crime, environmental disasters and questionable cultural and economic impacts on host countries.
There are some shortcomings in the book, including what would appear to be some cherry-picking of quotations as well as strangely placed colloquial language (which should be corrected by an editor before final publication).
I am a US Navy veteran and would describe myself as being politically conservative. In my time in the Navy, I visited at least three of the overseas bases described in the book, including the island of Guam, which the author discusses in some detail. Therefore, I certainly approached this book with a skeptical eye and was still convinced that this is an area that warrants some detailed national soul-searching as well as some careful oversight by the federal government’s own accountability office.
Disclosure: I received a complimentary copy of this book with the expectation that I would provide an honest review.
As the subtitle states, the book is about how the US military’s policy of having an extensive overseas base network is on the whole damaging to US interests. While it would be tempting to dismiss this work as just the rantings of an academic liberal, the case is rather compelling. Vine has certainly done his homework and looks at the subject from a variety of perspectives. Chapters detail the thought process for creating this network of bases, relationships with dictators, contracting abuses, questionable relationships with organized crime, environmental disasters and questionable cultural and economic impacts on host countries.
There are some shortcomings in the book, including what would appear to be some cherry-picking of quotations as well as strangely placed colloquial language (which should be corrected by an editor before final publication).
I am a US Navy veteran and would describe myself as being politically conservative. In my time in the Navy, I visited at least three of the overseas bases described in the book, including the island of Guam, which the author discusses in some detail. Therefore, I certainly approached this book with a skeptical eye and was still convinced that this is an area that warrants some detailed national soul-searching as well as some careful oversight by the federal government’s own accountability office.
Disclosure: I received a complimentary copy of this book with the expectation that I would provide an honest review.
April 21, 2015
This upcoming book about the vagrancies and ills of America’s overseas military bases starts in Guantanamo, where much has been heard about the prison, but not many know it’s also a regular base, so much like others that it has McDonald’s, Pizza Hut, KFC, Taco Bell, Subway, etc. I remember a base in Qatar some years ago that reminded me of a Midwest American small town, but you don’t expect it in Cuba!
There are chapters on the environment, families living on base, profiteering, local workers—which as expected includes prostitution and slavery—and rape of fellow soldiers, both male and female, but mostly female. It’s shocking to hear how some women serving in Iraq died from dehydration because they were too scared to drink water and have to go to the latrine, where they knew they’d be raped.
It gets depressing quickly and doesn’t get any easier. (I’m speaking about the information, not the writing.) Toward the end I was lagging, hoping it would be over soon; if I had not been reading this for review I would not have finished it, and I certainly didn’t bother with the last 50 pages of notes. As concerning as it all is, as damning as all the evidence he includes is, there’s really only so much a reader can take. I realize there’s no other way to write/publish this—certainly not expecting him to throw in some jokes—but I do believe it’s a concern from a reader’s point of view.
There are chapters on the environment, families living on base, profiteering, local workers—which as expected includes prostitution and slavery—and rape of fellow soldiers, both male and female, but mostly female. It’s shocking to hear how some women serving in Iraq died from dehydration because they were too scared to drink water and have to go to the latrine, where they knew they’d be raped.
It gets depressing quickly and doesn’t get any easier. (I’m speaking about the information, not the writing.) Toward the end I was lagging, hoping it would be over soon; if I had not been reading this for review I would not have finished it, and I certainly didn’t bother with the last 50 pages of notes. As concerning as it all is, as damning as all the evidence he includes is, there’s really only so much a reader can take. I realize there’s no other way to write/publish this—certainly not expecting him to throw in some jokes—but I do believe it’s a concern from a reader’s point of view.
Read
July 15, 2016“Anthropologist David Vine spent several years visiting and investigating U.S military bases abroad. To put it mildly, he disapproves of what he found. In his sweeping critique, Base Nation, Vine concludes that Washington’s extensive network of foreign bases—he claims there are about 800 of them—causes friction with erstwhile American allies, costs way too much money, underwrites dictatorships, pollutes the environment, and morally compromises the country. Far from providing an important strategic deterrent, the bases actually undermine our security. To remedy this immense travesty, Vine calls for Washington to bring the troops back home.
If nothing else, Base Nation is a timely book. The issue of our expensive foreign commitments has taken center stage in this presidential election. Vine probably finds it ironic that most of the criticism is coming from Donald Trump.”
http://www.theamericanconservative.co...
If nothing else, Base Nation is a timely book. The issue of our expensive foreign commitments has taken center stage in this presidential election. Vine probably finds it ironic that most of the criticism is coming from Donald Trump.”
http://www.theamericanconservative.co...
March 20, 2020
While the author could be more aggressive in his policy proposals at the end of the book, that doesn't really take away from the six years of research he did to write it. In the tradition of Chalmers Johnson, he uses publicly accessible data to show the scope and reach of US military overreach and even for someone like myself who considers himself well aware of these problems the data is shocking. The United States has no business having 800+ military bases worldwide putatively to solve the problems of the world when the equivalent money and manpower spent at home would yield dividends that would indeed make the world a better and safer place. As it is, the US and her military and intelligence services, are on the whole, the greatest threat among the nations to worldwide peace.
"Americans have considered it normal to have US military installations in other countries, on other people's land." (p. 2)
"...a clear preference for bases in undemocratic and often despotic states such as Qatar and Bahrain." (p. 10)
"By provoking a Chinese and Russian military response, these bases may help create the very threat against which they are supposedly designed to protect." (p. 12)
"Ultimately, I believe all Americans bear responsibility for the base nation we've become and for the lives that our largely forgotten baes have shaped around the world." (p. 13)
"After 1947, the military built 241 new bases in Germany, while Japan came to host as many as 3,800 installations." (p. 30)
"Like empires from ancient Egypt to imperial Britain, the United States has come to use its foreign bases to assert influence and dominate far-off lands, resources, and markets." (p. 43)
(regarding Diego Garcia and the US and UK governments) "Between 1968 and 1973, the two governments forcibly removed Diego Garcia's entire indigenous population." (p. 63)
(a citizen of Guam addressing the military regarding her rights) "What you're fighting for, we don't have here." (p. 95)
(quoting President Taft) "The day is not far distant when...the whole hemisphere will be ours in fact as, by virtue of our superiority as a race, it already is ours morally." (p. 99)
"...the US armed services consume more oil every day than the entire country of Sweden." (p. 137)
"In Okinawa, GIs have abandoned an estimated four thousand children; many have ended up in orphanages and foster homes." (p. 172)
