Numero 1 in classifica del New York Times Che cos’è e come cambia la storia, dalle civiltà antiche alle moderne democrazie «Un libro fantastico. Consiglio vivamente di comprarlo, leggerlo, assimilarlo e discuterne. Vi renderà migliori.» The Washington Times Può liberare o opprimere, costruire o distruggere. Cos’è il potere, come funziona, come possiamo difenderci dai suoi abusi. Nel corso della storia umana, il potere ha sempre avuto due può emancipare o opprimere, costruire o distruggere. Come riconoscerne le leggi e capire quando può servire l’interesse generale? A questa domanda risponde Mark R. Levin, star di Fox News e del pensiero conservatore americano, con una riflessione profonda e accessibile a tutti sul significato e la struttura del potere e sul suo rapporto con la libertà. I regimi autoritari e le élite che vogliono mantenere il controllo sulle società cercano di consolidare il potere privando gli individui della loro libertà, anche se sostengono di agire in nome della collettività. Al contrario, chi usa il potere per il bene, come i padri fondatori della Costituzione americana, sa che le società solide non si fondano sulla forza, ma sul consenso. Solo i regimi basati su libere elezioni, pesi e contrappesi e diritti individuali possono prosperare. Sulla scorta di grandi pensatori come Alexis de Tocqueville, Levin mostra come il potere plasma la storia e invita a difendersi dai suoi abusi.
Mark R. Levin È considerato uno dei maggiori pensatori del conservatorismo americano. Conduttore radiofonico e televisivo di fama, il suo programma Life, Liberty, & Levin è tra i più seguiti su Fox News. È autore di otto bestseller consecutivi, sempre al primo posto nella classifica del «New York Times», tra cui LibertyandTyranny (1,5 milioni di copie vendute negli usa), Rediscovering Americanism, American Marxism. Levin è stato inserito nella National Radio Hall of Fame ed è stato tra i principali consiglieri dell’amministrazione Reagan. Ha conseguito una laurea presso la Temple University e un dottorato in Giurisprudenza presso la Temple University Law School, e attualmente è presidente emerito della Landmark Legal Foundation. La Newton Compton ha pubblicato Le vere leggi del potere.
Mark Levin has become one of the hottest properties in Talk radio, his top-rated show on WABC New York is now syndicated nationally by Cumulus Media. He is also one of the top new authors in the conservative political arena. Mark's radio show on WABC in New York City skyrocketed to Number 1 on the AM dial in his first 18 months on the air in the competitive 6:00 PM - 8:00 PM time slot. Mark's book Men in Black was released February 7, 2005 and quickly climbed to Number 3 in the nation on the New York Times Best-Seller list. When your book is endorsed by Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity, you know you have a winner on your hands. In a short period of time, Mark has become one of the most listened to local radio Talk show hosts in the nation.
Mark Levin took over the WABC 6:00 PM slot on September 2, 2003. Before that, he hosted a popular Sunday afternoon program. "He's smart, witty, and fast on the draw," according to WABC Program Director Phil Boyce. "He has this sharp sarcastic wit that can easily stun his opponents. I know I would not want to debate him." Mark's show follows the ever popular Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity on WABC, but everyday he manages to come up with a new twist on the day's top news events, as well as his own unique information. His passion and intellect have made him a favorite of tens of thousands of radio listeners in the New York City area.
Mark has been a frequent guest and substitute host on The Sean Hannity Show, and has also been an advisor to Limbaugh, who frequently refers to him on the air with the nickname "F. Lee Levin." He is perhaps more well-known for his nickname, "The Great One," coined by his friend Hannity.
Mark Levin is one of America's preeminent conservative commentators and constitutional lawyers. He's in great demand as a political and legal commentator, and has appeared on hundreds of television and radio programs. Levin is also a contributing editor for National Review Online, and writes frequently for other publications. Levin has served as a top advisor to several members of President Ronald Reagan's Cabinet - including as Chief of Staff to the Attorney General of the United States. In 2001, the American Conservative Union named Levin the recipient of the prestigious Ronald Reagan Award. He currently practices law in the private sector, heading up the prestigious Landmark Legal Foundation in Washington DC.
