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Freedom Fallacy: The Limits of Liberal Feminism
Feminism is back in fashion. From female celebrities to male politicians, it seems almost everyone is keen to use the f-word. But are there limits to this 'pop feminist' approach to liberation? Taking on topics from pornography and prostitution to female genital mutilation, from women's magazines and marriage to sexual violence, contributors in this collection argue that the kind of liberal feminism currently rising to prominence does little to challenge the status quo. Aiming to revive a more radical analysis, the chapters in this book confront the dangers of reducing feminism to a debate about personal choice and offer the possibility of change through collective action. Contributors include: Meghan Donevan. Teresa Edwards. Kate Farhall. Shakira Hussein. Natalie Jovanovski. Miranda Kiraly. Julia Long. Finn Mackay. Laura McNally. Meghan Murphy. Caroline Norma. Camille Nurka. Helen Pringle. Kaye Quek. Naela Rose. Laura Tarzia. Margaret Thornton. Meagan Tyler. Rebecca Whisnant.
260 pages, Paperback
First published February 19, 2015
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Displaying 1 - 11 of 11 reviews
September 28, 2019
Not to deep, but answers lots of BS that is floating around out there about what feminism is. The whole notion that because a woman chooses something, anything, it is right and feminist to support that choice seems so obviously wrong that it amazes that much of what is called Third Wave feminism is based on just that idea. Try arguing one nice sunny day that the "sex industry’’ commodifies, degrades, and uses women and should be shut down, and see what happens. You may be taken aback. You will be accused of all kinds of things. You will find that somehow there are folks who think when you attack the industry, the capitalist bosses, the pornographers, the consumers that you are attacking women forced into the "business.
How a Marxist, let alone a feminist, supports the commodification of women, of women's body for the profit, for the huge profits of the sex industry is unimaginable. In fact, it is impossible. You can't support the sex industry making huge profits, shall we say accumulating capital, shall we say off the surplus labor of women and call yourself a Marxist or a feminist. You can't support the violence against women perpetrated by the sex industry in its quest for profits and call yourself a Marxist or a feminist. Yet that is exactly what these people do. They overlook the racism and classism. They ignore the statistics and data on who gets trafficked and from where. They ignore the domestic traffic in places like Canada where indigenous women are estimated by some to make up 90% of all those trafficed by the sex industry capitalists. Deluded by an odd ideology these folks are blind to reality, refuse to accept facts, decry science, tell you the studies are all lies, or find some individual who says really everything is okay. They do this as if they are in a trance...either that or they don't care...either that or they actually support the sex industry, the pimps, the brothel owners, the pornographers and all the rest. Yet, that is exactly what these people do.
It may seem to you perfectly clear that you are attacking the sex industry, the trafficking in human beings (mostly women), the capitalist bosses behind it, the violence, exploitation, and assaults,associated with it, the degradation of women and the commodification of their bodies, the empowering of rapists, the normalization of the sexual and physical abuse of women, and the culture of rape and violence, etc, but that won't make any difference to those now yelling insults at you. They simply refuse to see the reality that their response to how to deal with the problems inherent to the sex industry is to simply make legal and normal the entire sex industry benefiting primarily the abusers, the capitalists, the sex industry bosses, the pimps and brothel owners, and the pornogrophers. In the process they, like say climate deniers, reject every study, every report, that proves the result of all that is to simply increase and normalize all the horrors of that industry.
How a Marxist, let alone a feminist, supports the commodification of women, of women's body for the profit, for the huge profits of the sex industry is unimaginable. In fact, it is impossible. You can't support the sex industry making huge profits, shall we say accumulating capital, shall we say off the surplus labor of women and call yourself a Marxist or a feminist. You can't support the violence against women perpetrated by the sex industry in its quest for profits and call yourself a Marxist or a feminist. Yet that is exactly what these people do. They overlook the racism and classism. They ignore the statistics and data on who gets trafficked and from where. They ignore the domestic traffic in places like Canada where indigenous women are estimated by some to make up 90% of all those trafficed by the sex industry capitalists. Deluded by an odd ideology these folks are blind to reality, refuse to accept facts, decry science, tell you the studies are all lies, or find some individual who says really everything is okay. They do this as if they are in a trance...either that or they don't care...either that or they actually support the sex industry, the pimps, the brothel owners, the pornographers and all the rest. Yet, that is exactly what these people do.
