When I first picked up Nehru’s Autobiography during my student days, his legacy was still relevant, and he was respected, though his Licence Permit Raj was criticised. Times have changed, and with the new dispensation at the helm, he is being decried as the main enemy of India. This is not a surprise, as in a democracy, leaders are evaluated and judged in accordance with the prevailing ideology that holds power. Nehru’s contribution is seminal in maintaining the democratic ethos in post-independent India that created conditions even for his ideological opponents to come to power through fair elections. I thought of revisiting Nehru once more and reevaluate him in the light of my own understanding of the political and economic evolution of India. The gush of youthful idealism, when I first read it, hopefully mellowed, allowing a reasonable distance for an objective and unbiased evaluation.
By way of personal details, Nehru gives away very little. It is more an account of India under British rule and the distress it created in the lives of common people and the poor peasants. He charts the evolution of the freedom struggle from the early moderate approach to a radically new non-violent method to express dissent and non-cooperation under the leadership of Gandhiji. He brought down the armchair politics of moderates to the streets, transforming the nature of the movement from an elite occupation to a mass movement.
More than anything, the Autobiography is an impressive critique of Gandhiji and his philosophy. Temperamentally and philosophically, Nehru is very different from Gandhi. Though both had exposure to Western education, Nehru’s approach and analysis of any issue were through the prism of Western enlightenment. He was always in conflict within himself as regards the philosophy that was motivating the movement. He, however, could see the amazing results that Gandhiji's nonviolent resistance method could deliver. Its efficacy was beyond doubt. He realised the influence Gandhiji had on the imagination of the people, and his uncanny ability to sense their mood. He was a master at identifying the right psychological moment to strike. Though he believed in Gandhiji, many a time he was frustrated with him, especially with his religious symbolism, outdated economic theory and his emphasis on sin & salvation. Throughout the book, one can see Nehru trying to reconcile with Gandhian thought and trying to convince himself to adapt to his methods and judgments. Most importantly, the personal magnetism of Gandhiji, his integrity, honesty, conviction and his ability to win over an opponent made him surrender and repose implicit faith in him. He says the very presence of Gandhiji lightens and transforms the surroundings. Gandhiji towered over the national scene, and there was no alternative to his leadership as he personified the movement.
Nehru was acutely aware of the political developments shaping world events and was convinced that the political changes in other parts of the world had an influence on our struggle. The mood of world politics was anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, and left-wing politics, with all its faults & aberrations, was leading the struggle. Of the many shades of left-wing ideologies in vogue, Nehru was inclined to socialism. However, his socialism stops short of communism. Though he was sympathetic towards communism, being a democrat, he had his reservations about their doctrinaire approach, aggressive methods and their intolerance to dissent. Nehru, like many others, is a product of his times. While imperialism and colonialism were dominating the world, which were the offshoots of capitalism, socialism was the flavour of the times. This surely coloured his view and affected the political economy of post-independent India as he took charge of the country. While his socialist intentions were lofty, the outcomes were a mixed bag.
A man of deep reflection, Nehru constantly struggled within himself to reconcile and come to terms with many views and decisions that were not exactly to his liking. A sense of scepticism and self-doubt always accompanied him, leaving him to introspect continuously. Unable to align with communism and inclined to social democracy, he embraced a mixed economy for independent India, which resulted in suboptimal outcomes. Having lived most of my life in his socialist India, I am a witness to the insensitive, unaccountable and lethargic bureaucracy it created, leading to unimaginative and many a time ineffective public policy.
It is surprising how people develop blind spots when they are obsessed with a point of view. Nehru, while criticising the privileged class for not ceding their position without coercion, forgets that the people who replace them would morph themselves into a class and use extreme violence to retain the power and coerce people. Similarly, while he is convinced that compulsion is necessary for social change, he fails to recognise that once opted it has to be retained to perpetuate the change realised. This is the reality of communism post-Nehru in many parts of the world and the essential reason for its collapse. As I said, Nehru is a product of his times, and it is unfair to judge him from the present context. We should be grateful to him for not pushing the country into total communism by collectivising the agriculture with all the attendant miseries and oppressions.
His narrative was straight and simple and mostly reflective. He admits that it is difficult to open up completely and confesses that he tried to be as honest as possible. It is an absorbing read unless one has a personal dislike for him. What attracts one to Nehru is his love & vision for India, his liberal outlook, his commitment to democratic values & individual freedom, his aversion to obscurantism & ritual and his genuine secular credentials. He may have some human frailties and faltered and misjudged situations. But his commitment to India and its people is above board. One may differ with him ideologically, but casting aspersions on his patriotism is depravity.