Izrael a Židé na celém světě prožívají těžké časy. Davové šílenství, které na západních univerzitách a v ulicích následovalo po 7. říjnu 2023, neukázalo horoucí lásku k Palestině, ale odhalilo hlubokou nenávist k Izraeli. Žádný jiný konflikt na světě nepřitahuje zdaleka tak velkou pozornost. Výkřiky jako „From the river to the sea…“ či srovnávání Izraelců s nacisty mají společný základ: izraelofobii. A tato nenávist k židovskému státu není ničím jiným než starým antisemitismem zahaleným do nového, politicky korektního hávu. Jsme svědky neuvěřitelného spojenectví: levice a islamisté stojí v jednom šiku, protože mají společného nepřítele. Izrael. Málokdo z nich tuší, že jen papouškují starou propagandu. Nejdřív tisíciletou nenávist oprášili Němci a poté ji k dokonalosti dovedli Sověti, když antisemitismus ukryli do nového balení. Nenávist komunistického bloku směřovala vůči sionismu, který stavěla naroveň s imperialismem a nacismem. Proč Izrael vyvolává takovou averzi? A proč, když jde o Židy, je část Západu ochotna idealizovat si fanatický islamismus, který přitom západní hodnoty nenávidí?
Full disclosure: I'm not Jewish, nor am I Israeli.
Jake Wallis Simons is the editor of 'The Jewish Chronicle'. With this book, he tackles a controversial topic: the Jewish State. There are millions who would welcome its destruction, even those who have nothing to do with it. 'Israelophobia' explains how centuries of enmity, conspiracy, and wrangling make this prejudice possible.
Every country with a Jewish population has despised it - even if the reason has been made from whole cloth. Mr. Simons examines the roots of anti-Semitism, explaining how religion, science, and politics can take old tropes and make them new. Israelophobia, the author asserts, is just a fresh form of ancient antipathy.
What troubles the author as much as Jew-hatred are excuses for it. Corrupted by Soviet propaganda, many activists believe that their cause is righteous. Alas, they remain unaware of its origin. (They might even make arguments devised by Nazis and Islamists, such is the numbing effect of groupthink.)
Some might dismiss the book as agitprop. However, the author is making a simple request: Israel must be treated like any other country. Whatever its mistakes, it has done a lot of good. Israel isn't perfect, nor will it ever be, but - when compared to its neighbours, or even some of its allies - it might as well be.
Tragically, those who benefit most from this book are those least likely to read it. This being said, we must have hope. 'Israelophobia' is succinct, satisfying, and scintillant. Patiently, it deconstructs common arguments, and gives us the means to counter them. If nothing else, it will help us to surge forward.
The author truly lives in the past and uses non-sense comparisons to prove his point. He says 11000 people died within the last two decades while in fact at least 10000 palestinians only were killed this year! Everything the authors claims is based on the illusion that they own the land because an eternity ago they used to live there. This way the entire world map should change, USA should not exist, Iran should include half of asia.
The book is divided into 6 parts but with the same message. Other countries have done worse massacres than Israel, what they are doing is not bad.
The author describes actor Stephen Fry and author of “Jews don’t count” David Baddiel as fanning the flames against Israel for not supporting the country actively and criticising “illegal settlements” in West Bank.
“But it is a simple truth the Jews have an age-old bond with the Jewish state, whether they are Israeli citizens or not, whether they feel it or not. Identity is more than a subjective experience. To reject this is to betray more than three millennia of their own culture.”
The author raises some points about life in West Bank such as the checkpoints or life in Hebron. He mentions the massacre of 29 Muslim worshippers by extremist Baruch Goldstein but then in the next few lines mentions in 1929, 70 Jews were massacred by Arabs as if to justify the recent killings.
The talk about occupation in the West Bank, but look at Tibet, it’s worse there. So the author wants you to accept that Palestinians in West Bank is in a better state.
Even UN and Amnesty International is not spared, their reports are called baseless and without any credibility. I’m no expert, but given some very expert people wrote those based on extensive research and evidence, it’s hard to agree with the author.