It may seem to you perfectly clear that you are attacking the sex industry, the trafficking in human beings (mostly women), the capitalist bosses behind it, the violence, exploitation, and assaults,associated with it, the degradation of women and the commodification of their bodies, the empowering of rapists, the normalization of the sexual and physical abuse of women, and the culture of rape and violence, etc, but that won't make any difference to those now yelling insults at you. They simply refuse to see the reality that their response to how to deal with the problems inherent to the sex industry is to simply make legal and normal the entire sex industry benefiting primarily the abusers, the capitalists, the sex industry bosses, the pimps and brothel owners, and the pornogrophers. In the process they, like say climate deniers, reject every study, every report, that proves the result of all that is to simply increase and normalize all the horrors of that industry.
December 30, 2020
I don’t remember how Freedom Fallacy: The Limits of Liberal Feminism came on my radar. Someone somewhere must have mentioned it; it looks like I bought it from Book Depository four years ago. Anyway, I finally got around to reading it last summer. I was hoping to dig deeper into some of the essays, but honestly things like breaking my elbow took up most of my time, and now I just don’t have the inclination or the heart, really. I do like to try books that I suspect I’m going to disagree with—and to be fair, Freedom Fallacy has some tantalizing critiques of neoliberalism I do agree with.
Let’s talk about the wizard behind the curtain: if I drank, I would have made a game where I took a drink every time someone mentions Catharine MacKinnon. Two pages in to the introduction and the editors have already cited her, and nearly every essay in this collection references her at least once, if not extensively. It’s official: every contributor loves MacKinnon! (Andrea Dworkin also gets an epigraph and lots of love too.) Look, I’m not going to claim a huge familiarity with MacKinnon’s writing, and other people have written far better rebuttals of MacKinnon’s work. So rather than get into that, let me broadly summarize the approach these essays take to critiquing “liberal feminism.”
The thesis that runs throughout these essays concerns the debilitating nature of liberal feminism, aka third-wave feminism, popular feminism, or choice feminism. The editors and contributors contend, with focus on various topics and tactics, that liberal feminism is a neoliberalist corruption, an individualist betrayal of “true” feminist ideologies, which are collectivist. Its popularity has been driven by media and corporate attempts to co-opt feminism as a branding strategy, to position it as “women’s choice” instead of “women’s liberation.” Kiraly and Tyler say in their introduction:
On the one hand, I don’t actively disagree with the denotative meaning of this statement. Indeed, this is perhaps what intrigued me by this book—at the time, I was probably looking for academic writing that would sharpen my understanding of the systemic nature of women’s oppression, and I was concerned by the notion that we should frame all feminist thought as a matter of “choice,” given the amount of internalized misogyny that society saddles us with.
Yet Kiraly and Tyler clearly mean to imply much more than that. If you go on to read the later chapters, of course, you see that the connotation of this statement means women who embrace makeup and high heels and sex appeal and call it feminist are not, actually, feminist. They’re liberal feminists. Beyoncé is mistaken when she shakes her booty in front of a huge sign that says “feminist.” No, dear reader: the ones doing the real work are these poor, radical feminists who toil in the obscurity of academia because their feminism isn’t fun enough for the mainstream, apparently.
Radical feminism is the term that many of these essays use as the counterpart to liberal feminism. It’s like second-wave feminism, but many of the contributors don’t want to use that term. Really, though, this book reads like second-wave feminism tweaked for the social media age.
The frustrating thing (from my perspective) about Freedom Fallacy is that, on some level, there is a cogent and necessary critique of neoliberalism happening here. Many of the essays make valid points about the way capitalism can co-opt feminist ideas. When I teach about gender stereotypes in media to my English classes, and I show them the “Dove Real Beauty” campaign ads, I use the videos to help them visualize the ways in which media manipulates appearances, yes. But I also ask my students to consider why Dove (owned by Unilever, which also sells Tag and Axe) would launch this campaign. So, yes, I do think that these authors are on to something when they point out that it’s not enough for us to call ourselves feminist, treat individual women equally, make sure women can have jobs and whatnot. Definitely there is more work, deeper work to be done. I agree with the radical feminist proposition that the oppression of women is structural, that no amount of “leaning in” on the part of women will ever be enough to truly achieve equity.