"Men on military bases and women in camptowns find themselves in what is a highly unnatural situation, one that's been created by a series of human decisions made over time. Those decisions have created a predominantly male military environment, in which women's visible presence is overwhelmingly reduced to one role: sex." (p. 181)
"...the Department of Defense remains the only federal agency unable to pass a financial audit." (p. 198)
(from Eisenhower's Farewell Address) "Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children." (p. 212)
"...there has been $31 billion to $60 billion in contracting fraud in the Afghanistan and Iraq Wars alone." (p. 216-217)
"The use of shell companies not only lowered KBR's contributions to Social Security and Medicare trust funds, but also meant that its employees could not receive unemployment benefits if they lost their jobs because they were technically employed by a foreign corporation." (p. 229)
"And in one fo the most remarkable evictions in recent years, the Iraqi parliament refused to allow the United States to retain bases and troops in the country after the end of the US occupation..." (p. 296)
"Think about what just half of the $70 billion or more going into the base world every year could do to improve the lives of Americans." (p. 322)
"By making it simpler to wage foreign wars, they have made military action an even more attractive option among the foreign policy tools available to American policymakers, and they have made war more likely." (p. 333)
"Americans have considered it normal to have US military installations in other countries, on other people's land." (p. 2)
"...a clear preference for bases in undemocratic and often despotic states such as Qatar and Bahrain." (p. 10)
"By provoking a Chinese and Russian military response, these bases may help create the very threat against which they are supposedly designed to protect." (p. 12)
"Ultimately, I believe all Americans bear responsibility for the base nation we've become and for the lives that our largely forgotten baes have shaped around the world." (p. 13)
"After 1947, the military built 241 new bases in Germany, while Japan came to host as many as 3,800 installations." (p. 30)
"Like empires from ancient Egypt to imperial Britain, the United States has come to use its foreign bases to assert influence and dominate far-off lands, resources, and markets." (p. 43)
(regarding Diego Garcia and the US and UK governments) "Between 1968 and 1973, the two governments forcibly removed Diego Garcia's entire indigenous population." (p. 63)
(a citizen of Guam addressing the military regarding her rights) "What you're fighting for, we don't have here." (p. 95)
(quoting President Taft) "The day is not far distant when...the whole hemisphere will be ours in fact as, by virtue of our superiority as a race, it already is ours morally." (p. 99)
"...the US armed services consume more oil every day than the entire country of Sweden." (p. 137)
"In Okinawa, GIs have abandoned an estimated four thousand children; many have ended up in orphanages and foster homes." (p. 172)
"Men on military bases and women in camptowns find themselves in what is a highly unnatural situation, one that's been created by a series of human decisions made over time. Those decisions have created a predominantly male military environment, in which women's visible presence is overwhelmingly reduced to one role: sex." (p. 181)
"...the Department of Defense remains the only federal agency unable to pass a financial audit." (p. 198)
(from Eisenhower's Farewell Address) "Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children." (p. 212)
"...there has been $31 billion to $60 billion in contracting fraud in the Afghanistan and Iraq Wars alone." (p. 216-217)
"The use of shell companies not only lowered KBR's contributions to Social Security and Medicare trust funds, but also meant that its employees could not receive unemployment benefits if they lost their jobs because they were technically employed by a foreign corporation." (p. 229)
"And in one fo the most remarkable evictions in recent years, the Iraqi parliament refused to allow the United States to retain bases and troops in the country after the end of the US occupation..." (p. 296)
"Think about what just half of the $70 billion or more going into the base world every year could do to improve the lives of Americans." (p. 322)
"By making it simpler to wage foreign wars, they have made military action an even more attractive option among the foreign policy tools available to American policymakers, and they have made war more likely." (p. 333)
February 25, 2023
這本書的問題在於，他羅列了海外基地的所有缺點，每一個都批評一輪，但針對海外基地的優點卻輕描淡寫(或是刻意略過)。公正與否先不論，這種挑選式的論述常常導致各種前後文矛盾: 像是前一段才在抱怨美國國內消費外流、海外基地對駐軍的國家經濟沒幫助，下一章又抱怨軍方都把各種生活雜事(從打掃洗衣到煎牛排和搬家)外包給當地外勞，對於外包產生的經濟效益卻又含糊帶過，最後歸咎於其實都是美國承包商賺走……咦那錢不就好棒棒的流回美國了嗎? 經濟效益到底蒸發到哪去了? 諸如此類繞來繞去的論述不勝枚舉……
長篇大論其實可以濃縮如下:
1) 維運海外基地很花錢，不如用在美國人民的全民健���上
2) 基地使得國內消費外流到國外
- 這兩點是事實。不過怎麼都不提美國軍火工業也賺了一大票、美元也因著避險能力成為強勢貨幣、美豬美牛也賣得不錯這些點呢。至於全民健保我就真的不確定了，感覺美國政府也不是沒錢做，只是沒意願做而已吧。
3) 海外基地沒有保護當地的作用，反而給造成居民困擾
- 造成困擾是真的，但保護的作用已經從俄羅斯不敢打北約國的態度證明了。(至少目前是這樣啦……烏俄居然就這樣打一年了)
4) 要派軍隊從美國本土派就夠了
- 不太能認同欸…因為畢竟還是有時效性的問題，空運夠快但載運量沒有船運大，船運又很費時。感覺這種講法就是在預備丟包……
5) 海外基地的存在引發衝突
- 有點雞生蛋蛋生雞的調調……很難一概而論吧。但作者覺得美國駐軍南韓使得韓戰沒辦法結束，呃這個……撤軍的話會是甚麼型態的結束呢……(抖) 這種講法有點像「不要給烏克蘭武器就可以結束戰爭」一樣，雖然是事實但……明白講出來要放生實在很傷人欸……不知道南韓人是怎麼想的。
6) 海外基地應該要通通撤除，期待美國從阿富汗撤軍
- 作者寫的時候阿富汗還沒撤，2021/8/31年美軍撤出，然後接下來的事情大家都知道了啊……美軍狼狽撤走、阿富汗人攀在飛機外側的影片重創國際形象，俄羅斯也把這當作美國衰弱的訊號，六個月後就迅速入侵烏克蘭……雖然說入侵前夕拜登的消極態度，究竟真只是因為無暇顧及、還是故意引誘普丁踏進陷阱，這個部分還未可知(大概永遠都不會知道吧)，但從這就可以看出海外基地牽一髮而動全身的重要性。
總括而言，看這本書可以對美國海外基地的「負面」有非常深入的了解，但美國藉由海外基地獲得的優勢，無論是直接或間接、經濟面或戰略面，都幾乎略過不提。把他當作五角大廈的反對黨來就好了。(妙的是，作者居然覺得自己有盡可能的公平客觀……)
很碰巧地，在我看這本書的時候，美國媒體報導美軍預計在台灣增加駐台人數(目前未證實)。新聞是說擴增三到四倍，看起來好像很多，但原本好像也才30人左右，就算四倍也才120，感覺也不能幹嘛……唉都花了那麼多保護費，未來幾年還要「被貸款」，多幾個美語老師來授課一下也是應該的吧。至於菲律賓2023年決定擴增的四個美軍基地，有看到新聞說應該不是大型美軍基地，看了這本就可以了解「不是大型」代表的到底是甚麼意思…五角大廈被批到學聰明了呢。
長篇大論其實可以濃縮如下:
1) 維運海外基地很花錢，不如用在美國人民的全民健���上
2) 基地使得國內消費外流到國外
- 這兩點是事實。不過怎麼都不提美國軍火工業也賺了一大票、美元也因著避險能力成為強勢貨幣、美豬美牛也賣得不錯這些點呢。至於全民健保我就真的不確定了，感覺美國政府也不是沒錢做，只是沒意願做而已吧。
3) 海外基地沒有保護當地的作用，反而給造成居民困擾
- 造成困擾是真的，但保護的作用已經從俄羅斯不敢打北約國的態度證明了。(至少目前是這樣啦……烏俄居然就這樣打一年了)
4) 要派軍隊從美國本土派就夠了
- 不太能認同欸…因為畢竟還是有時效性的問題，空運夠快但載運量沒有船運大，船運又很費時。感覺這種講法就是在預備丟包……
5) 海外基地的存在引發衝突
- 有點雞生蛋蛋生雞的調調……很難一概而論吧。但作者覺得美國駐軍南韓使得韓戰沒辦法結束，呃這個……撤軍的話會是甚麼型態的結束呢……(抖) 這種講法有點像「不要給烏克蘭武器就可以結束戰爭」一樣，雖然是事實但……明白講出來要放生實在很傷人欸……不知道南韓人是怎麼想的。
6) 海外基地應該要通通撤除，期待美國從阿富汗撤軍
- 作者寫的時候阿富汗還沒撤，2021/8/31年美軍撤出，然後接下來的事情大家都知道了啊……美軍狼狽撤走、阿富汗人攀在飛機外側的影片重創國際形象，俄羅斯也把這當作美國衰弱的訊號，六個月後就迅速入侵烏克蘭……雖然說入侵前夕拜登的消極態度，究竟真只是因為無暇顧及、還是故意引誘普丁踏進陷阱，這個部分還未可知(大概永遠都不會知道吧)，但從這就可以看出海外基地牽一髮而動全身的重要性。
總括而言，看這本書可以對美國海外基地的「負面」有非常深入的了解，但美國藉由海外基地獲得的優勢，無論是直接或間接、經濟面或戰略面，都幾乎略過不提。把他當作五角大廈的反對黨來就好了。(妙的是，作者居然覺得自己有盡可能的公平客觀……)
很碰巧地，在我看這本書的時候，美國媒體報導美軍預計在台灣增加駐台人數(目前未證實)。新聞是說擴增三到四倍，看起來好像很多，但原本好像也才30人左右，就算四倍也才120，感覺也不能幹嘛……唉都花了那麼多保護費，未來幾年還要「被貸款」，多幾個美語老師來授課一下也是應該的吧。至於菲律賓2023年決定擴增的四個美軍基地，有看到新聞說應該不是大型美軍基地，看了這本就可以了解「不是大型」代表的到底是甚麼意思…五角大廈被批到學聰明了呢。
December 18, 2018
Our U.S. military “runs more than 170 golf courses.” The U.S. has nicknamed Diego Garcia, “The Footprint of Freedom” – Diego Garcia is of course an island stolen from its original inhabitants, the 1,500 to 2,000 Chagossians (who had been living there since the American Revolution) who were evicted and then sent aboard inadequate unclean ships, deported to rot elsewhere. The collective Chagossian crime was living on territory desired by the U.S. Navy. Meanwhile, the people of Okinawa in Japan say they lost their land to the U.S. military by “bulldozer and bayonet” – 40% of their farmland was taken and 250,000 them were evicted by from their lands. A 2007 shows that Okinawa has 215 times more value to the local economy if it was freed, instead of continuing as a base. People in Okinawa today have the lowest per capita income of all Japanese prefectures. But the Inuit of Thule of Greenland would merely look at the Okinawans and remark, “Luxury!”. Those 150 Thule were given only four days to move, or face the bulldozers of the world’s biggest bully. But, for being ripped from their homelands without compensation they were all given a lovely parting gift to cherish forever, an entire case of PTSD. Does it matter if the U.S. is going around the planet stealing whatever and whenever? As Henry Kissinger (Jill St. John’s love toy) thoughtfully said regarding the forced removal of the natives in the Marshall Islands, “There are only ninety thousand people out there. Who gives a damn?” Wow…. No wonder famed female impersonator Hillary Clinton likes Henry so much.
