At about 200 pages this is about the best book on Fanon's life and work out there. Peter Hudis, writing out of the Marxist-humanist tradition, uses that to frame the relevance of Fanon, seeing the ‘spectre of Fanon’ in the Black Lives Matter movement, imperialist wars in the Middle East, political Islam and the New Jim Crow. For him what makes Fanon one of the foremost thinkers of the twentieth century is ‘his persistent effort to bring to the surface the quest for a new humanity in the social struggles of his time’ (p. 3) as we need to do for ours.
Fanon was by profession a psychiatrist and certainly used all the tools available to him to treat patients, he was, as always, critical of the medical model and it was his understanding of mental illness as a loss of freedom resulting in alienation from communal life (taken from Marx's early writings) that would mark his life’s work in the clinical setting.
Hudis puts Hegel at the centre of his reading of Fanon's first major work, Black Skin White Masks, the Master/Slave and ‘dialectical movement from the individual to the universal through the particular.’ Fanon, he notes, starts with the zero point of his own experience but it’s in affirming the latter that he seeks to create a universal humanism. This is not to say that he ignores Fanon's readings of the phenomenological and existentialism traditions to demonstrate that the end of racism implies a ‘restructuring of the world’.
Hudis argues that Fanon remained overly sceptical of the French left and ended to underestimate the important of the resistance by individual activists like Francis Jeanson. There was a widespread tendency to ignore the issue of racism or seek to defer its priority to the “real” fight which Fanon denounced as a kind of neo-colonialism. Of course there were outstanding individuals doing important solidarity work – Sartre, De Beauvoir, Merleau Ponty, Lyotard spoke out but these were exceptional (for e.g. Foucault remained silent on the issue). Often this was extended to a critique of the entire French working class – but was at other times more balanced and recognised or at least hoped that their solidarity would emerge more strongly.
Hudis makes clear in Fanon's last work, Wretched of the Earth, that as for Marx the aim of the proletarian revolution was to end classes so for Fanon the aim of national liberation was not to find a new home for Blackness (a la Negritude) but to abolish the conditions requiring its existence: ‘the death of race is indeed the goal of national liberation struggle’. (p. 95) but this goal cannot be achieved by ignoring particularity of racial identity or national demands but by moving through them. For Fanon the solution to problem of racism lay not in abstract identity but in a concrete struggle for (national) liberation through which the struggle for universal human emancipation could develop – and while this is contradictory (and can fall back in Sartre’s ‘weak stage’) it is a contradiction that arises out of the struggle itself.
It is Fanon’s defence of armed struggle (reduced to the issue of ‘violence’) that has been the focus of discussion of this last text but it entered debates on the Left about the role of various classes in liberation struggles and the need for liberation to be seized by the masses. It amounts to a scathing critique of the emergent colonial bourgeoisie that has proved prophetic, argues for reparations as well as the importance of the role of culture in struggle. And it concludes with Fanon’s psychiatric case notes outline the terrible human cost of the struggle. As mentioned all these authors seek to make Fanon our contemporary. This means understanding his context as a man of the Left and recognising that a movement is Fanonian insofar as it ‘re-examines the question of humanity, rejuvenates it, and actualises it.’ (p. 139)