Nevertheless, I can’t get behind many, if any at all, of the propositions within these pages. They’re anti–sex work and gender essentialist (I don’t know how many are straight-up TERFs except that Meghan Murphy, the only name I recognize, is included in this collection, which is a huge red flag). And I’m guessing, just from the way they write at least, that most of these contributors are white women. Some of them definitely aren’t, and I’m not trying to whitewash the book—but my point is that attempts at intersectionality here are tepid at best. This is one of the features of second-wave feminism that I most strongly dislike, this idea that no matter who you are, if you are a woman, another woman is the only/best person to understand your experience.
Beyond that, there is just such a bitterness to these essays. These are academic lamentations at how astray we’ve gone, hand-wringing over the ways in which feminism has been co-opted by neoliberalism. I agree with a lot of the critiques of neoliberalism here—but the ways in which they’re applied to feminist ideas is overly-broad, overly prescriptive. I don’t like academic ruminations on what “is” or “is not” feminism. Feminism is like porn: I know it when I see it. And rather than fight you on whether yours and mine line up point-for-point like there’s supposed to be some kind of master feminist checklist, I’d rather judge your feminism based on your actions. You can tell me you think trans women are women all you like, but do you actually include them in your spaces? Are you really open to the fluidity of gender, or do you want to be just as prescriptive as patriarchy—just in a different way? Take your prescriptiveness to another door please.
But, if you really do need some kind of litmus, I hereby propose “the Lizzo test.”
I’ve been listening to a lot of Lizzo lately. I think Cuz I Love You is brilliant. Almost every single track is my jam in some way, and I’m a white asexualcis male (updated 2020: oops, not so cis, not so male—turns out “Like a Girl” was even more my anthem than I thought!)—yet here we are (I particularly love “Soulmates” for its message that jives with my aromantic identity…). Lizzo’s music celebrates, unapologetically, self-love situated within her identity as a fat, queer Black woman. It is also very sex-positive in terms of women expressing their sexuality—“Tempo” and “Juice” obviously come to mind, but there is a couplet from “Like a Girl” that sticks out in this case: “I work my femininity / I make these boys get on their knees.” Is this freedom of sexual expression and embrace of femininity a sign of empowerment? Or is Lizzo merely internalizing the media-promulgated feminine idea of sexiness to make money in our capitalist world? Your response is probably a sign of whether or not your feminism and mine are going to get along.
Freedom Fallacy identifies a real problem in our modern society (neoliberalist co-option of anti-oppressive moments). Yet I have no interest in its solutions. Because, at the end of the day, I don’t think the feminisms described herein have any place for feminists like Lizzo, or the indescribably brilliant Janelle Monáe. Their definitions don’t stretch that far, aren’t inclusive enough, are not beautiful enough to recognize that feminism has to be more than a stark and academically-defined struggle against oppression. It has to be lived, taught, shared—in this case, sung. It has to be built from the ground-up by the people who are, indeed, struggling. Academic essays can describe but should not prescribe.
Let’s talk about the wizard behind the curtain: if I drank, I would have made a game where I took a drink every time someone mentions Catharine MacKinnon. Two pages in to the introduction and the editors have already cited her, and nearly every essay in this collection references her at least once, if not extensively. It’s official: every contributor loves MacKinnon! (Andrea Dworkin also gets an epigraph and lots of love too.) Look, I’m not going to claim a huge familiarity with MacKinnon’s writing, and other people have written far better rebuttals of MacKinnon’s work. So rather than get into that, let me broadly summarize the approach these essays take to critiquing “liberal feminism.”
The thesis that runs throughout these essays concerns the debilitating nature of liberal feminism, aka third-wave feminism, popular feminism, or choice feminism. The editors and contributors contend, with focus on various topics and tactics, that liberal feminism is a neoliberalist corruption, an individualist betrayal of “true” feminist ideologies, which are collectivist. Its popularity has been driven by media and corporate attempts to co-opt feminism as a branding strategy, to position it as “women’s choice” instead of “women’s liberation.” Kiraly and Tyler say in their introduction:
What unites our contributors in this book is not a single perspective — there is a range of different feminist positions included — but rather, a unified belief that liberation cannot be found at a purely individual level, nor can it be forged from adapting to, or simply accepting, existing conditions of oppression.