Here’s a great recruitment tool to get female soldiers! Hey Ladies! Join the U.S. Armed Forces where you are statistically “more likely to be raped at the hands of a fellow member of the military, than killed by enemy fighters.” Yeah! That’s the ticket! Lest we think this is only a recent thing, one in three female officers reported having been raped in the military during the span of Vietnam War to Gulf War. Then to compound the problem, in 2006, the military introduced “moral waivers” which allowed an influx of “those convicted of sexual assault and domestic violence.” The result? In 2014 alone, there were 19,000 reports of sexual assault in the military. Best question, “How are we going to police the world if we can’t police our own people?” Most of these rapists had in turn been victims of past violence, so how far down society’s patriarchal rabbit-hole do you go in demanding real solutions? Add that to this inconvenient truth: “Military spending creates fewer jobs per billion dollars expended than the same billion dollars invested in education, health care, or energy efficiency - less than half as many jobs as investing in in school, for example.” Our armed forces consume more oil each day than the entire country of Sweden. Little of the troop’s spending money ever reaches the local economy. We have hundreds of bases around the world on other people’s land and we never ask ourselves what if other countries had their bases on our soil? How would we feel? We have “over a half million Americans abroad.” President Carter presided over one of the greatest constructions of military bases in history (Egypt, Oman, Saudi Arabia, etc.) thanks to his rather un-Christian Carter Doctrine. Then there is a long-documented history of the U.S. military dumping hazardous waste at sea, including off the coasts of 11 of our states. On trying to save money in the military: “There was never an instance when money was left over. That would have been a career ender.”
Well, at least, the U.S. has learned to stay out of Africa, right? Not so, Quasimodo, “The military is now operating in at least forty-nine of the fifty-four African countries.” Since 2001, the military has spent $30 billion building and maintaining military infrastructure in Africa. Thanks to racial sensitivity training offered at U.S. boot camps everywhere, the most commonly heard phrase heard upon arriving at a U.S. base is, “Welcome to Injun Country!” A long-lasting jet fuel leak at a base in Albuquerque has now leaked more than the Exxon Valdez did – no national press coverage, which indicates really good PR. Contractors have largely solved the Military’s labor problem. The aerospace and military industry enjoy the best tax rates of all corporations. $1.7 trillion dollars “in foreign earnings” is offshore shielded from U.S. taxes by U.S. corporations (from a 2012 study). “Leaders of undemocratic governments like having American bases because they help keep local regimes in power.” Base Nation covers lots of different countries like Honduras which alone was invaded by the morally challenged U.S. eight times between 1903 and 1925. Eight times! Talk about not knowing how to make up your mind! Imagine the joy of Hondurans watching the wealth of their country leave for the U.S. in return the freedom to stay alive on a menial wage. Thanks to over 100 years of such U.S. benevolence, Honduras is now #1. Yes, it now has the world’s highest murder rate and is the second poorest place in the hemisphere next to Haiti (better luck next year). And recently after Zelaya’s (Honduras) ouster, there were “more than four thousand human right violations.” Lots of great info in this really good book about U.S. military bases, and you know how hard it is to find documented info on the many obvious downsides of the military bases.
Here’s a great recruitment tool to get female soldiers! Hey Ladies! Join the U.S. Armed Forces where you are statistically “more likely to be raped at the hands of a fellow member of the military, than killed by enemy fighters.” Yeah! That’s the ticket! Lest we think this is only a recent thing, one in three female officers reported having been raped in the military during the span of Vietnam War to Gulf War. Then to compound the problem, in 2006, the military introduced “moral waivers” which allowed an influx of “those convicted of sexual assault and domestic violence.” The result? In 2014 alone, there were 19,000 reports of sexual assault in the military. Best question, “How are we going to police the world if we can’t police our own people?” Most of these rapists had in turn been victims of past violence, so how far down society’s patriarchal rabbit-hole do you go in demanding real solutions? Add that to this inconvenient truth: “Military spending creates fewer jobs per billion dollars expended than the same billion dollars invested in education, health care, or energy efficiency - less than half as many jobs as investing in in school, for example.” Our armed forces consume more oil each day than the entire country of Sweden. Little of the troop’s spending money ever reaches the local economy. We have hundreds of bases around the world on other people’s land and we never ask ourselves what if other countries had their bases on our soil? How would we feel? We have “over a half million Americans abroad.” President Carter presided over one of the greatest constructions of military bases in history (Egypt, Oman, Saudi Arabia, etc.) thanks to his rather un-Christian Carter Doctrine. Then there is a long-documented history of the U.S. military dumping hazardous waste at sea, including off the coasts of 11 of our states. On trying to save money in the military: “There was never an instance when money was left over. That would have been a career ender.”
Well, at least, the U.S. has learned to stay out of Africa, right? Not so, Quasimodo, “The military is now operating in at least forty-nine of the fifty-four African countries.” Since 2001, the military has spent $30 billion building and maintaining military infrastructure in Africa. Thanks to racial sensitivity training offered at U.S. boot camps everywhere, the most commonly heard phrase heard upon arriving at a U.S. base is, “Welcome to Injun Country!” A long-lasting jet fuel leak at a base in Albuquerque has now leaked more than the Exxon Valdez did – no national press coverage, which indicates really good PR. Contractors have largely solved the Military’s labor problem. The aerospace and military industry enjoy the best tax rates of all corporations. $1.7 trillion dollars “in foreign earnings” is offshore shielded from U.S. taxes by U.S. corporations (from a 2012 study). “Leaders of undemocratic governments like having American bases because they help keep local regimes in power.” Base Nation covers lots of different countries like Honduras which alone was invaded by the morally challenged U.S. eight times between 1903 and 1925. Eight times! Talk about not knowing how to make up your mind! Imagine the joy of Hondurans watching the wealth of their country leave for the U.S. in return the freedom to stay alive on a menial wage. Thanks to over 100 years of such U.S. benevolence, Honduras is now #1. Yes, it now has the world’s highest murder rate and is the second poorest place in the hemisphere next to Haiti (better luck next year). And recently after Zelaya’s (Honduras) ouster, there were “more than four thousand human right violations.” Lots of great info in this really good book about U.S. military bases, and you know how hard it is to find documented info on the many obvious downsides of the military bases.
September 8, 2015
It's rare to find a book on such a big issue that's both comprehensive and readable. It's a great, eye-opening read.
November 1, 2019
Good, but the Immerwahr book on American Empire is better.
May 6, 2020
The most useful part of this book for me was a reminder of our sins of the past in (not so nominally) colonial acquisitions of foreign bases and land. While I found the historical context of some of our military bases interesting and educational, this book generally annoyed me with it over generalizations about US service members and conclusions based loosely on cherry picked quotes, anecdotes, innuendo, and incredibly irrelevant facts. You will be shocked (shocked!) that the US military operates on a budget and pays as little for goods and services as the market will support, and that defense relationships are complicated by local politics. The author only addresses straw man arguments for the usefulness and positive effects of overseas bases and his arguments later devolve into running descriptions of every bad thing the military as an institution or various military individuals have ever done. By the end of the book it felt like the author had been given a glimpse into a world he didn’t understand wrote down everything he saw, and then strung it together into a book whose conclusion was preordained before he began his research. His description of military family life and what happens when a service member is killed was especially heinous. Ultimately, there is a reasonable argument to be made about the cost/benefits of overseas bases, but by the end of the book I was too annoyed by the authors wandering diatribe against the military to care.
February 1, 2025
The nature of the us base network across the globe is something I thought I was aware of, but the sheer scale of it and the pricetag it carries is insane. Yeah uhhh this one did not feel good to read
December 8, 2024
One of the most remarkable insights of this book is how forcefully it debunks the notion of “deterrence”. When the US military describes its rationale for having over 1,000 bases around the world, most of them on the soil of allied countries and most others in remote islands, or even its very reason for being, it has nothing to offer but a counterfactual, and not a very good one. “We make America safer by projecting strength around the world. If we had no bases, we would be open to attack from other countries. We must have forward operating facilities to head off bad actors.” This is a zombie idea — not just for how ugly it appears and how stubborn it is to new developments and new ideas, but in how much of a nuisance it is. We can now examine the claims of “deterrence” in the 21st century using actual experience and research methods — we don’t have to resort to deriving our geopolitical posturing from thought experiments and philosophies gleaned from “Game of Thrones”. And our national experiences say resoundingly that the US military’s large number of bases and global presence makes us all LESS safe. They increase hostility from already unfriendly nations, they increase US resentment among people of host countries even allied countries, and most crucially they suck time and money that would be better spent directly on people and on improving their lives.
Like many other anti-imperialist books, this book truthfully names the United States as a nation that has, in a manner of speaking, no actual “international relations” or “foreign policy” worth the name. It has no established capacity, or interest, in “relating” with other countries. No concept of a shared future, no national conscience, nothing to offer its allies, or even a desire to have allies as such, and no love. What it does have, what it admits gleefully to having, is nearly limitless force — missiles, sanctions, veto power at the UN Security Council, strong-arming the World Trade Organization, enough nukes to turn the whole planet to ash — and scores of national “interests” that it pursues at all costs. These behaviors and ways of thinking stem from a deep spiritual fear which is genuine but not rational — a fear this book, in essence, insists that we face.
Like many other anti-imperialist books, this book truthfully names the United States as a nation that has, in a manner of speaking, no actual “international relations” or “foreign policy” worth the name. It has no established capacity, or interest, in “relating” with other countries. No concept of a shared future, no national conscience, nothing to offer its allies, or even a desire to have allies as such, and no love. What it does have, what it admits gleefully to having, is nearly limitless force — missiles, sanctions, veto power at the UN Security Council, strong-arming the World Trade Organization, enough nukes to turn the whole planet to ash — and scores of national “interests” that it pursues at all costs. These behaviors and ways of thinking stem from a deep spiritual fear which is genuine but not rational — a fear this book, in essence, insists that we face.