This is an essential book to be read if you my to understand the reason why Israel is hated. Jake Wallis Simon's writing is concise and to the point. I can't recommend the book highly enough.
This short book is a whistle-stop exposition of the trajectory of contemporary anti-semitism (dressed-up today as anti-Israeli sentiment) over the last 130 years or so. How many times do you hear I'm not anti-jew I'm anti-israel? This is the essence of Israelophobia - anti-semitism repackaged as vitriolic hatred for Israel.
If, like me, you always had a gut feeling that anti-Israeli sentiment was anti-semitic and disproportionate, then this book will help you to understand the source of those instincts. It explains why the current anti-semititic worldview (masquerading as a moral fight against an oppressive/terrorist/apartheid/colonialist state, ie Israel) is so pervasive while helping you to untangle exactly why so many seemingly ‘good liberal’ contemporaries (unknowingly) think as they do. For example, it explains why Israel is always referred to as an apartheid state and precisely where this argument came from.
From Tsarist anti-Bolshevik propaganda to racist Nazi dogma (which the Nazis cynically fused with a relatively nascent Arab nationalism in the 1930s & 40s) to decades of Cold War Soviet agitprop. These three disparate strands (each with their own agenda) have, over the last 130 years or so melded together and soaked through the fabric of today's western Zeitgeist to create a reheated anti-semitic soup which is cynically employed by those adversaries who want to see the state of Israel obliterated. This is a narrative which actively gaslights anyone who challenges it by denying its own existence and, like its terrorist wing, hiding behind Palestinian civilians
I would have liked to have read a comparison of the machinations of Soviet propaganda with the troll farms and ‘grey zone’ cyber-wars that are pervasive in contemporary society but that was outside the scope of this short book.
At the end of the book are some strategies for countering anti-semitism.
Israelophobia and the facets of Demonisation, Weaponisation and Falsification, have been starkly evident since 7th October 2023 in particular but this book details the fascinatingly tragic history of this hatred.
I personally found that a lot of the arguments responded with "well what about such and such country? They are/or have done worse than Israel has. "
I also found it surprising that leading authors in the field (Benny Morris or Ilan Pappé) who are both Israelis, are not referenced.
I did find some points of interest that I will be doing some further research on.
The last chapter of the book is geared towards how to spot or deal with an Iraelaphobe by asking 5 poignant questions. The first question has much to be desired "What has it got to do with you?".
If you're interested or curious, then give it a read.
An important book; the author shows that antisemitism is alive and well. Israel is held to standards that no other country is. It is surrounded by enemies who will stop at nothing to wipe it off the face of the earth, but when it tries to protect itself, it is demonized. Very eye-opening.
Argues that anti-semitism, like racism, is adaptable; and that we are currently watching it change into a modern form centered around Israel. The author is on the political right (he takes pain to criticize socialism at every opportunity) but he isn’t from the American right, so I can read his arguments without rage vomiting. The book introduced me to some good arguments; but it is also biased. Another author that looks at a global problem and concludes, “the source of this issue is leftists!”
Comparing Israel to China (both of which are attempting genocide against a Muslim minority under their control) is a great way to demonstrate how Israel is treated differently than other nations. Which begs the question, why?
“We are a people as all other peoples; we do not have any intentions to be better than the rest. As one of the first conditions for equality we demand the right to have our own villains, exactly as other people have them.”
“The underdog will be championed with boundless energy, but only if it is the right underdog. There’s no point wasting energy at a rally for Tigrayans, for instance, because both aggressors and victims are Ethiopians, so it isn’t going to advance the struggle against structural racism; and there is certainly no point lamenting murdered Israelis when they are crudely categorized as white. This helps explain why the Palestinian plight has achieved such totemic status. Campaigning against the Burmese, Iranian, Chinese or North Korean regime has limited value in the culture wars. In other words, it’s not about the Palestinians, it’s about the perpetrators. It’s about the supposedly powerful and privileged. It’s about Jews.”
What I learned: The UN human rights council’s Item Seven, demands that the human rights situation in Palestine be discussed at every meeting regardless of other pressing world affairs. This is the only subject permanently on the agenda.
