We are entering upon a contest for the election of a president and the control of government under conditions essentially new in the experience of our country. The forms which we are about to follow are old and familiar; but the grounds for action, the demand of great events for decision upon national conduct, the moral forces urging to a solution of vaguely outlined questions, the tremendous consequences of wisdom or folly in national policy, all these are new to the great mass of American voters. Never since 1864 has an election been fraught with consequences so vital to national life. All the ordinary considerations which play so great a part in our presidential campaigns are and ought to be dwarfed into insignificance. For the first time in twenty years we enter the field as the party of opposition, and indeed it is a much longer time, for in 1896, in all respects save the tariff, the real opposition to the sturdy and patriotic course of President Cleveland was to be found in the party that followed Mr. Bryan. It is our duty as the opposition to bring the Democratic party to the bar of public
judgment, to put it upon its defense so far as we see just and substantial grounds to criticise its conduct, and to ask the voters of the country to decide whether that party, organized as it is, represented as it has been since it came into power, has shown itseh" com- ])etent to govern the country as it should be governed and whether its spirit, its policies, and its performance are the best that the American people can do in the way of popular self government.
In the field of domestic alTairs some facts relevant to these questions had already been ascertained when in August, 1914, the great European War began. During the year and a half of Democratic con- trol of government in a period of profound peace there had been a steady decrease in American production, in exports and in revenues, and a steady increase in imports and expenditures.