March 18, 2025
This generated so much anger, frustration, and disappointment, it was hard to figure out how to write a review. There is so much shame contained in these pages, and it's just specifically related to the US military's BASE operations! Just a narrow, narrow sliver of the damage wrought. Populations violently and dishonestly displaced, islands and ecosystems destroyed, economies ruined. Billions of dollars mishandled, misspent, and wasted. This was easy to digest and straightforwardly organized. It was infuriating and I recommend it to anyone.
April 8, 2020
Excellent book! While I don't believe all of the author's assertions, the text is certainly quality analysis. Would like to talk with the author and compare his notes with my experiences in bases around the world. We could surely have fewer bases, but they do provide a capability and presence that is hard to quantify in terms of return on investment. I also believe that this book should be read by all Army SAMS students. Some of the key excerpts are below.
… the creation of new U.S. bases to protect against an alleged future Chinese or Russian threat runs the risk of becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. By provoking a Chinese and Russian military response, these bases may help create the very threat against which they are supposedly designed to protect.
- The ease with which the military can acquire land tends to be strongly linked to the relative powerlessness of that land’s inhabitants, which in turn is usually linked to factors such as their nationality, skin color, and population size.
- After the creation of a base in Uzbekistan in 2001, U.S. military aid jumped from $2.9M to $37.1M the following year; economic aid leaped from $62.3M to $167.3M.
- Around the globe, military bases have become an important source of corporate profit making, diverting hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars from domestic needs.
- Once upon a time, the military, not contractors, built and ran U.S. bases…. But this started changing during the Vietnam War… Amid nationwide resistance to the draft, contractors were one way to solve the military’s labor problem, which became permanent with the end of conscription in 1973. In the era of the all-volunteer force, hiring contractors reduced the need for the military to recruit new troops.
… the creation of new U.S. bases to protect against an alleged future Chinese or Russian threat runs the risk of becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. By provoking a Chinese and Russian military response, these bases may help create the very threat against which they are supposedly designed to protect.
- The ease with which the military can acquire land tends to be strongly linked to the relative powerlessness of that land’s inhabitants, which in turn is usually linked to factors such as their nationality, skin color, and population size.
- After the creation of a base in Uzbekistan in 2001, U.S. military aid jumped from $2.9M to $37.1M the following year; economic aid leaped from $62.3M to $167.3M.
- Around the globe, military bases have become an important source of corporate profit making, diverting hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars from domestic needs.
- Once upon a time, the military, not contractors, built and ran U.S. bases…. But this started changing during the Vietnam War… Amid nationwide resistance to the draft, contractors were one way to solve the military’s labor problem, which became permanent with the end of conscription in 1973. In the era of the all-volunteer force, hiring contractors reduced the need for the military to recruit new troops.
June 8, 2016
The U.S. Military has bases that dot the globe. We spend billions of dollars to station troops and their families there, in effort to be safe and protect our national interest. Vine asks the radical question, is it working? He details our historical habits of inefficiency, fraud, ecological assault, sexual assault and our willingness to work with the bad guys... dictators and even the Italian Mob, not to mention the military's habit of holding on to unneeded bases just in case we need them in the future.
Why I started this book: I'm living overseas, working for the military right now. This topic is very personal and immediate.
Why I finished it: I had to agree with several of his points. And it's always a good idea, for people and governments to ask themselves if they are getting what they paid for. If you signed up for cable, but no longer watch it. Cancel it. If you want to watch it in five or ten years, you can sign a new contract then. (Totally oversimplified, I know.) This is a great book to spark a conversation about our military spending and national security debate.
Side note: I was surprised that George W Bush was in the middle of review bases for strategic benefit and closure... before 9/11 and then "we need them all and more" became the name of the game.
Why I started this book: I'm living overseas, working for the military right now. This topic is very personal and immediate.
Why I finished it: I had to agree with several of his points. And it's always a good idea, for people and governments to ask themselves if they are getting what they paid for. If you signed up for cable, but no longer watch it. Cancel it. If you want to watch it in five or ten years, you can sign a new contract then. (Totally oversimplified, I know.) This is a great book to spark a conversation about our military spending and national security debate.
Side note: I was surprised that George W Bush was in the middle of review bases for strategic benefit and closure... before 9/11 and then "we need them all and more" became the name of the game.
June 21, 2024
Na sajtu rijetko lucidnih nezavisnih američkih novina, Counterpunch, čitamo o često promjenljivim ciframa koje vječito profitabilni američki vojno-industrijski kompleks ne prestaje da cijedi od S.A.D. – 15 milijardi dolara mjesečno, ili $20 miliona na sat. Džon Dauer, dobitnik Pulicera, u knjizi The Violent American Century (2017), Obamino obećanje o modernizaciji nuklearnog arsenala u narednih 30 godina koje će koštati trilion dolara, svodi na $2,74 milijardi dnevno, odnosno, na $114 miliona na sat.
No, ovo o modernizaciji su „planirane“ brojke. Ameriku (i NATO) već skupo košta združeni projekat F-35, superaviona takozvane pete generacije, za kojeg je planirano da će sa sve održavanjem koštati $379 milijardi dolara. Po svemu sudeći, F-35 već 25 godina ne prelazi početni stadijum razvitka, iako je na njega utrošeno više od 100 milijardi dolara. Afera sa F-35 neobično podsjeća na stvaranje Bredlijevog prevoznog borbenog vozila, na koga je tokom 17 godina (počev od 80-ih, ako ne i ranije), Pentagon spiskao 14 milijardi dolara. U narednih četvrt vijeka, ako F-35 ikada normalno i uzleti pod punom ratnom opremom – naizgled je vrlo bučan, ako ne i kakofoničniji od klasično dobrog ako ne, po svemu sudeći, i daleko efektnijeg aviona poput F-16 – očekuje se da će sa održavanjem te eskadre njegova cijena iznositi 1,4 triliona dolara.
Avaj, i popularni sajt „War is Boring“ ovaj združeni projekat naziva „nacionalnom katastrofom“.
Ergo, samo na ratove Pentagon aktivno troši više nego što 50 američkih država zajedno troši na zdravstvo, obrazovanje i zaštitu. Dobar dio ovog novca ide na održavanje 750+ vojnih baza koje posjeduje američka vojska van svojih granica, u 80-ak drugih zemalja i svojih kolonija (poređenja radi, u Americi tih baza ima oko 6,000). Poređenja radi, Kina ima 8 baza izvan matične države, a sve zemlje zajedno posjeduju sveukupno oko 200 inostranih vojnih baza. Ako brojkama dodamo i 270+ američkih ambasada i konzulata širom svijeta, ovakva stratosferska logistika, kad se stavi na papir, bezmalo zvuči kao fikcija, uključujući i načine na koji Pentagon dolazi do svojih rajskih lokacija.
U Italiji, gdje je CIA poslije Drugog sv. rata namjestila da izbore dobiju Demohrišćani (bili su na vlasti do 1994), i danas blisko sarađuje sa mafijom – Koza Nostrom i Kamorom. U Latinskoj Americi, američka vojska najbolje cvjeta tamo gdje je vlast nedemokratska. Po Južnoj Koreji i na Okinavi, osoblje, uprkos lokalnim protestima, preduzima sve korake da prikrije zločine vlastitih vojnika. Tako da uopšte nije pretjerano pretpostaviti da se stvari u tim bazama većinom i odvijaju kao u „satiričnom“ romanu Roberta O’Konora, Buffalo Soldiers (1993).
Primjer: čim se nosač aviona Kitty Hawk ukotvio u navalnoj bazi Jokosuka, 2002, japanska policija je uhapsila jednog mornara za oružanu pljačku, drugog za krađu kola, a trećeg za krijumčarenje droge. Čak i u klasiku Hollywood Babylon (1975) Keneta Engera, za jedan od prvih holivudskih skandala iz 1920-ih, vezuje se „izvjesni (armijski) Kapetan Spolding, koji je uhapšen zbog prodaje heroina i kokaina po Holivudu u velikim količinama“.
Po tom pitanju, Vajnova iscrpna Nacija baza je monumentalna. Čita se kao produžena ruka trilogije „Imperija“ pokojnog Čalmersa Džonsona (iz iste edicije) i jasno pokazuje koliko se američki vojni službenici trude da uposle različita sredstva da bi za svoju okolinu postigli prijeko potrebnu stabilnost. U Njemačkoj, gdje vojnici mogu da presele porodicu i vozni park, i gdje se obično podižu izolovane „Male Amerike“, ovakva prava samo mogu da stabilizuju odnose između dvije nacije.
Dok se pak na ostrvima kao što je Dijego Garsija (Vajnova prva knjiga, The Island of Shame, govori o tom incidentu) i drugim skrajnutim mjestima, poput Guama i Grenlanda, vojska lako rješava lokalnog življa – ili ga u potpunosti prenebregava. Vajn uzgred dokumentuje dvadesetak istorijskih slučajeva prisilnog preseljavanja lokalnog stanovništva zbog izgradnje, ili širenja, američkih vojnih baza počev od kraja XIX vijeka.