Hours after the Jewish state was declared, the armies of Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria attacked. In this first Arab-Israeli war Stalin provided arms to Israel.
The Mufti of Jerusalem, Amin al-Husseini, was a Nazi collaborator, and called for the first war against the Jewish state in 1948.
Racism = prejudice + power.
Six Arabs have been awarded Israel’s highest military decoration. Israel’s Supreme Court has an Arab Muslim judge. Israel’s national football team has had a Muslim captain.
“Decades of Soviet agit-prop succeeded in redefining Zionism from an answer to millennia of persecution, to a bourgeois, imperialist project.”
An audio experience for me, the thesis of this book was persuasive and convincing. However, like David Baddiel’s ‘Jews Don’t Count’ it comprises that thesis (or various angles on it) being repeated, often, followed by many examples in illustration and support of the point. ‘I think this and look here’s the evidence showing I am right’ which as anyone acquainted with scientific method, or critical appraisal of empirical evidence of any kind, knows is not the way to establish truth. It suggests an acute vulnerability to confirmation bias, and puts it closer to the category of tirade, rather than argument. I did the audio equivalent of skim large sections as a result, but feel I’d like to go back to the chapters on Russian perpetuation and reframing of anti-semitism, myths, and tropes. The weight of evidence, even if little effort was made to discover any of the disconfirming type, was substantial and, as I say, persuasive. So, I’ve questioned and reflected my own potential biases and vulnerability to Israelophobic attitudes as a consequence, which I hope is what the author intended.
Well written and full of truth if you care to listen. The author does not argue that Israel should be free to murder Palestinians, but rather that other countries commit the same or worse crimes at a much bigger scale yet no one cares about them doing it. It’s not the case of defending Israel, but rather taking a look at why the world, the UN, Amnesty International do not care about the victims around the world unless they’re attacked by the Jews.
Tough to read because of the subject matter. It also took a while because I spent time checking the author's sources and notes which are plentiful.
Would definitely recommend this book though just for the reason that Israelophobia has become such a horrendous and hateful position taken by people who appear to have little understanding of the history and politics of the country and its people.
Mike Wallis Simons’ Israelophobia is a challenging and forceful intervention into a debate often shaped by euphemism, selective outrage, and political double standards. The argument advanced is that “Israelophobia” is not a new phenomenon, but a modern reconfiguration of antisemitism, redirected from Jews as a people toward the Jewish state. This shift, the book argues, has allowed older patterns of hostility to persist in a new political vocabulary.
A central concept the author introduces is demonisation. He defines this as the framing of Israel and Zionism as uniquely evil, often placed in moral comparison with the worst examples of modern history, including Nazism. In this framing, Israel is not simply criticised but positioned as an exceptional moral outlier—singled out as the embodiment of extreme wrongdoing.
Closely linked to this is the book’s second major concept: weaponisation. The author argues that social justice and anti-racism language is sometimes used as a Trojan horse through which hostility toward Israel is advanced, allowing political campaigns against Israel to be framed in morally protective language that makes them harder to challenge.
The third key concept is falsification. The author describes this as the repetition of narratives about Israel that echo or mirror propaganda techniques associated with Nazi and Soviet-era information campaigns, presenting distorted or ideologically driven claims as fact despite their questionable foundations.
The book also traces what it presents as the historical roots of modern anti-Zionist propaganda, arguing that some of its most enduring slogans and frameworks—including “Zionism is racism” and “Israel is apartheid”—were significantly shaped and amplified during the Cold War. In this account, such narratives are linked not only to Western activist discourse but also to Soviet information strategy, which the author suggests played a key role in institutionalising and globalising them. The author further argues that the framing of Zionism as equivalent to Nazism and genocide was significantly shaped and disseminated through Soviet-era propaganda, embedding these comparisons into international political discourse during the Cold War period. He presents this as part of a broader state-driven ideological campaign rather than an organic moral critique.
What makes the book compelling is not any single incident, but the accumulation of them. Simons builds a case through repetition: statistical patterns, public protests, ideological frameworks, and individual testimonies that together suggest something deeper than coincidence.