The main thought that struck me while reading this book was that the vast majority of people that read it already agree with every single word it says. I would urge anyone and everyone to challenge themselves intellectually and politically, to read things outside of your comfort zone, to grapple with things you disagree with, to try new perspectives and worldviews on, and to constantly ask questions.
If you greatly enjoyed this book, I would tell you that, as someone who went in not knowing what to expect and not already agreeing with everything Mark Levin believed; as someone who wasn’t reading this book for good blurbs to yell at relatives during Thanksgiving, this book was very hard to understand. It had no real thesis, some arguments were, at best ordered poorly, at worst nonsensical, there was little to no evidence or examples provided for any of his arguments (or the evidence was unrelated to the argument and provided in random tangents), and it was absolutely riddled with logical fallacies. I struggled to follow it, and did not enjoy engaging with it.
Some of the most telling quotes in the book:
“In truth, among the most dangerous domestic menaces to present-day America is the Democrat Party. It is a political institution that exists for the purpose of agitating for and, in fact, breaching the Constitution’s firewalls in pursuit of the ever-elusive earthly utopia. It is home to, among others, a conglomeration of Marxist, socialist, and Islamist ideologues and activists.”
“Consensus is reached through the free will of individuals and their liberty of conscience, open interaction, and debate, not imposed by despots, governments, or political movements.”
“I hesitate to talk in terms of ‘class,’ since this is a Marxist invention, as nature does not create human economic classes…”
“… Marxism, which, despite its various versions, provides the greatest, albeit not exclusive, threat to the American experiment.”
I’ve been a fan of Mark Levin’s TV and radio shows since 2019, but until now I hadn’t yet read any of his books. (I had the honor and pleasure of meeting Mark and getting his autograph on this book at a Barnes & Noble in Reston, Virginia).
“On Power” is a brilliant book which really drives home why Mr. Levin is known as “The Great One.” So many profound passages I could cite and quote here, but for the sake of brevity I’ll narrow it down to two that I didn’t yet already analyze in my Goodreads Notes and Updates…
—p. 5: “Thus, the word democracy, like the word liberty, is frequently used as a rhetorical weapon to deceive the true intentions and conceal the real nature of its abusers.” Indeed; look no further than the Biden Administration as a prime example.
—p. 21: “Democracies have the seed of their own destruction within them.” Yessir; just look at the Woke Mob and PC Thought Police who conveniently hide behind the 1st Amendment as they actively destroy the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Amendment rights for the rest of us.
Clearly designed to be a conservative response to Timothy Snyder's intellectual dithering, this text basically attempts to justify Netanyahu's regime while advancing a morality tale concerning the American Constitution.
It's extremely rare that I give such a low rating. Usually a book, no matter how awful or badly-written has some kind of redeeming feature. I couldn't find that here. His arguments have holes you could drive a train through: Democrat-appointed judges "interfere" with presidential policy, but there is no mention of the capture of the US supreme court. The increase in life expectancy is apparently due to capitalism (and science, tech that was funded by capitalism), yet no mention is made of equivalent gains in countries with radically different governmental systems. There is no mention of the fact that most industrialized countries have healthcare that is free at the point of service. There is no nuance in different types of Islam, just a straw-man of what the author thinks constitutes Islam (or communism, or socialism, or wokeness).
There is an idea that the dream of owning a house, furnishing it nicely, having a family, car, dog and the freedom from stress and anxiety that a good salary affords that only a person of a certain age could still believe possible. It's wildly out of touch with the fact that even freshly-graduated tech workers will struggle to afford to buy property, if they can even find a job.