Umjesto da u opasnim regijama donesu kakvu-takvu ravnotežu, strane baze najčešće podižu vojne tenzije i obeshrabruju bilo kakva diplomatska rješenja uoči i za vrijeme konflikata među mjesnim stanovništvom. Uostalom, postavljanje američkih baza i iskrcavanje NATO vojske blizu granica sa Rusijom (kao u januaru ove godine), Kinom i Iranom, samo podstiče uvećavanje vojnih budžeta njihovih oponenata. (Primjera radi, u Indopacifičkoj Komandi, u neposrednoj blizini Kine, u tamošnjim bazama radi 370+ hiljada američkih vojnika i civila.)
Dabome da Amerika, u ovoj igri šaha, po običaju, ne brine o vojnoj snazi drugih zemalja, koliko o tome da se na taj način što prije iscrpe njihovi materijalni resursi.
I pored toga što američka vojna ekspanzija seže stotinama godina u prošlost, autor za početak istorijske „nacije baza“ uzima 2. septembar 1940. Ruzvelt je tada izvijestio kongres da će ispoštovati sporazum sa Britanijom: svojem savezniku na rubu bankrota Amerika će da pokloni 50 razarača iz ere Velikog rata 1914-18. u zamjenu za određeni broj vazdušnih i navalnih baza u britanskim kolonijama.
Mada bi tako ozbiljan, bezmalo epohalni, pakt prirodno trebao da obaveže i odobrenje Američkog kongresa, Ruzvelt ga je jednostavno proglasio ozvaničenim. Pod onim što je postalo poznato kao antanta „razarači-za-baze“, S.A.D. su dobile 99-godišnje zakupe i skoro suverene moći nad bazama na Bahamima, Jamajci, Sv. Luciji, Sv. Tomi, Antigvi, Arubi-Kurakau, Trinidadu i Britanskoj Gijani, uključujući i privremeni pristup bazama na Bermudama i Njufaundlendu.
A pošto su S.A.D. ušle u Drugi svjetski rat, vojska je radila na tome da što prije proširi ovu kolekciju. Na taj način podignute su nove baze – ili su prosto okupirane – u Meksiku, Brazilu, Haitiju, Kubi, Keniji, Senegalu, holandskom Surinamu, Francuskoj Gijani, portugalskim Azorskim ostrvima, na Galapagosu, britanskom ostrvu Asension u Južnom Atlantiku, kao i na ostrvu Palmira blizu Havaja. Do kraja rata, američka vojska je izgrađivala bazne objekte po prosječnoj stopi od 112 mjesečno.
Danas, 70 godina nakon tog rata, prema podacima Pentagona, u Njemačkoj i Japanu se nalazi po 119 baza, u Južnoj Koreji 83, u Italiji 44, a NATO, čiji Amerika zvanično nije član ali koji ona radovno plaća, i dalje širi svoj odbrambeni štit od crvenih hordi sa Istoka. Američka vojska takođe ima svojih 170 golf terena. Tako da vrijedi ponoviti zvanične brojeve: 686-750 vojnih baza (zavisno od izvještaja Pentagona) u poređenju sa 276 američkih ambasada/konzularnih predstavništava u svijetu, s tim što Pentagon ima vlastitu definiciju „baze“.
U Hondurasu, shodno tome, ne postoji najveća američka baza u tom dijelu svijeta.
Vazduhoplovna baza srednje veličine, Soto Kano Palmerola, napravljena je u okviru domaće vojne akademije kako bi se iskoristili ustavni propisi koji izričito zabranjuju strano prisustvo – međutim, ona za Pentagon nije baza. Po svoj prilici, tamo je američka vojska „privremeno“ stacionirana, i ona nema kapaciteta da ugošćava porodice vojnika niti da školuje njihovu djecu, iako se, tokom 80-ih, tu nalazio logistički centar za borbu protiv socijalista u Nikaragvi, kao i „odredi smrti“, koji su pobili oko 30,000 pobunjenika.
Krajem juna 2009, Amerikanci su, kako pokazuju objelodanjene tajne depeše, bili direktno upleteni u vojni državni udar u Hondurasu, gdje je svrgnut demokratski izabran predsjednik Manuel Zelaja i postavljen izuzetno nepopularni Huan Orlando Hernandez. Odvajkada nestabilni Honduras tada postaje zemlja s najvišom stopom ubistava na svijetu – većom od Iraka, Avganistana i Meksika. Za to vrijeme, u Kolumbiji, koju pojedini geopolitički komentatori nazivaju Izraelom Južne Amerike (aludirajući na američko prisustvo ne samo u njihovoj politici, koliko na njihovom tlu), do sada je usmrćeno više od pet stotina političkih aktivista.
Od takozvanih superbaza, poput Ramstajna u Njemačkoj, ili Bondstila na Kosovu (Guantanamo Bej, na Kubi, je veličine američke prijestonice, Vašingtona), do srednjih baza, kao što je pomenuti Soto Kano, sada se, obrnutom evolucijom, a možda i zbog previše očigledne namjere američke imperijalne vojske, sve više umnožavaju takozvani „lokvanji“ ili neprimjetne lokvanj-baze (lily pads), takoreći vojna skladišta, nazvana prema biljci koja omogućuje žabi da, skaćući s jednog lista na drugi, prevaziđe određenu distancu na vodenoj površini, a da pri tom ne skvasi noge.
U pitanju su minijaturne baze s manje od dvjesta zaposlenih, u Pentagonovim tefterima uknjižene i kao „zadružne sigurnosne lokacije“ iz kojih može izrasti nešto nadasve veće, možda taman budući Bondstil, ili Soto Kano. S druge strane, navodi Vajn, „lokvanj-baze u generalnom pogledu imaju tajnovitu prirodu, i više se oslanjaju na privatne plaćenike, nego na američku vojsku. U njima se najčešće čuvaju dronovi, letilice za praćenje, ili oružje koje će trupama biti potrebno na drugom mjestu.“
Desetine ako ne i stotine „lokvanja“ pretežno izrastaju na lokacijama gdje je do sada bilo relativno malo upliva američke vojske, čak i američke politike, a oni, kao u igri Monopola, Americi najvećma dozvoljavaju logistički pristup dijelovima svijeta u kome do sada nije imala mnogo uticaja, a ujedno je apsolutno veže za geografiju u kome je njen uticaj presudan – kao u Latinskoj Americi ili na Bliskom Istoku.
Autor naslućuje da pravi broj američkih baza u svijetu tačno ne zna ni sâm Pentagon. Čak se i vojne cifre kose s brojkama drugih državnih tijela o tome koliko se novca ostavlja za 17% vojske u njima. Zato Dejvid Vajn u zasebnom revizorskom poglavlju pokušava da dođe do iole plauzibilne procjene. Prije nego što je vojska istupila djelimično iz Avganistana i Iraka na baze se trošilo 70-100 milijardi dolara godišnje (moguće je i daleko više), dok je danas taj broj osjetno manji, recimo da je minimum 55-60 milijardi dolara samo kako one ne bi bile zatvorene (plate za ljudstvo nisu ubrojane). Za fiskalnu 2012. godinu, Pentagon je svojoj podružnici, NATO-u, isplatio troškove u iznosu od $6.3 milijarde, ali tu cifru nije ubrojio u svoj godišnji bilans.
Naravno, tu su i svi ti zločini koje inherentno prisustvo američke vojske povlači za sobom, nešto kao uzeto iz neprijatnih filmova General’s Daughter i In the Valley of Elah.
I da se podsjetimo, tokom čitavog mjeseca marta [2015], još nekoliko skandala o korupciji, nezakonitim ubistvima na ratištima i pornografiji potresli su kako mornaricu tako i vojsku. Procjene sugerišu da je od 2012. godine 70,000 žena zlostavljano – bezmalo sve u američkim postrojenjima u i oko Avganistana i Iraka. Izvjesna žena je to opisala riječima:
„Minobacački projektili koji su svakodnevno padali po nama daleko manje su mi naudili od ljudi s kojima sam dijelila užinu.“
S druge strane, istraživanje koje je sprovela vojska o ženskim veteranima u periodu između Vijetnamskog i Zalivskog rata 1991, otkrilo je da je silovana/zlostavljana skoro svaka treća osoba tokom njene službe u vojsci. Ni muškarci nisu pošteđeni.
Interesantno je, prema riječima autora, koliko Amerikanci ni malo ne razmišljaju o svojim vojnim uporištima u inostranstvu. Rafael Korea, predsjednik Ekvadora, naglasio je ovu rijetko razmotrenu istinu kad je novinarima izjavio da će produžiti najam za bazu američkoj vojsci pod jednim uslovom: „Samo ako oni nama dozvole da napravimo bazu u Majamiju. Jer ako već nije nikakav problem držati vojsku na tuđem tlu“, dodao je Korea, „garantovano će nam dozvoliti da podignemo ekvadorsku vojnu bazu u S.A.D.“
2017
[Apendiks 2019: Rafael Korea, predsjednik Ekvadora koji je pružio azil novinaru Džulijanu Asanžu u londonskoj ambasadi, imenovao je svoga nasljednika, Lenina Morena, navodno socijalistu, koji je i pobijedio na prvim sljedećim izborima, 2017, no s vrlo tijesnim rezultatom i tek u drugom krugu glasanja (ovdje treba podsjetiti da je Korea na izborima 2009. i 2013. godine bez problema odnio pobjedu većinskim brojem glasova). Ubrzo je Moreno okrenuo ploču i naizgled izdao svoju dotadašnju ljevičarsku politiku; samim tim, Asanž je, nedugo poslije izbora 2017, isporučen Britancima i Amerikancima, a u Ekvadoru su počela hapšenja i privođenja politički nepodobnih osoba – ljevičara. Ovime je Ekvador postala još jedna nedemokratska zemlja Južne Amerike koja je potpala pod kontrolu S.A.D.-a. Jedine latinoameričke države koje su zadržale nezavisne ljevičarske vlade, i pored neprekidnih sankcija od strane Amerike, su Nikaragva, Venecuela i Kuba. Vrijedi navesti neke državne udare koje su finansirale S.A.D. u Južnoj Americi samo u posljednjih dvadeset godina: Ekvador (2000), Venecuela (2002), Haiti (2004), Honduras (2009; plus namješteni izbori 2017), Paragvaj (2012), Brazil (2016), Bolivija (2019), dok su pokušaji puča u Nikaragvi – 2018. – i Venecueli – 2019. – propali.]