He points, for example, to UK hate crime figures showing Jews—despite being a very small minority—are disproportionately represented among victims. Taken seriously, this is not a marginal detail but evidence of a community that remains structurally vulnerable.
He also documents protest incidents in Britain, including motorcade demonstrations in London in 2021 where explicitly violent antisemitic language was reportedly used in public. What stands out is not only the content, but the fact that such rhetoric can appear openly in political space with limited visible consequence. I have also seen footage of similar incidents, and the normalisation of this kind of language is itself part of the problem the book highlights.
A recurring theme is the collapse of distinction between political and ethnic identity. References to “Zionist Jews” are used in contexts where, in practice, the separation between political disagreement and Jewish identity becomes blurred. Whatever the intended theoretical distinction, the outcome in real-world usage is often the same: Jews become the target of hostility framed as political critique.
The book further argues that hostility toward Israel is often justified through selective standards applied inconsistently across other nations. It highlights comparisons with global crises in Myanmar, China, and Ukraine, suggesting that Israel is disproportionately singled out in activist and political discourse. Even where cases differ in context or scale, the underlying question of selective moral attention remains central to the author’s critique.
This critique is extended into questions of identity and belonging. The author argues that there is a contradiction in some left-wing political discourse: while immigrants to Britain are often said to be able to fully integrate and become naturalised members of society relatively quickly, Jews in Israel—even across multiple generations—are sometimes still framed as outsiders or “intruders.” The book presents this as an inconsistency in how national legitimacy and belonging are applied depending on the state in question, reinforcing its broader argument about double standards toward Israel.
The author makes the forceful point that if the same level of moral outrage, hysteria, and constant political amplification applied to Israel were applied consistently to other atrocities around the world, public discourse would be permanently in a state of crisis. The result, he argues, is a distorted hierarchy of attention in which Israel is singled out and hyper-exposed in a way that no other conflict is, regardless of comparative scale or severity.
Simons also challenges the selective moral focus of contemporary activism more broadly, arguing that political movements often reduce global conflicts into rigid moral binaries while applying those standards unevenly depending on ideological alignment.
Another important strand of the book is its critique of anti-imperialist ideology, particularly the tendency in some circles to reduce global conflicts into a rigid “oppressor versus oppressed” framework. In practice, Simons argues, this can produce moral blindness: abuses committed by one side are minimised if that side is seen as politically aligned with the “oppressed.”
The book also draws on Rabbi Jonathan Sacks’ historical framework, which argues that antisemitism has repeatedly changed form over time—religious in the medieval period, racial in the modern era, and today often expressed through hostility toward the Jewish nation-state. This provides a broader intellectual backbone to the author’s claim that antisemitism is not eliminated but continually rebranded in line with prevailing political language.
One particularly striking example cited involves a UK-based student who reportedly expressed approval of a lethal attack on an Israeli civilian, while distinguishing between “good Jews” and “Zionists,” praising the former while expressing hostility toward the latter. The author uses this to show how moral categories based on political identity can collapse into selective justification of violence. The book’s argument is that anti-Zionist Jews are sometimes strategically foregrounded within activist spaces to provide cover against claims of antisemitism.
A further development of this theme is the way anti-Zionist Jewish voices are used within activist spaces. The book argues that part of the dynamic at work involves the strategic foregrounding of a minority of eccentric or high-profile anti-Zionist Jews, which can then be used as ideological cover while broader hostility is directed toward Israelis and mainstream Zionist Jews. In this framing, internal Jewish dissent is amplified to shield or legitimise rhetoric that is otherwise far more aggressive in tone toward the majority of Jews who identify with or support Israel.
The author also makes a more cautionary historical argument, drawing a parallel between the long prehistory of demonisation of Jews in Europe and the conditions that ultimately made the Holocaust thinkable. In this framing, he warns that sustained demonisation of Israel in contemporary discourse may have dangerous long-term consequences by normalising extreme hostility and eroding moral boundaries around what is considered acceptable. The implication is not a direct equivalence of events, but a concern about how persistent dehumanisation can shape political and social permissibility over time.