Although it's wrapped up in flowery, intellectual-sounding language, there is no discussion, here. It's just a rant, and I can save you a few hours by summarising it here:
Faith/Religion: Good Jewish people: Good Christians: Good Islamists: Bad Marxists: Bad The US Democratic Party: Bad President Trump: Good Bernie Sanders: Marxist (therefore Bad)
This was the worst book on politics I have ever read and I have wasted sufficient words on it.
I have enjoyed another Mark Levin book today. Exceptional update on Power. For Americans to understand liberty and freedom they must understand Power. Read this book!
Once again Mark Levin, aka The Great One, hits the ball out of the park and socks it to the Progressive American Marxists with his new book, “On Power”. Although relatively short, its pages are literally power packed (pardon the pun) with concrete examples of how various governments wield power to control their populace. Mr. Levin contrasts the “negative power” of bureaucratic top-down totalitarian governments, with the “positive power” of republics governed by the consent of the people and guided by ample checks and balances. He shows how language is manipulated by modern Marxists to lull populations into complacency with “negative power” rule, thus forfeiting their natural God-given rights. The final two chapters, “On Rights” and “On Liberty” are crash courses on the history and philosophy of human rights and the definition of freedom. I wish I had gotten a hard copy of the book so I could highlight and underline all the great quotations. (I listened to the audiobook narrated by the author himself.) This is the perfect book to illustrate the positive power of the founding fathers’ vision and genius when they wrote the American Constitution. Give it to your kids, and better yet, to your confused Democrat friends.
Mr. Levin, a Constitutionally trained lawyer, has written one of his finest books to date.
He successfully argued that power is in the hands of a few individuals in the American government; power, so argues Mr. Levin, was not outlined in the American Constitution.
Written about power, both negative and positive in its relation to politics/government. Similar to the other book I read by Levin, its a lot of long sentences with a plethora of wordsmithing. Wished his overall writing would be more balanced.
The first four chapters got boring, exhausting to read, the last two on rights and and liberty brought the book up for me.
If you already have a solid grasp of U.S. history and know the actual definitions of socialism and communism, you can safely pass on this one.
Clearly it expounds on one political party, without given much if any negative diatribes about the other when it comes to abusing power, or using it to their advantage.
I like Mark and admire his tenacity and intellect, but I’ve always had to take him in small doses. (In fact, come to think of it, I haven’t heard much from him this past year since he’s no longer on the air in my town and i haven’t sought other options to listen.)
This book, though—definitely a lot all at once.
Still, I always enjoy revisiting the Constitutional Congresses, whether through Mark’s deep dives or Lin-Manuel Miranda belting about them on stage. It’s such a fascinating era, and the foresight of the dudes in “the room where it happens” never fails to grip me.
The book tackles power as both an instrument of oppression and/or a tool for opportunity, depending on who’s steering the wheel. Checks and balances are at the heart of it all—thanks to human nature. Mark explains this clearly, and on audio he reads it in a measured style (less like his cranky freewheeling radio voice).
I think both academics and casual politics junkies will find plenty of ammo here—whether to admire or to argue about, which feels about right these days.
'Ameritopia' and 'American Marxism' are still Levin's masterpieces, but this latest offering is a nice introduction to his work. Throughout his canon, Levin has displayed a penchant for communicating political philosophy by coining certain phrases, i.e. "utopian statism" and "American Marxism." Here, he compares "positive power" and "negative power," which is probably a more helpful framing in the modern era than the "positive rights"/"negative rights" or "positive liberty"/"negative liberty" of former political philosophers.
I was in my library recently. It was about to close, and so I did a quick scan of Mark Levin’s On Power, though it looked potentially interesting, and added it to my stack of books.
I was not familiar with Levin and was a few pages into the book before having the thought, “Who is this guy?” As it turns out, Levin is a show host on Fox News and The Blaze and the author of such works of penetrating scholarship as “American Marxism” and “The Democrat Party Hates America”.
So, I read the book.