[Apendiks 2020: prema istraživanju sajta novinara Marka Kertisa, Declassified UK, britanska vojska se trudi da od javnosti sakrije da ima 145 vojnih baza u 42 zemlje. Samo u Omanu (16), Saudijskoj Arabiji (15) i na Kipru (17) imaju – 48 baza. Britanci takođe posjeduju baze i lokacije srodne vojne bazama u pet zemalja oko Kine: primjera radi, imaju mornaričku bazu u Singapuru, vojne garizone na Brunejima, tačku za testiranje dronova u Australiji, tri spremišta u Nepalu i brzu jedinicu za kontraudar u stanju borbene gotovosti u Avganistanu. Britanska vojska je prisutna u ukupno sedam arapskih monarhija, „čiji se građani malo ili ni malo ne pitaju s načinom na koji funkcionišu njihove države. U Africi su britanske trupe stacionirane u Keniji, Somaliji, Malaviju, Sijera Leoneu, Nigeriji, Maliju i Džibutiju (u ovoj strateški pozicioniranoj malenoj afričkoj zemlji, štaviše, osam zemalja imaju svoje vojne baze!). Većina prekomorskih baza su smještene u ‘poreskim rajevima’ poput Bermudskih ili Kajmanskih ostrva.“]
[Apendiks, avgust 2022: u naučnoj publikaciji od 8. avgusta, Journal of Conflict Resolution, objavljen je tekst Sidite Kuši i Monike Dufi Toft – „Introducing the Military Intervention Project: A New Dataset on US Military Interventions, 1776–2019“ – gdje se navode i više nego zabrinjavajuće cifre o američkim vojnim intervencijama u periodu 1776-2019, i potvrđuje da Amerika obično eskalira vojne intervencije, za razliku od njihovih „neprijatelja“ koji se trude da smanje upotrebu nasilja. Prema tvrdnji dvije autorke, Amerika je vojno djelovala u drugim zemljama 392 puta, od toga 200 puta (više od 50%) samo u eri 1950-2000, a 25% procenata je vojno djelovala nakon Hladnog rata. Trideset četiri (34%) procenta njihovog vojnog djelovanja je bilo samo u Latinskoj Americi i u karipskim zemljama.
U tekstu saznajemo da od 1950-ih Amerika mahom djeluje na tlu Bliskog Istoka i Sjeverne Afrike, a da do 1990-ih udvostručuje svoje prisustvo na Bliskom Istoku i u Sjevernoj Africi, a zatim svoj fokus usmjerava na podsaharsku Afriku i Južnu Aziju.
Najbitnije od svega je što ćemo uvidjeti da i „uprkos očekivanjima liberala, od 2000. godine, SAD je intervenisala u zemljama sa visočijim nivoom demokratije…“
Nik Turs (Turse), za publikaciju Responsible Statecraft (tekst: „Report: post-9/11 era one of the most militarily aggressive in US history“) ovako sažima srž pomenute studije: „Prije svega, Kuši i Toft, direktorka centra za strategijske studije Flečerove škole, ukazuju na to da su se američke intervencije „intezivirale i uvećale“ tokom posljednjih godina. Dok su era Hladnog rata (1946-89) i period između 1868-1917. bili „militaristički najaktivniji“ za Sjedinjene Države, era post 9/11 (2001-19) vrlo brzo se popela na treće mjesto u cijeloj istoriji SAD.“]
October 31, 2017
This is an impressive book, and although Vine's perspective is clear, there's also a careful and constant effort to show the issues objectively and with an eye to what needs to be considered when talking about closing or expanding bases, changing policy, or maintaining the status quo.
First, it's important to note that the research isn't just extensive, but presented clearly and without bias; Vine is open about the things which can't be known for sure, and about the biases felt on various sides of the issue. Where interviews are presented, there's an effort to read between the lines while being true to the nature of each interviewee's response, and attention paid to context and background. Importantly, there are interviews with military officials, American and foreign officials/politicians, average military men and women, and also non-military citizens of foreign countries who live around and work in American bases. At all moments, Vine goes out of his way to show multiple sides of a particular corner of the debate about American bases, and although the statistics and titles are sometimes overwhelming as a reader attempts to take them in (because the numbers and stats are, truly, astounding), everything is presented in such a way that a reader feels as if they're being shown the facts and offered a choice, rather than told what to think.
In truth, the greatest failing of the book may be its title, which gives the impression that the book is far more biased and argumentative than it actually is.
For me, many moments in the book were gut-wrenching, to where I literally felt sick to my stomach--and I'm not sure I can say that this happened to such an extent for any book I've read in the past. Much as I've read about history and politics, and despite the fact that have a graduate degree, much of the history surrounding American bases was new to me, and Vine presents the history in such a plain and straightforward fashion that I had a hard time not being horrified, over and over again. Certainly, other readers won't find as much to surprise them. My husband, who was a history major, was rarely even surprised by some of the things I felt a need to repeat to him; yet, I feel fairly sure that a lot of Americans know about what I did about this issue and the debate surrounding American bases, if not less. Personally, I wish every American would read this book; I'm sure not everyone would come out on the same side of the issue, which is a testament to Vine's careful work here, but the book has such import that it's hard to believe it hasn't gotten more attention, so far as I'm concerned.
If you have an interest in America's bases and/or well-being, or in America's foreign policy or domestic progress, I have to think that you'd find the book worth reading. Obviously, I absolutely recommend it.
First, it's important to note that the research isn't just extensive, but presented clearly and without bias; Vine is open about the things which can't be known for sure, and about the biases felt on various sides of the issue. Where interviews are presented, there's an effort to read between the lines while being true to the nature of each interviewee's response, and attention paid to context and background. Importantly, there are interviews with military officials, American and foreign officials/politicians, average military men and women, and also non-military citizens of foreign countries who live around and work in American bases. At all moments, Vine goes out of his way to show multiple sides of a particular corner of the debate about American bases, and although the statistics and titles are sometimes overwhelming as a reader attempts to take them in (because the numbers and stats are, truly, astounding), everything is presented in such a way that a reader feels as if they're being shown the facts and offered a choice, rather than told what to think.
In truth, the greatest failing of the book may be its title, which gives the impression that the book is far more biased and argumentative than it actually is.
For me, many moments in the book were gut-wrenching, to where I literally felt sick to my stomach--and I'm not sure I can say that this happened to such an extent for any book I've read in the past. Much as I've read about history and politics, and despite the fact that have a graduate degree, much of the history surrounding American bases was new to me, and Vine presents the history in such a plain and straightforward fashion that I had a hard time not being horrified, over and over again. Certainly, other readers won't find as much to surprise them. My husband, who was a history major, was rarely even surprised by some of the things I felt a need to repeat to him; yet, I feel fairly sure that a lot of Americans know about what I did about this issue and the debate surrounding American bases, if not less. Personally, I wish every American would read this book; I'm sure not everyone would come out on the same side of the issue, which is a testament to Vine's careful work here, but the book has such import that it's hard to believe it hasn't gotten more attention, so far as I'm concerned.
If you have an interest in America's bases and/or well-being, or in America's foreign policy or domestic progress, I have to think that you'd find the book worth reading. Obviously, I absolutely recommend it.
January 21, 2022
Stunning researches.
Researcher and author Mr Vine spent so much time in depth finding out and I summarize the following:
1) There are total of 4700+ military bases (all kinds) around the globe and inside of USA
2) Expansion theory to install military outposts just like Romans..
3) Historically, some are acquired through inhuman political method: Diego Garcia
4) WWI, Teddy basically invaded South America just to sell bananas
5) After WWII, things got worsen: tons of bases in Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea and also illegally in Guam, Okinawa, because, in truth, these are aboriginal natives' owned...also Hawaii empire overthrown by US government
6) Financially unclear, undisclosed, bloated and corrupted massive spending...yes, tax paper pays for the deep rabbit hole every year...Lobbyists, congressperson, legislators, senators mostly covering up...
7) wonder where the money comes from: trillion dollars and also KBR (the private companies who responsible to build bases) raked in trillion of dollars..
8) US is doomed financially and this is a nation who blames other countries for not being democratic????? if you check author's details..military bases everywhere...not to keep democracy outside..but mostly just to create money trail, drug trail...and massive soldiers' misconduct: sexual allegations, theft, rape, murders...