Taken together, the book presents a consistent and cumulative argument: hostility toward Jews today is often not overt or traditional, but refracted through political language, activist frameworks, and selective moral reasoning. Whether one agrees with every example or not, the pattern the author is identifying is difficult to dismiss.
Ultimately, Israelophobia is compelling because it identifies a pattern rather than isolated incidents: hostility toward Jews that reappears in new political language but retains familiar structures of demonisation, selective morality, and distortion. Its force lies in the cumulative weight of its examples, which together suggest that antisemitism has not disappeared in modern discourse—it has adapted. The uncomfortable implication is that much of what is presented as political critique is, in practice, something older, repackaged, and still recognisable beneath the surface.
Overall a good, thought-provoking read that I would absolutely recommend to anyone interested in the Middle East, antisemitism or anything similar. It brought up viewpoints I hadn't really been exposed to before.
Simons makes his case very forcefully and very well - not just explaining his points in a modern setting, but also giving historical context too. The structure is a lil bit muddled from my POV and it did feel sometimes as if he was repeating the same points, but it was never a big problem.
While the forcefulness of argument is a strength of the book, it's also a bit of a weakness. The argument sometimes gets too much into being a defence of Israel rather than an attack on Israelophobia - some of that overlap is inevitable in a way, but the lines did seem to get a bit too blurred for me.
He's also very comfortable in criticising the political left, which, again, is understandable in the context. But he'd have done better to treat the left with the same level of nuance and delicacy that he gives to Israel - there was too much of 'the left has been co-opted' and 'the left parrots propaganda', but without exploring WHY people speaking in good faith from the left (of whom there are plenty) would inadvertently promote israelophobia while not considering themselves at all anti-semitic.
That being said, I'd stress that those are my opinions of the book more than something I'd consider to be reliably objective analysis. Others may well have completely contradictory views.
Israelophobia is Jake Wallis Simons’ term to describe the modern face of anti-semitism - someone who is anti-Israel or anti-Zionist. He argues that it’s totally fine to criticise a country’s policies or actions, but not when you only criticise ONE country’s policies or actions and then use that criticism to justify calls for that country to essentially be erased from the map. Simons explains how the ‘Free Palestine’ arguments and slogans of Western leftists are based on Nazi and Soviet anti-Semitic propaganda (with the people who are using them probably being completely unaware of this), and points out that many countries were formed in the post-colonial era (e.g. Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Czechia and Slovakia, Northern Ireland, Pakistan) but that no one is protesting about the people who were forced to move from their homes to accommodate those new national borders. Only Israel is singled out, for the displacement of 700,000 Arabs in the 1948 War of Independence, a war that was started by its Arab neighbours. The Arab countries retaliated against Israel for its victory over them by expelling their Jewish populations - again no one is protesting about the ‘right to return’ of those 900,000 Jews and their descendants. Simons says: “People who can no longer malign Jews may speak now of Zionists; they cannot speak of Jewish domination but are free to deride Zionist colonialism; not of Jewish cruelty but of Israeli ethnic cleansing; not of the blood libel of Jews killing Christian children but of Israeli troops being ‘happy to kill children’, as the BBC put it; not of Jewish superiority but of white supremacy and apartheid; not of Jewish puppet-masters but the Israel lobby.” This is an important book, well worth reading.
I’ve done a fair amount of time in left-wing, leftist, progressive, etc circles and I definitely recognize a lot of what Simons writes about. None of us are immune to propaganda, of course, and I try to keep that in mind and I feel that I do a pretty decent job of not going along with what everyone else is doing just because everyone else is doing it. Books like this have helped me understand that movements of nonconformist, freethinker types often have some of the strictest dogmas of all! They’re different from the prevailing ones in the surrounding society, obviously, but that doesn’t mean they’re not there or any less untrue.
This is part of a series of books I’ve read as I’ve been trying to re-examine my biases as a left-wing sort of person and it did a stunning job on that. Especially as this is such a hot topic lately, this is definitely a book that I recommend anyone and everyone to read.