It’s not good. When I grabbed it off the shelf, I was hoping it was a meditation on the nature of power. What is power? How have the forms and the nature of power changed over time and around the world? How are the limits of power constrained or expanded by the will of the governed? How is power maintained, lost, or transferred from one regime to another?
Levin doesn’t really have anything to say on any of those topics. The book’s central premise is that Democrats are bad. His primary argument involves pointing out that Marxism led to Stalin. Stalin was bad. Do a bit of hand waving and pretend dedicated Marxists populate the modern Democratic Party. Throw in Islamists with even more tenuous arguments. Ergo, Democrats bad.
It’s absurd to consider the sweep of history, looking for tyrants and abuses of power, and land on the contemporary American left as the primary threat to freedom and liberty (with a few swipes at European democracies). Anyone even pretending to be interested in the topics of power, tyranny, and liberty needs to grapple with the contemporary examples of Putin’s Russia, Orbán’s Hungary, and the ongoing rise of authoritarian regimes, ethno-nationalism, and corrupt kleptocracy. Levin does not.
Levin is happy to extol the virtues of freedom of speech, personal liberty, federalism, religious liberty, the US Constitution, and other foundations of American democracy and civic life. The book was written in the early days of the second Trump administration. At that time, Trump was incontinently shitting on each of the principles Levin claims to hold dear. Rather than register concern, Levin nods approvingly at Trump’s reckless vandalizing of America’s constitutional system. He saves his condemnation for anyone critical of this corrupt regime.
Levin’s willful obliviousness to gross violations of the principles he articulates makes a mockery of his own arguments.
Quality information supported by credible sources specifically primary sources. Book is a boring read found myself losing focus when reading long passages of historical text. More of Levin's perspective and thoughts with quick summary of sources would have made the book four stars.
Honestly this book was intriguing and brought up some good points, but instead of teaching and making points, a lot of the book was just attacking a group of people which both felt incredibly unprofessional and unintelligent. If you need to attack a group of people to make your point heard, then perhaps it isn’t a point that needs to be heard.
The limits to power established on the Constitution have been overcome by a cunning bait: I know better and will take good care of your needs. Levin makes this case to "we the people", in order for each of us to unveil the real purpose and consequences of the power hungry's quest. A call to a society in the verge of an intellectual comma, so to speak.
Was somewhat disappointed. Maybe I set my expectations too high based on the title. Also too many run on sentences which I had to reread to understand the main point and excessive use of printing other people’s verbiage so just didn’t flow good to me and still not sure what I read - so that’s on me. I will say his statements at the end of the book “…when the power-hungry impose their will nationwide by a central government that rules supreme over the other government entities…” all I thought about was LA and now DC and soon to be other democratic controlled large cities. Is that power grab by the central government hurting our liberty?
Mark Levin’s On Power is an ambitious, erudite, and deeply earnest work that reflects the author’s long-standing engagement with constitutionalism, political philosophy, and the moral foundations of republican government. At its best, the book serves as both a warning and a tutorial: a warning about how fragile liberty can be when citizens grow inattentive, and a tutorial in how power has been understood, abused, and resisted from antiquity to the American founding and beyond. Levin writes with passion and confidence, and even readers who disagree with his conclusions cannot deny the seriousness with which he approaches his subject or the depth of reading that undergirds his arguments.
One of the book’s great strengths is its historical sweep. Levin moves comfortably from Aristotle and Cicero to Locke, Montesquieu, and the American founders, weaving together political philosophy and constitutional history to make a central claim: power, left unchecked, tends toward consolidation, coercion, and ultimately tyranny. He insists that liberty is not self-sustaining, that it requires institutions, norms, and—most importantly—citizens who understand what is at stake. In this respect, On Power performs a civic service. It reminds readers that freedom is not merely a feeling or a slogan but a system of restraints designed to curb human ambition.