美國常常在外交政策上邊謾罵中國以及其他國家。自己其實已經是等如末代的羅馬帝國一樣到處擴張，你們知道嗎，這位作者花了很多時間去探討究竟美國在全球以及國內究竟有多少軍事基地：答案是4700多個
富可敵國整個歷史由他新教徒至南北戰爭之後美國軍隊向西延伸，趕盡殺絕本地印第安人。第一次世界大戰之前小羅斯福總統佔據南美洲為的是擴張以及製造香蕉帝國
二戰之後更加離譜：佔領德國，日本，沖繩，關島以及全球：非洲，中東，格陵蘭，南美洲等等⋯
大家不知道MH 370飛機究竟去了哪裏? 其實印度洋中間有個秘密基地Diego Garcia! 所以你問怎會到現在都找不到殘骸?
那麼多年美國擴張，製造基地到處，征戰，花錢不手軟⋯在每個國家建立他們的小美國：破壞當地經濟，環境，傷害本地市民士兵操守不良：強姦，偷竊，絕對有運毒犯…五角大廈的財務報告是永遠看不出來究竟每一個基地運作費是什麼？士兵遷移費是多少？
當每一次軍事演習的時候嚴重破壞環境生態以及遺留下來的化學物料：炮彈，子彈本身的有毒物質…
美國近百年來喪盡天良我在大學的時候教授已經同我提及一個重點武器不能夠生產任何的經濟效應：他只會是浪費金錢，破壞外圍環境以及殘害身體⋯
美國最利害的就是離間國家之間的友誼⋯他們才可以進駐⋯一個國家的伸展可以到4700個基地以及秘密基地…花費超級龐大，所以美國不斷印鈔，金錢⋯浪費納稅人的金錢，浪費美國的未來。所有花費的幾千億美金可以幫助多少美國人本地健康，教育，環境建設⋯基地建設的外包工程財務不透明，只會令私人軍事工業合體中飽私囊，貪污成性⋯美國的盡頭已到！請看以下的目錄就知道這本三百多頁的書揭露美國基地的運作與極黑幕！
是的，台灣絕對已經有美國的軍事情報員重新進駐但是在早期的是CIA, 經濟殺手絕對是美國在台商會…這些人才是真正的壞人⋯⋯

目錄
編序 美國印太地區軍事基地的基本認識
導論
第一部分 奠定基礎：1830年從本土開始，1940年大規模開展海外基地，基地帝國開始茁壯
第一章 基地帝國的誕生，一直往西岸發展
第二章 從自成一格的大規模「小美國」，到遍布全球的迷你型蓮葉
第二部分 留下足跡：開拓、建設、駐紮，最後變成「永久居民」
第三章 原住民離流失所，美國成功取得基地
第四章 在關島加大力度發展基地能量
第五章 與獨裁者的利益交換
第六章 與黑道聯手，解決基地的各種棘手問題
第七章 用毒害環境交換軍事戰力
第三部分 勞動與人力：支撐起整個基地帝國不僅是靠軍人而已
第八章 一人當兵，全家共同奉獻國家
第九章 春風吹又生，不可告人的賣春事實
第十章 性暴力問題層出不窮
第四部分 有錢真好：沒有事情是金錢無法解決的
第十一章 龐大到無法估算的花費
第十二章 承包商大發利市，軍人只負責打仗
第十三章 永無止境的基地調整工程
第五部分 如何選擇：怎樣才是對美國利益的最大化
第十四章 基地帝國在沖繩的困境
第十五章 歐洲對基地帝國的怒吼
第十六章 利用「蓮葉」基地迴避種種難題
第十七章 要如何追求真正的國家安全？
後記
Researcher and author Mr Vine spent so much time in depth finding out and I summarize the following:
1) There are total of 4700+ military bases (all kinds) around the globe and inside of USA
2) Expansion theory to install military outposts just like Romans..
3) Historically, some are acquired through inhuman political method: Diego Garcia
4) WWI, Teddy basically invaded South America just to sell bananas
5) After WWII, things got worsen: tons of bases in Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea and also illegally in Guam, Okinawa, because, in truth, these are aboriginal natives' owned...also Hawaii empire overthrown by US government
6) Financially unclear, undisclosed, bloated and corrupted massive spending...yes, tax paper pays for the deep rabbit hole every year...Lobbyists, congressperson, legislators, senators mostly covering up...
7) wonder where the money comes from: trillion dollars and also KBR (the private companies who responsible to build bases) raked in trillion of dollars..
8) US is doomed financially and this is a nation who blames other countries for not being democratic????? if you check author's details..military bases everywhere...not to keep democracy outside..but mostly just to create money trail, drug trail...and massive soldiers' misconduct: sexual allegations, theft, rape, murders...
美國常常在外交政策上邊謾罵中國以及其他國家。自己其實已經是等如末代的羅馬帝國一樣到處擴張，你們知道嗎，這位作者花了很多時間去探討究竟美國在全球以及國內究竟有多少軍事基地：答案是4700多個
富可敵國整個歷史由他新教徒至南北戰爭之後美國軍隊向西延伸，趕盡殺絕本地印第安人。第一次世界大戰之前小羅斯福總統佔據南美洲為的是擴張以及製造香蕉帝國
二戰之後更加離譜：佔領德國，日本，沖繩，關島以及全球：非洲，中東，格陵蘭，南美洲等等⋯
大家不知道MH 370飛機究竟去了哪裏? 其實印度洋中間有個秘密基地Diego Garcia! 所以你問怎會到現在都找不到殘骸?
那麼多年美國擴張，製造基地到處，征戰，花錢不手軟⋯在每個國家建立他們的小美國：破壞當地經濟，環境，傷害本地市民士兵操守不良：強姦，偷竊，絕對有運毒犯…五角大廈的財務報告是永遠看不出來究竟每一個基地運作費是什麼？士兵遷移費是多少？
當每一次軍事演習的時候嚴重破壞環境生態以及遺留下來的化學物料：炮彈，子彈本身的有毒物質…
美國近百年來喪盡天良我在大學的時候教授已經同我提及一個重點武器不能夠生產任何的經濟效應：他只會是浪費金錢，破壞外圍環境以及殘害身體⋯
美國最利害的就是離間國家之間的友誼⋯他們才可以進駐⋯一個國家的伸展可以到4700個基地以及秘密基地…花費超級龐大，所以美國不斷印鈔，金錢⋯浪費納稅人的金錢，浪費美國的未來。所有花費的幾千億美金可以幫助多少美國人本地健康，教育，環境建設⋯基地建設的外包工程財務不透明，只會令私人軍事工業合體中飽私囊，貪污成性⋯美國的盡頭已到！請看以下的目錄就知道這本三百多頁的書揭露美國基地的運作與極黑幕！
是的，台灣絕對已經有美國的軍事情報員重新進駐但是在早期的是CIA, 經濟殺手絕對是美國在台商會…這些人才是真正的壞人⋯⋯

目錄
編序 美國印太地區軍事基地的基本認識
導論
第一部分 奠定基礎：1830年從本土開始，1940年大規模開展海外基地，基地帝國開始茁壯
第一章 基地帝國的誕生，一直往西岸發展
第二章 從自成一格的大規模「小美國」，到遍布全球的迷你型蓮葉
第二部分 留下足跡：開拓、建設、駐紮，最後變成「永久居民」
第三章 原住民離流失所，美國成功取得基地
第四章 在關島加大力度發展基地能量
第五章 與獨裁者的利益交換
第六章 與黑道聯手，解決基地的各種棘手問題
第七章 用毒害環境交換軍事戰力
第三部分 勞動與人力：支撐起整個基地帝國不僅是靠軍人而已
第八章 一人當兵，全家共同奉獻國家
第九章 春風吹又生，不可告人的賣春事實
第十章 性暴力問題層出不窮
第四部分 有錢真好：沒有事情是金錢無法解決的
第十一章 龐大到無法估算的花費
第十二章 承包商大發利市，軍人只負責打仗
第十三章 永無止境的基地調整工程
第五部分 如何選擇：怎樣才是對美國利益的最大化
第十四章 基地帝國在沖繩的困境
第十五章 歐洲對基地帝國的怒吼
第十六章 利用「蓮葉」基地迴避種種難題
第十七章 要如何追求真正的國家安全？
後記
January 2, 2021
if you read between the lines, then this book is extremely helpful. While this book doesn't criticize cops enough & seems to take too much of a social democrat view on explicit action items, the author also wrote this in the "author's notes" section not included in the audiobook:
"In this book, I have tried to befair and to consider as many perspectives as possible on every issue Iexamined. As my ideas and conclusions took shape, I particularly tried toconsider points of view opposite my own. ¶ I think a good measure of fairness is whether, before publication, onecan share one’s writing with interviewees with whom one might disagree.To that end, I showed drafts of sections and chapters to as many peopleinvolved in the research as possible and gave them opportunities to offerfeedback, suggestions, and corrections. I am thankful for the opennesswith which so many people read my writing, especially when theydissented from my perspectives, and the helpful corrections that theyoffered"
So that while the information is factual, this book can end up favoring recuperation because the way conspiracy theories work is they'll splice 2 or more conspiracies together in order to encrypt the cause & effect. For example, the problem with 5G is that it increases surveillance capabilities of the govt & it also ruins meterology equipment back 40 years in the middle of a climate cataclysm. it has nothing to do disease. likewise diseases popping up is partly part of a design of production lines which you then get like contractors to profit off of. While this book overall doesn't talk about these partly due to this being from 2015 from the George W Bush & Obama eras, not the Trump era, still.