I was not familiar with the author, but saw this posted on a number of other 'about Israel' books. I've been trying to understand how we got here, to this present time, when Israel-Jews-Zionism are all vilified and denigrated. While there was much that was familiar here, the author cites many statistics and provides charts and sources -- all of which are appreciated in this sound-bite era. The one section that was new for me was the chapter on Zionologists, which was enlightening and eye-opening, and helped me understand what's happening in universities, governments, and the supposedly free press. Simons provides a clear trail back to Soviet agitprop, and explains how all of the buzzwords and social causes were roped into a rehash of antisemitic tropes. Worth the read! By only regret is that reading on Shabbos means no underlining...
"In the Middle Ages, Jews were hated because of their religion. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century, they were hated because of their race. Today they are hated because of their nation-state, the state of Israel. It takes different forms, but it remains the same thing: the view that Jews have no right to exist as free and equal human beings.’ Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks."
"They happily compare Zionism to imperialist colonialism, ignoring the fact that the Jewish pioneers were not an invading army but a ragtag collection of refugees, dreaming of self-rule in their ancestral home after millennia of life at the mercy of the mob. (As Herzl put it, they simply wanted a place ‘where it is all right for us to have hooked noses, black or red beards, and bandy legs without being despised for these things alone. Where at last we can live as free people on our own.)"
Anyone who wants to understand how Israel has become so deeply wired into antisemitism must read this book. It is an easy (if disturbing) read, but packed with data and footnotes for those who want to take their knowledge to a deeper. The development of Israel and Zionism as the focus for the new antisemitism, within the history of the Nazi and Soviet regimes is crucial in understanding how it used and was used by radical Arab and Islamic nationalists. And more importantly how that has now infected radical progressive and Western anti-colonial narratives. Next time you read Judith Butler explaining how the Hezbollah is part of her global arc of coalition partners for progress this of Jake and this book.
This book is certainly a great look into the history of anti-Semitism and how it can fuel racist beliefs today against Jewish people and Israel as a country. It also pinpointed some areas of the world that I need to do more research on about countries oppression and genocide of minority groups. However, I found most of the arguments that anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism to be very scattered, pulling at a flurry of examples to point fingers without taking responsibility for the government's actions especially with the light of more recent events since the book was published.
Really informative, challenging read on the state of antisemitism and anti Zionism in today’s world. Bare in mind this was written and published before the attack on Israel by Hamas on 7th October 2023 and the subsequent ‘war on Gaza’, but it gives a clear picture on where many of the views spouted by the progressive far left and Islamists against Israel would have come from. I would definitely recommend this book to anyone currently confused by the ongoing Israel/Gaza conflict and all the anti Israeli protests happening around the world.
1. Israel likes women and gay people unlike the scary Arabs 2. What about other countries who are settler-colonist like America or Australia 3. Remember the Holocaust guys???? 4. Hamas is bad. Hezbollah is bad. We're the only good guys in the middle east. 5. But Israel has a right to defend itself uwu
In short, it's bad and you can tell this bloke is a commentator for Sky News
Revisionists will love this bit of Zionist propaganda! I can give the author a hint as to how hatred towards Israel could be stopped: try to not emulate the Nazis! The people in the country you've stolen might actually belong there! For anyone else interested in the real history of the "Jewish People", I'd recommend 'The Invention of the Jewish People" by Shlomo Sand. I think a better title for this book might be "Israel: Mein Kampf"!
Excellent Overview of History of Israel and Antisemitism
This book gives a useful insight into the Nazi and Soviet origins of the hatred of Israel. It puts the accusations against Israel into perspective and gives a much more balanced perspective of the world’s only Jewish state.
A book like this is especially valuable in these times when Israel is at war or under attack on many fronts.
Highly interesting book with a good explanation of how antisemitism has morphed into anti-Zionism and a hatred towards the democratic and multicultural State of Israel. There are now conspiracies presented in the book, simply good and well worded explanations and descriptions of who did what and why to make this happen. The author has had assistance and support from some well informed resources as outlined in the acknowledgment section of the book.