Levin is particularly compelling when he explains how authoritarianism often arrives not in jackboots but in gradual, bureaucratic, and emotionally reassuring forms. His discussion of “soft fascism”—a system in which state power, corporate influence, cultural conformity, and administrative control merge without overt dictatorship—is among the book’s most thought-provoking contributions. He persuasively argues that modern citizens are especially vulnerable to this form of domination because it presents itself as compassionate, efficient, and inevitable. By the time people recognize what they have lost, the mechanisms of resistance have often already been weakened.
The clarity with which Levin articulates these dangers makes the book accessible without being simplistic. His prose is direct and forceful, sometimes polemical, but rarely careless. He clearly believes that ideas matter, that history matters, and that constitutional design reflects a sober understanding of human nature. This seriousness distinguishes On Power from more superficial political commentary. Levin is not merely venting frustration; he is making a case rooted in a coherent worldview.
At the same time, it is precisely because Levin’s warnings are so clear and his standards so exacting that the book invites a difficult and unavoidable question—one that Levin himself largely resists. If the hallmarks of authoritarianism include the personalization of power, the erosion of institutional independence, the delegitimization of elections and the press, the use of mass emotion over reasoned deliberation, and the expectation of personal loyalty over constitutional duty, then it is hard to avoid applying these criteria beyond Levin’s chosen targets. In particular, many of the behaviors and tendencies Levin condemns can plausibly be mapped onto President Donald Trump’s conduct, especially in the context of a second term unconstrained by reelection concerns.
Levin repeatedly emphasizes that constitutional government depends not only on written law but on norms: restraint, respect for limits, and a willingness to accept outcomes one dislikes. Yet Trump’s political style has been defined by norm-breaking as a virtue rather than a risk. His open hostility toward independent institutions, his framing of opponents as enemies rather than fellow citizens, and his tendency to treat the executive branch as an extension of personal will all raise concerns that align closely with Levin’s own theoretical framework. When Levin warns about leaders who claim to uniquely embody “the people,” or who dismiss criticism as inherently illegitimate, he is describing dynamics that transcend party labels.
The concern becomes sharper when considering the dynamics of a second term. Levin is right to warn that power accelerates when accountability weakens. A president no longer facing voters may feel fewer incentives to respect institutional boundaries, particularly if surrounded by loyalists selected for personal allegiance rather than independence. Levin’s critique of administrative overreach, politicized justice, and the use of state power to reward friends and punish enemies resonates uncomfortably with rhetoric that promises “retribution,” “purges,” or the bending of institutions to serve a singular political vision.
None of this negates Levin’s valid critiques of progressivism, bureaucratic centralization, or cultural coercion. Those critiques remain valuable and, in many cases, well-founded. But On Power implicitly argues that principles must be applied consistently or they lose their moral force. If authoritarianism is dangerous when it advances progressive goals, it is no less dangerous when it advances nationalist or populist ones. The book’s great irony is that its analytical tools are sharper than the boundaries Levin places on their use.
This tension does not diminish the importance of On Power; rather, it underscores its relevance. Levin has written a book that challenges readers to think seriously about power itself, not merely about which faction wields it. For readers willing to extend his logic beyond his preferred conclusions, the book becomes even more instructive. It invites a broader reflection on how easily fear, grievance, and loyalty can be mobilized to justify the concentration of authority, regardless of ideological packaging. In the end, On Power stands as a significant contribution to contemporary political thought. It reflects Mark Levin at his most intellectually engaged: learned, passionate, and deeply concerned about the fate of the American republic. The serious concern it raises—perhaps unintentionally—is that the dangers he so eloquently describes are not confined to one side of the political spectrum. If his warnings are to serve their intended purpose, they must be heeded wherever power shows signs of escaping its constitutional restraints. That challenge, unresolved but unavoidable, is what makes On Power not only a compelling book, but a genuinely consequential one.
Repetitive, didactic, preachy. Some interesting arguments, some interesting history quotes, some neat juxtaposition to understand different forms of power. Super quick read, 2.5 stars but rounded up.