So basically, this book self-censored, but if you read between the lines, it's extremely informative, and paired with other texts, such as how indigenous peoples get oppressed in USA etc, so on & so forth, you'll figure out the parts that were censored. however, new information since then, such as the increased use of mercenaries instead of troops (which combines profiteering with whack-a-mole) helps show how conservatively the author estimated the excesses to be.
"In this book, I have tried to befair and to consider as many perspectives as possible on every issue Iexamined. As my ideas and conclusions took shape, I particularly tried toconsider points of view opposite my own. ¶ I think a good measure of fairness is whether, before publication, onecan share one’s writing with interviewees with whom one might disagree.To that end, I showed drafts of sections and chapters to as many peopleinvolved in the research as possible and gave them opportunities to offerfeedback, suggestions, and corrections. I am thankful for the opennesswith which so many people read my writing, especially when theydissented from my perspectives, and the helpful corrections that theyoffered"
So that while the information is factual, this book can end up favoring recuperation because the way conspiracy theories work is they'll splice 2 or more conspiracies together in order to encrypt the cause & effect. For example, the problem with 5G is that it increases surveillance capabilities of the govt & it also ruins meterology equipment back 40 years in the middle of a climate cataclysm. it has nothing to do disease. likewise diseases popping up is partly part of a design of production lines which you then get like contractors to profit off of. While this book overall doesn't talk about these partly due to this being from 2015 from the George W Bush & Obama eras, not the Trump era, still.
So basically, this book self-censored, but if you read between the lines, it's extremely informative, and paired with other texts, such as how indigenous peoples get oppressed in USA etc, so on & so forth, you'll figure out the parts that were censored. however, new information since then, such as the increased use of mercenaries instead of troops (which combines profiteering with whack-a-mole) helps show how conservatively the author estimated the excesses to be.
January 2, 2025
Fascinating book. This book deals of course with the political nature and implications of overseas military bases. I found the concept and chapters about the contracted companies that work for the US bases as a real eye opener. The chapters on the historical implications of bases in Okinawa and Italy, and their relationship with the local population were really interesting and articulate. The content of the book is dense but is easy to read as it donesn't have too much of academic writing. The nature of overseas US Military bases are largely overlooked and shrowded in mystery by the common american and the locals of the countries that they occupy. There really is not much information or books about the implications of these installations. Base Nation was one of the few books I could find that shows the depth, but also mundane every day experince, of these bases. The book wasn't necessary biased but makes a clear stance that the maintinance and uses of the hundreds of overseas US Military Bases creates almost billions of dollars of wasted and abused tax dollars.
July 24, 2024
I was gifted a copy of this book earlier this year by a small bookstore I frequent :’). I’m glad I read Daniel Immerwahr’s “How to Hide an Empire” first, because as it turns out, it was a good segue into this read. This work is the culmination of six years of meticulous research, travels, and meetings with military personnel and civilians on and off US bases. It packs so much and allows the reader a bird’s-eye view of the military industrial complex on the world map. I don’t know if I’d be able to equate this book to a comprehensive guide on how the military industrial complex functions, but it sure is a really good introduction to how it does. Overall, this is 100% worth the read and I appreciate the important work done in it. It is a foundational book if you are new to this subject or if you merely want to learn more about it. I would recommend reading this book, and I would supplement it with other reads.
September 6, 2022
The amount of money the U.S. spends on bases, the amount of harm these bases do, and the double standard of our military presence is insane. We'd never put up with other countries doing what we're doing and having bases in our neck of the woods. I loved how this book delved into so many different areas of impact military bases have o
I think the thing that struck me the most, though, was the insight that while so many people are against socialism in the U.S. political system, the armed forces are essentially run on socialism. And while the government spends tons of money on bettering the areas surrounding their bases with public transportation and such, the same isn't true for citizens of the U.S. We butter up other countries and make it lavish for our personnel overseas, but can't spend tax money on "socialism" at home. That was insightful and something I'm still chewing on.
I think the thing that struck me the most, though, was the insight that while so many people are against socialism in the U.S. political system, the armed forces are essentially run on socialism. And while the government spends tons of money on bettering the areas surrounding their bases with public transportation and such, the same isn't true for citizens of the U.S. We butter up other countries and make it lavish for our personnel overseas, but can't spend tax money on "socialism" at home. That was insightful and something I'm still chewing on.
May 10, 2024
Anyone from the US needs to read this book. Vine does a great job dedicating chapters to some of the worst ills the US military creates. Whether it be working with the Italian mob, propping up sexual slavery, wasting tax dollars on private saunas, or destroying native land and ancestral cites I can’t imagine anyone (regardless of their politics) reading this without wanting to dismantle this horrific system. It reaffirms that “deterrence" and IR realism is merely a puppet show to distract Americans from this ridiculous budget. His writing is also very concise and clear, unlike most books based on research projects it doesn’t feel like he’s talking down to you. One of the best books I’ve read in a long time.
October 10, 2025
"Foreign militaries eventually become, if not proxy armies, at least functional adjuncts or extensions of the U.S. military."
David Vine provides a very strong argument against U.S. military bases on foreign soil. (I particularly loved the chapters on displacement and the lily pads.) All the harm that America's military industrial complex has resulted in over the past 100 years is quite egregious, not only affecting the life for citizens of other nations, but for their own citizens as well. So much of the damage to the lives and to the environment are irreversible, and that is the most heartbreaking takeaway of this entire book.
Fortunately, all great empires come to an end, and at the rapid rate that America attained their power, we can only hope that their fall will be just as swift.
David Vine provides a very strong argument against U.S. military bases on foreign soil. (I particularly loved the chapters on displacement and the lily pads.) All the harm that America's military industrial complex has resulted in over the past 100 years is quite egregious, not only affecting the life for citizens of other nations, but for their own citizens as well. So much of the damage to the lives and to the environment are irreversible, and that is the most heartbreaking takeaway of this entire book.
Fortunately, all great empires come to an end, and at the rapid rate that America attained their power, we can only hope that their fall will be just as swift.
July 29, 2020
Base Nation is a scary story that needs to be heard. It's a compelling look at the seedy underbelly of American exceptionalism and expansionism abroad. Both morally and financially. It's hard to read stories of this kind of waste and moral decay when you look at how the military is idolized and put on a pedestal above other institutions in the United States. But one thing this book does well is structure that argument from the perspective of how this status quo actually weakens American National Security - thus teeing up an argument for the shrinkage and de-escalation of many of the tactics and cultural trends it explores.
May 3, 2022
Vine builds a strong case against military bases abroad. The history has little that readers familiar with US foreign policy history won't already know and some of his prescriptions read a bit too much like normal liberal press "we could spend this money on healthcare instead" (a sentiment with which I agree, but his argument is not well fleshed out with these assertions). However, Vine makes a compelling case that military bases do a lot of damage, both at home, and abroad to people, the environment, the local economies (and the fact that troops spending money abroad takes that potential spending from US economies), and the right to self-government that all people deserve.
August 19, 2018
An eye-opening expose' on hundreds of American military bases and installations around the world. So wasteful and counter-productive. About half of our discretionary federal spending goes to financing the bloated, cancerous military industrial complex. We need to redirect this to our education, health care, infrastructure development, and other more worthy endeavors. This book lays out in detail how we got to having so many bases on foreign lands and educates on the ugly history behind many of our bases.
April 12, 2025
800+ U.S. military bases located in foreign countries—a global sprawl unlike any empire in history. this system developed post-WWII, especially during the Cold War, and how it still persists even after the fall of the Soviet Union.
the entire population of Diego Garcia (Chagos Archipelago) was forcibly removed to make way for a U.S. base.
costs: over $100 billion annually for overseas bases alone.
activism, transparency, and public pressure can eventually shut some of these bases down, as seen in some places (e.g., Okinawa protests gaining traction).
the entire population of Diego Garcia (Chagos Archipelago) was forcibly removed to make way for a U.S. base.
costs: over $100 billion annually for overseas bases alone.
activism, transparency, and public pressure can eventually shut some of these bases down, as seen in some places (e.g., Okinawa protests gaining traction).
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
September 6, 2023
David Vine writes a deep dive about the US bases around the world. These bases come in all different sizes and impact the region they're located in diverse ways. Some bring a big economic boost to the region, in others the area becomes exploited by the base.
After WWII, the United States decided it needed to have troops stationed abroad to maintain world order. This hasn't ended to present day where tens of thousands of troops live and work abroad.
After WWII, the United States decided it needed to have troops stationed abroad to maintain world order. This hasn't ended to present day where tens of thousands of troops live and work abroad.
February 24, 2025
Really good summary of the issue and all the different impacts it has both at home and abroad.
This is an area I was loosely familiar with politically and going in i had my own views and beliefs on the subject (for the love of god close this shit down) but I think Vine did a good job exploring and explaining the logic in the system, even if it is faulty.
Mostly this just radicalized me against war and militarization even more. Fuck this practice and give us healthcare.
This is an area I was loosely familiar with politically and going in i had my own views and beliefs on the subject (for the love of god close this shit down) but I think Vine did a good job exploring and explaining the logic in the system, even if it is faulty.
Mostly this just radicalized me against war and militarization even more. Fuck this practice and give us healthcare.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
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