On the one hand, I don’t actively disagree with the denotative meaning of this statement. Indeed, this is perhaps what intrigued me by this book—at the time, I was probably looking for academic writing that would sharpen my understanding of the systemic nature of women’s oppression, and I was concerned by the notion that we should frame all feminist thought as a matter of “choice,” given the amount of internalized misogyny that society saddles us with.
Yet Kiraly and Tyler clearly mean to imply much more than that. If you go on to read the later chapters, of course, you see that the connotation of this statement means women who embrace makeup and high heels and sex appeal and call it feminist are not, actually, feminist. They’re liberal feminists. Beyoncé is mistaken when she shakes her booty in front of a huge sign that says “feminist.” No, dear reader: the ones doing the real work are these poor, radical feminists who toil in the obscurity of academia because their feminism isn’t fun enough for the mainstream, apparently.
Radical feminism is the term that many of these essays use as the counterpart to liberal feminism. It’s like second-wave feminism, but many of the contributors don’t want to use that term. Really, though, this book reads like second-wave feminism tweaked for the social media age.
The frustrating thing (from my perspective) about Freedom Fallacy is that, on some level, there is a cogent and necessary critique of neoliberalism happening here. Many of the essays make valid points about the way capitalism can co-opt feminist ideas. When I teach about gender stereotypes in media to my English classes, and I show them the “Dove Real Beauty” campaign ads, I use the videos to help them visualize the ways in which media manipulates appearances, yes. But I also ask my students to consider why Dove (owned by Unilever, which also sells Tag and Axe) would launch this campaign. So, yes, I do think that these authors are on to something when they point out that it’s not enough for us to call ourselves feminist, treat individual women equally, make sure women can have jobs and whatnot. Definitely there is more work, deeper work to be done. I agree with the radical feminist proposition that the oppression of women is structural, that no amount of “leaning in” on the part of women will ever be enough to truly achieve equity.
Nevertheless, I can’t get behind many, if any at all, of the propositions within these pages. They’re anti–sex work and gender essentialist (I don’t know how many are straight-up TERFs except that Meghan Murphy, the only name I recognize, is included in this collection, which is a huge red flag). And I’m guessing, just from the way they write at least, that most of these contributors are white women. Some of them definitely aren’t, and I’m not trying to whitewash the book—but my point is that attempts at intersectionality here are tepid at best. This is one of the features of second-wave feminism that I most strongly dislike, this idea that no matter who you are, if you are a woman, another woman is the only/best person to understand your experience.
Beyond that, there is just such a bitterness to these essays. These are academic lamentations at how astray we’ve gone, hand-wringing over the ways in which feminism has been co-opted by neoliberalism. I agree with a lot of the critiques of neoliberalism here—but the ways in which they’re applied to feminist ideas is overly-broad, overly prescriptive. I don’t like academic ruminations on what “is” or “is not” feminism. Feminism is like porn: I know it when I see it. And rather than fight you on whether yours and mine line up point-for-point like there’s supposed to be some kind of master feminist checklist, I’d rather judge your feminism based on your actions. You can tell me you think trans women are women all you like, but do you actually include them in your spaces? Are you really open to the fluidity of gender, or do you want to be just as prescriptive as patriarchy—just in a different way? Take your prescriptiveness to another door please.
But, if you really do need some kind of litmus, I hereby propose “the Lizzo test.”
I’ve been listening to a lot of Lizzo lately. I think Cuz I Love You is brilliant. Almost every single track is my jam in some way, and I’m a white asexual
Freedom Fallacy identifies a real problem in our modern society (neoliberalist co-option of anti-oppressive moments). Yet I have no interest in its solutions. Because, at the end of the day, I don’t think the feminisms described herein have any place for feminists like Lizzo, or the indescribably brilliant Janelle Monáe. Their definitions don’t stretch that far, aren’t inclusive enough, are not beautiful enough to recognize that feminism has to be more than a stark and academically-defined struggle against oppression. It has to be lived, taught, shared—in this case, sung. It has to be built from the ground-up by the people who are, indeed, struggling. Academic essays can describe but should not prescribe.
