I'm expecting my first child in January, a daughter, and like any expectant first-time parent I've been becoming increasingly concerned with how I will manage this sea change in my life. My wife has been busy reading every parenting philosophy book under the sun, getting lots of starkly conflicting advice about how to produce the best possible human being. Meanwhile I have always had a pretty laisse faire attitude to parenting: I think the kid's future is mostly written in her DNA and her peer group; that she'll succeed or fail largely in spite of any optimization we might attempt; and I view our main job as keeping her alive long enough to realize that future. I'm much more concerned, somewhat selfishly, about how the transition to parenthood will affect me, my wife, and our relationship. Tellingly, of the handful of parenting books my wife has read since she became pregnant, not a single one does more than briefly touch upon how children affect their parents. As far as modern parenting philosophy is concerned, it's not just that the parents' feelings matter less than the children's -- the parents don't even rate mentioning.
All Joy and No Fun attempts to fill in this vast chasm in popular thought about raising children, and does a pretty decent job. Caveat: I don't yet know, personally, what it's like to be a parent, and as I am reminded fiercely by friends who already have kids, this renders my opinions invalid. However, even a clumsy attempt at the topic would have been a good start, and I found the author's approach, drawing on sociological research as well as case studies, interviews, and a century of literature on the topic of raising children, to be very enlightening. She states in the introduction that her book isn't intended as parenting advice, but it's difficult not to read between the lines a bit here and there.
For example, when you ask youngish children about their parents, only 15% say that they wish their mothers and fathers spent more time with them. In contrast, a full third said they wished their mother wasn't as stressed out. If these two data points don't comprise a ringing denouncement of hyper-involved parenting, I'm not sure what would. In my view, if there is parenting advice to be had in this book (and I think the author's slant bleeds through more than she might think), it would be to leave the kids alone so that you can enjoy your own life. We'll return to that sentiment in a bit.
Senior divides the book into six sections, broken down by life stage of the children and which area of the parents' lives they're currently ruining. And ruin it they do! Sadly, all the sociological evidence indicates that having children is intensely stressful, both to the individual parents and to their relationship. Parents consistently report lower rates of happiness and well-being on various metrics than their childless counterparts, and the age of their children is the best predictor of this decrease, with things being especially bad around the age of three. Some of the reasons for the decline are obvious, such as sleep debt, decreased free time, decreased couple time, and strained finances. Others are more subtle, such as the children themselves directly creating arguments and conflict. Each family seems to have a slightly different story, but some broad repeated themes are clear.
First, parenthood is subjectively harder for mothers. This is true regardless of whether a mother works outside the home, but is especially true of working moms, and even more true of single moms. The main cause in this discrepancy seems to be (I'm editorializing a bit here, but not a lot) that mothers, more than fathers, seem unwilling to set boundaries with their children to make time for themselves. As a result, even when couples attempt to split domestic labor 50-50, and even when they empirically succeed in this division (verified by sociological studies) for all domestic chores except child care, mothers still spend almost twice as much time as fathers actively taking care of their children. The author seems to suggest that this has everything to do with the attitudes the two genders bring to the task. Men, more than women, are able to view parenting as a job with discrete boundaries and goals, whereas for mothers, enough is never enough: mothers can't seem to give themselves permission to use their free time for any activity other than more parenting, and the paroxysms of guilt are especially pronounced in working mothers, who already feel like they abandon their kids every time they leave for their job. This imbalance in turn breeds resentment of fathers by mothers, even fathers who are very engaged (and light years ahead of their gender roles from a generation or two ago). Mothers, having set the bar impossibly high for themselves, get upset when their partners fail to clear it as well, and by an even greater margin.
Second, relative to other cultures and previous moments in history, American middle-class parents are involved in their children's lives to an astonishing degree. You can see this reflected in the language we use to talk about the tasks surrounding child care. Wives who didn't work outside the home a generation ago were called "housewives" and later "home makers," reflecting the fact that the primary product of their domestic labors was the living space: they made a nice place for the family to live. Today wives in the same situation are called "stay-at-home moms": the focus of their labor is their children. Also notice the shift in title from "wife" to "home" to "mom," showing the gradual change in these women's primary obligations. Similarly, the verb "to parent" didn't appear in print until after World War II. Parents today (mothers and fathers, but especially mothers) not only spend more time with their children than in decades past, but the nature of time spent has changed dramatically as well. Childcare has shifted from a mostly supervisory and care-taking role to one of active engagement, where parents and children both expect that parents will entertain and cultivate their children on a near constant basis. This is true throughout early childhood, until the school years, when the focus shifts somewhat to structured activities outside the home, which again are attended at record-shattering levels by middle-class children. This phenomenon, the so-called "overscheduled child," has been reported on periodically over the last several decades. But interestingly, these analyses tend to focus exclusively on what effect this arrangement might have on the children -- the parents are completely erased from the equation. But parents are affected, profoundly so: relative to their peers from the 70s, parents today spend significantly less time alone and as a couple, and report lower levels of happiness at all times. There's an obvious comparison to be made to French mothers thanks to the wildly popular Bringing up Bebe, one of the leading texts in the cultural backlash to parental hyper-involvement. French mothers spend less time with their children (thanks largely to state-sponsored daycare) and report higher levels of happiness for it.
Finally, the author devotes some time speculating to the broad historical and economic reasons that brought American parents to the current state of affairs. Childhood as a concept is a modern invention dating to about the Civil War, and adolescence even more modern, not existing before World War II. Today you hear the first rumblings of "emerging adulthood," which extends the concept of people as mostly-useless non-adults even farther out, into the mid-twenties. It's easy to forget that not long ago in our shared history, children had economic value first on the farm and then in factories from a young age, and teenage boys often contributed more to the family till than their aging fathers. Today, to employ a quote the author trots out several times, children are "economically worthless but emotionally priceless." This shift in attitudes toward young people as being in need of extended protection and shelter from the world of adults, as well as economic trends that resulted in a frankly obscene level of education to secure a middle-class life, together can mostly explain today's unprecedentedly high level of parental investment.
For the record, I do plan to read parenting books that focus on the children instead of the parents (i.e. all the rest of them). And I plan to be a dedicated, involved father in the life of my daughter. But I also hold the somewhat heretical view that my own personal happiness, the happiness of my wife, and the quality of our relationship with each other is vitally important -- at least as important as the child's happiness -- not only for our own sake but also for our children's. Some dip in personal happiness associated with having children seems to be unavoidable, for example when dealing with sleep debt while caring for a young child. But this book offers a modern, data-driven guide to what attitudes and practices are the most likely to make one miserable, and offers suggestions for a way around the worst of it, even if you do have to read between the lines to see it.