Elitist propaganda masquerading as “deep thought,” this is the drivel that republicans think of as academic discourse: 180 pages double- and triple-spaced to stretch out what amounts to a high school term paper.
This is literary agitprop theater: regurgitation of others’ ideas and then an exposition of mental gymnastics to demonize those the author disagrees with, while glossing over the atrocities committed by the Conservative Party.
“Consequently, when members of the ruling class besmirch degrade the constitution they swore to uphold, for their own aggrandizement or ideological designs, they are, in fact, intent on diminishing, if not eradicating the rights of the people and their consensual role in the government – that is the entire purpose of America’s founding. Again, there is no escaping that this is the project of the Democrat Party…”
Terrible, not at all what I thought I was after when I purchased it.
About 10 pages in, I had to lookup up the author and it all made sense.
Mark Levin is a right-wing commentator and podcaster.
This book is just that, basically Fox News and right wing conspiracies on paper.
Too often, Mark would talk about something related to the topic “On Power” but then do a tangent about his weird obsession with Woodrow Wilson and Karl Marx, then say something to the effect of “some readers may not agree with what I just said.”
1/10, just straight up terrible. If you already agree with this viewpoint of American politics and the world, maybe you’d enjoy it more.
A good overall look at philosophy, history and government. In a way a warning of government gone too far for "our good." In a way, a summation of many of his previous works.
He has got to be kidding. Saying the Democratic Party is the greatest threat to democracy while the GOP is dismantling it is just ludicrous. His arguments were so laughable I had to stop reading.
In On Power, conservative commentator and constitutional lawyer Mark R. Levin delivers a concise, philosophically driven examination of how power is wielded, consolidated, and limited throughout history. Drawing on the foundational ideas of the American Framers, alongside classical thinkers like Alexis de Tocqueville and Frédéric Bastiat, Levin argues that true liberty can only survive when power is rooted in individual consent and balanced by strict constitutional checks. The book is at its best when Levin taps into his extensive legal background, providing readers with a highly academic, well-cited look at the philosophy of governance. He effectively breaks down how the consolidation of authority by modern political elites threatens unalienable rights, making a passionate and intellectually rigorous case for core conservative principles that will deeply resonate with his established base.
However, the 3-star rating reflects an execution that often mirrors the polarizing nature of Levin's media presence. While the text is packed with history and valuable constitutional insights, the narrative voice frequently shifts from a measured philosophical treatise into aggressive, modern political grievances that can feel repetitive for those who have read his previous bestsellers like Liberty and Tyranny or American Marxism.
While I'm a Log Cabin Republican, I do find Mark Levin's show to go off on tangents rather than stand on the facts laid out. At times his show makes me feel like he needs a "tin hat," but other times he does have a lot of information and can cite where he got that information to begin with. This book carries that exact same dual energy; when Levin pins his arguments to historical precedent and legal citations, On Power behaves as a solid, educational primer on the mechanics of liberty. But when the tone veers into standard talk-radio alarmism, the grander philosophical message gets a bit buried in the noise. It is a worthwhile read for anyone looking to reinforce their understanding of constitutional limits, but it requires filtering out the theatrical formatting to get to the core substance.
Mark Levin has been a mainstay in the conservative ecosystem for decades. I gave this book 3 stars not because I disagree with it, but rather because I felt like it was more of a Mark Levin Fox News monologue with other books referenced. I also felt like this book has been written before just without the added edition of talking about power, every other page. To be clear, there is good material here and interesting historical information about power’s usage in Marxist/Communist regimes.
Power is a trendy topic right now. It had a resurgence after Robert Caro’s “The power broker” was seen behind many Zoom interviewees during the pandemic and his other work “The Path to Power” was featured discreetly on trending streaming shows. Between Caro’s books and Robert Green‘s book (The 48 Laws of Power) topic is on the minds of many people. The skeptic in me thinks Levin just wrote a book that he would typically write and added power to the title.