This Is an Uprising: How Nonviolent Revolt Is Shaping the Twenty-First Century

by Mark Engler, Paul Engler

There is a craft to uprising -- and this craft can change the world

From protests around climate change and immigrant rights, to Occupy, the Arab Spring, and #BlackLivesMatter, a new generation is unleashing strategic nonviolent action to shape public debate and force political change. When mass movements erupt onto our television screens, the media consistently portrays them as being spontaneous and unpredictable. Yet, in this book, Mark and Paul Engler look at the hidden art behind such outbursts of protest, examining core principles that have been used to spark and guide moments of transformative unrest.

With incisive insights from contemporary activists, as well as fresh revelations about the work of groundbreaking figures such as Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Gene Sharp, and Frances Fox Piven, the Englers show how people with few resources and little conventional influence are engineering the upheavals that are reshaping contemporary politics.

Nonviolence is usually seen simply as a philosophy or moral code. This Is an Uprising shows how it can instead be deployed as a method of political conflict, disruption, and escalation. It argues that if we are always taken by surprise by dramatic outbreaks of revolt, we pass up the chance to truly understand how social transformation happens.

Genres: Nonfiction, Politics, Activism, Social Justice, History, Sociology, Philosophy

368 pages, Hardcover

First published February 9, 2016

About the author

Writer based in Philly, author of This Is An Uprising, board member at Dissent.

Reviews

[Dave Schaafsma · Rating 4 out of 5]

I figure with the human race facing its possible end in this very century, that hopelessness may not be a productive emotion. I mean, I completely understand despair and paralyzing fear and blind hedonistic escapism, been there, but days of productive disruption against the corporate state may be a better use of my time. And not alone, but with others, preferably; for instance, my largely individualistic pacifist stance has done little in recent years to stop endless international war, I’ve noticed. So, I figured that this old lefty may have to brush up on his non-violence strategies in this coming months. There’s been increased noise internationally in the past 2-3 years, people taking things to the streets, people not merely giving up, so in spite of my having recently read convincingly scary books such as Six Degrees by Mark Lynas and Uninhabitable Earth by David Wallace-Wells, I felt I needed to get over my own fear and inertia and take a look at this book as a kind of inspiration on how to get back out there more.

In the United States, we are often told that the way to create change is through voting and through lobbying elected officials. This Is An Uprising suggests that nonviolent civil resistance can also be very useful in creating the conditions for necessary social change. “Nonviolence is usually regarded as a philosophy or moral code,” the Englers write in the book’s introduction. “Much less frequently is it studied as a method of political conflict, disruption, and escalation,” which is in fact what they do.

This Is An Uprising is a short history and guide to non-violent civil disobedience. So, yes, voting is key; writing letters and signing petitions is important, sure. Education matters, is crucial, of course; we have to know there’s a problem before we can act on it. Community organizing, and slowly creating a foundation for coalition-building and structures for change (ala Saul Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals, for instance) is also vitally important (the Englers identify a few movements than made a lot of noise but failed to prepare for What Next?), but it has to work hand in hand with “troublemaking,” disruption, getting media attention enroute to garnering large-scale public sympathy for and commitment to a cause. The Englers examine several well-known historical events for their success, and they also look at some violent protests for their failures (church bombings, Planned Parenthood bombings, smashing windows at the WTO Seattle, and so on).

They take a close look at where non-violence has worked, from Gandhi’s Salt March to King’s Birmingham actions as part of the civil rights movement of the sixties, the ouster of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia and the successful living-wage campaign at Harvard University.

They cite Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, who created an extensive database of social movements worldwide and discovered that nonviolent movements were twice as likely to succeed as violent insurgencies. Digging deeper, Chenoweth also uncovered what she called the “3.5 percent rule”: A campaign was practically guaranteed to succeed if 3.5 percent of the population actively took part. Many campaigns won with much less support.

This is very hopeful to me, and reminds me that most people were not on the streets during protests against the Vietnam War, though most say now they were opposed to it and say they realized it was a very bad idea. It took a few thousand people to make a lots of noise.

And nonviolent protest, if it is to succeed, is always disruptive and polarizing. The Englers cite ACT UP and the young undocumented immigrant DREAMers as examples of militant groups who, through both extreme sacrifice and disruption, forced change when the odds against their campaigns were long.

This was a very popular book two years ago when it came out, but I see sales are steady, so I’m not alone in wanting to be part of a mass mobilization, as it is a time for action, and this is a good book to help you think what you may be able to do and how.

And in the process keep my heart in the right place and sense of humor and as someone wise once said, “I don’t want to be part of any revolution where I can’t dance” (okay, it was Emma Goldman, bless her heart).

Takin’ It to the Streets (Doobie Brothers/Michael McDonald):.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6m4Bl...

Climate Change rally, LA:

https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/l...

[Sabrina Williams · Rating 5 out of 5]

For anyone interested in understanding how nonviolent social movements are born, evolve and either fail or succeed, this is the book for you! The Engler brothers walk readers through some of the most inspiring movements and discuss, with both anecdotal and empirical evidence, how these movements either changed the world or petered out and died ugly deaths. There is real research quoted in this book and you might be surprised to find that most social movements need only 3.5% of the population to be engaged to really become a force to be reckoned with. As Bernie's populist movement gains steam, this book will help put all of the idiosyncrasies into perspective. Excellent, excellent book!

[Tracey · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is an amazingly in-depth look at how non-violent movements have advanced and/or accelerated social change for a variety of marginalized groups across the globe. This goes well beyond what we tend to think of when we hear of non-violent resistance (e.g. American Civil Rights movement of the 1960s). I would love to see an updated edition of this as it was published in 2016 before...er...um...well, just before. I am curious how #BLM and #MeToo would be covered. This book examines the important components of successful non-violent campaigns and how they work together to create real change. There are important movements that happened in the course of my lifetime that I almost never hear about and therefore rarely think about (e.g. ACT UP). This might be one I end up buying as there is a lot of solid, concise, well-researched information in here.