October 8, 2024
“In other words, being a man’s sexual object can’t hurt me if I want to be objectified.”
The popularized version of feminism (liberal and choice-focused) became so contradictory and performative that I couldn't understand—is it just me seeing this?
Of course, it’s not just me. But it’s a hell of a topic to criticize; I am impressed that the author had the bravery to do it so harshly.
Let me just quote this:
“If we pretend that a woman’s choice to, say, get breast augmentation surgery is a feminist choice because it is a woman who is making that choice, we ignore the context behind that choice—objectification, body-hatred, capitalism, porn culture—all things that contribute to the oppression of women as a whole.”
That’s the problem with the pop version of feminism. Just because a woman chooses something and feels good about it doesn't mean it’s feminism/freedom.
Just think about the number of women who get labiaplasty and implants of all sorts to feel “good about themselves.” Do whatever makes you feel good, queen. Girl Power!
Really? So we won’t even try to ask why taking such measures make women “feel good”?
And one more long quote about “sex work”:
“In ‘choice feminism’, if a woman ‘chooses’ to produce pornography which, in turn, contributes to the oppression and objectification, not only of the women acting in pornography, but of women as a class and contributes to the billion-dollar pornography industry, her choice remains untouchable because she is a woman making a choice that empowers her.
Famous burlesque performer, Dita Von Teese, is quoted as saying, in defence of critics who call her act disempowering for women:
‘How can it be disempowering when I’m up there for seven minutes and I’ve just made $ 20,000? I feel pretty powerful.’
If money is the primary basis upon which we decide what empowers women and what does not, we are in danger of colluding with a system that is responsible for the exploitation and oppression of millions of people worldwide.
If women are compensated in exchange for their objectified bodies or in exchange for sex acts, that doesn’t actually challenge the sexist ideas behind that objectification and exploitation.
We’re left in the same position we started, despite the fact that Von Teese can buy a few more pairs of Louboutins.”
Overall, the book is provocative and makes you think. Naturally, I don’t agree with everything; it’s a biased and imperfect perspective through second-wave-feminist lenses. But it helped me understand the hypocrisy of current pop feminism, for which I'm thankful.
The popularized version of feminism (liberal and choice-focused) became so contradictory and performative that I couldn't understand—is it just me seeing this?
Of course, it’s not just me. But it’s a hell of a topic to criticize; I am impressed that the author had the bravery to do it so harshly.
Let me just quote this:
“If we pretend that a woman’s choice to, say, get breast augmentation surgery is a feminist choice because it is a woman who is making that choice, we ignore the context behind that choice—objectification, body-hatred, capitalism, porn culture—all things that contribute to the oppression of women as a whole.”
That’s the problem with the pop version of feminism. Just because a woman chooses something and feels good about it doesn't mean it’s feminism/freedom.
Just think about the number of women who get labiaplasty and implants of all sorts to feel “good about themselves.” Do whatever makes you feel good, queen. Girl Power!
Really? So we won’t even try to ask why taking such measures make women “feel good”?
And one more long quote about “sex work”:
“In ‘choice feminism’, if a woman ‘chooses’ to produce pornography which, in turn, contributes to the oppression and objectification, not only of the women acting in pornography, but of women as a class and contributes to the billion-dollar pornography industry, her choice remains untouchable because she is a woman making a choice that empowers her.
Famous burlesque performer, Dita Von Teese, is quoted as saying, in defence of critics who call her act disempowering for women:
‘How can it be disempowering when I’m up there for seven minutes and I’ve just made $ 20,000? I feel pretty powerful.’
If money is the primary basis upon which we decide what empowers women and what does not, we are in danger of colluding with a system that is responsible for the exploitation and oppression of millions of people worldwide.
If women are compensated in exchange for their objectified bodies or in exchange for sex acts, that doesn’t actually challenge the sexist ideas behind that objectification and exploitation.
We’re left in the same position we started, despite the fact that Von Teese can buy a few more pairs of Louboutins.”
Overall, the book is provocative and makes you think. Naturally, I don’t agree with everything; it’s a biased and imperfect perspective through second-wave-feminist lenses. But it helped me understand the hypocrisy of current pop feminism, for which I'm thankful.
May 7, 2019
Radical feminism taught us that the personal is always political. That if we were harassed at work while passed over for promotions in favor of far less competent male coworkers it wasn't because we didn't "lean in" enough or just weren't good enough. It was because they never intended for you to win that much, to begin with. Or while sitting back and listening to a sister or female friend talk about taking on the mammoth's share of housework and childcare in spite of all that was said at the altar between the hip, new aged egalitarian hashtag feminist marriage couple, it was about realizing that, for you, if that didn't happen then you would still be in for a lifetime of being with someone who never learned to listen well or hold space because he was never taught a human need as basic as empathy before.
In a wide spread collection that spans across the different issues and facets of a capitalist patriarchal society, Freedom Fallacy explains just how unsustainable it all is as well as the fear we all inevitably carry when it comes to choosing to live with revolution in our hearts, a choice that comes at a true cost and with real sacrifice.
And Liberal feminism would have you believe this can all come free, so long as your intention is there.
Radical feminism will have you know that nothing could be further from the truth. Yet, at the same time it gives a kind of genuine hope far from the delusions of its counterpart: that if we can realize this and find the means to accept and band together for change, then it can finally be possible for no woman to ever have to be alone in this struggle.
In a wide spread collection that spans across the different issues and facets of a capitalist patriarchal society, Freedom Fallacy explains just how unsustainable it all is as well as the fear we all inevitably carry when it comes to choosing to live with revolution in our hearts, a choice that comes at a true cost and with real sacrifice.
And Liberal feminism would have you believe this can all come free, so long as your intention is there.
Radical feminism will have you know that nothing could be further from the truth. Yet, at the same time it gives a kind of genuine hope far from the delusions of its counterpart: that if we can realize this and find the means to accept and band together for change, then it can finally be possible for no woman to ever have to be alone in this struggle.
March 4, 2020
This would act as a good primer for those first venturing into radical feminist thought. It's broken into four parts: Choice and the Individual, Feminism and Freedom, Sexuality, and Activism and Change, and covers topics like porn culture, choice feminism, and makeup culture in very accessible essays. I'm rating it a 3.5 instead of the 4 I was leaning towards because of lesbophobic rhetoric I read (re: claiming a lesbian is any woman who chooses to love other women regardless of her innate sexuality) in an otherwise important chapter on the necessity of prioritizing women in our lives.
July 14, 2019
This book made me feel a lot less crazy about my feelings re: “choice” feminism. It offered many strong and well-evidenced arguments, and absolutely has compassion for women as its central value. That said, it definitely could have done with a few more voices from women of colour/analyses of racism. Still a really solid, sobering and necessary contribution to the feminist-movement-limbo we seem to be in.
September 7, 2015
This is a interesting collection of essays on a wide range topics such as Mail Order Brides, Female Genital Mutilation, pornography and sex education, etc, etc.
On the whole these essays are thought provoking and well written.
On the whole these essays are thought provoking and well written.
May 24, 2018
This collection provides important critiques of neoliberalism's and individualism's effect on the evolution of feminist theory. It includes articles on a variety of topics (marriage, sex work, FGM, etc.) and outlines both liberal and radical feminist positions on these topics. There is a strong focus on Australia and Canada, but other countries are mentioned too.
July 22, 2023
4.5/5
Found sone contradictions but overall a great read
Found sone contradictions but overall a great read
November 30, 2022
I really like this book. It gave me plenty of interesting things to think about. Though because it’s a compilation of essays sometimes I’m still left with more questions than the book will ever be able to provide answers for. Great introductory reading for if you’re interested in feminism and it’s related topics but not sure where to start.
July 11, 2019
if you are unfamiliar with the criticisms of contemporary feminism, or liberal feminism, then this book is a good crash course in the main arguments against it. While not particularly revolutionary, the writers are able to offer a compelling argument against liberal contemporary feminism.
Displaying 1 - 11 of 11 reviews