[Lorena · Rating 4 out of 5]

Good variety of examples, useful in understanding non-violence in utilitarian terms, doesn't change that I'm a pacifist for moral reasons but still useful to understand how to manipulate that mon-violence. Although I still don't know how I feel personally about non-violence with the intention of sparkling violence in others. But a good, informative read.

[Kony · Rating 5 out of 5]

A clear, nuanced, and illuminative analysis of "nonviolent resistance" as a tool for social change -- both as it's been theorized and as it's been practiced, and as it continues to evolve. The authors do an excellent job of bringing historical figures and contemporary movements to life, fairly portraying the competing/complementary strands of progressive activism, and diplomatically dispelling myths about history's heroes. They argue, persuasively, that humanity is best served when structurally disciplined organizers, disruptive mass mobilizers, and countercultural visionaries are able to combine forces and play off each other's distinctive strengths.

[Nato · Rating 5 out of 5]

I loved this book. A lot of us who have been involved in organizing that felt like we were eking out incremental wins, and then get caught up in a wave of movement activity like Occupy wondered how it all worked. I feel like this books goes a long way to spelling out how social change occurs that lets us be far more ambitious and effective.

I'm excited to go home and organize a study group of other activists to talk about how to apply the lessons.

[Soph Nova · Rating 5 out of 5]

Clear, no-nonsense explanation of the theory and practice behind what the Englers hope will spark a new organizing tradition in the United States. Historically grounded, while also asking provocative questions about how to learn lessons from history and apply it to today's organizing context. Must-read (if for no other reason than to be able to hold a conversation with the growing cross-sections of the Movement centering their work around this theory of change); still have questions about how to use this to build ideologically-driven strategies and practices, but overall very much worth the time.

[Kathleen · Rating 5 out of 5]

Mike Kaib

As a union organizer, someone based in organizing through a structure, this book challenged me to think about how a momentum driven campaign could push the labor movement faster and higher.

I recommend this book for anyone who wants to build on the victories the movement for justice has already achieved.

[Sam · Rating 2 out of 5]

Incredible how a book from 2016 reads like it was written 50 years ago. Time has gone weird. It would still have been a 2 star book even at release- over long, repetitive and selectively approaching its case studies (and that's coming from someone with little to no idea about anything - I dread to think what a dude who knows relevant info would think about this.)
Also, I read this because I think Just Stop Oil is an idiotic and damaging 'movement' and this book didn't really help me support or challenge that view, so the whole thing was a waste of time.


edit - my wife saw this and managed to make a more compelling and coherent argument in favour of JSO/non-violent protest in 20 minutes than this jumbled mess did in over 300+ pages

[Rita Marie · Rating 5 out of 5]

This book is a trifle wordy and dry, but well worth the effort to read. It begins with Gandhi and brings us right up to the Occupy movement, using familiar examples along the way to show what works and what doesn't work and why. I found it both enlightening and encouraging. It's good to know that an unpopular government cannot stand against massive civil disobedience. Resistance is NOT futile. #Resist

[Nathan Marone]

This Is an Uprising was helpful to me. The subtitle, which talks about how nonviolent revolt is shaping history, is a little misleading. Yes, Engler and Engler cover that, but more importantly they look at how nonviolent revolt works. If nonviolent approaches change society, what kinds of things do they need to do in order for that change to actually happen. The biggest tension is between the need for movements to produce (or latch on to) large scale symbolic moments and then to produce practical change in the wake of those moments. Engler and Engler draw from a number of different movements from the last 100 years or so, helping the reader to see what works (and why) and what doesn't work (and why). Even if you're not super politically invested, this book should help you understand protest movements in general, which is useful because there's a lot going on in the world.

[Dana Sweeney · Rating 5 out of 5]

An extremely important (and readable) synthesis of several major thinkers in the field of civil resistance. This book fairly outlines the longstanding debate between structural organizing and mass movements as drivers of social change, and it details a compelling and emergent fusion of these schools (momentum-driven organizing).

This book isn't particularly dense or theoretical, so it's a great place to jump into this area of study if it is new to you or if you are looking for leads to further reading. Don't read this book expecting it to be a roadmap, but do read it for a convincing and thought-provoking history / analysis of civil resistance.

[KarlInSanDiego · Rating 5 out of 5]

Wish there were 6 stars. This book was game changing for me as I try to navigate the new space that is organizing. I'm going to buy a hardcopy (borrowed audiobook from library) and gift it to fellow Sunrise members. It is gold wrapped gold leaf. At least that's how I'm feeling after reading Rules For Radicals and then this. Also gives you lots of names of other authors/theorist of organizers so it's essentially a summary that leads to an extensive reading list.

[Vannessa Anderson · Rating 2 out of 5]

A laborious read with nothing new to add on the subject.

[Brent Ranalli · Rating 5 out of 5]

Popular uprisings and mass movements are mysterious phenomena. They appear to come out of nowhere and disappear back into nowhere; since they lack a conventional hierarchy it may not be clear who speaks for them. Journalists frequently describe them as "emotional" and irrational outbursts. Scholars have long considered them unpredictable and opaque, unsuitable for analysis in the terms normally used to study social movements.

In "This Is an Uprising," Mark and Paul Engler cut through the confusion and mystique and draw together lessons that many seasoned activist have learned, and often independently relearned, over the last century. Uprisings may sometimes be spontaneous, but the most effective ones are often meticulously planned. They have a natural rhythm that, if properly understood, can prevent a lot of heartache among activists during the downcycle, and that complements the slow and steady institution-building of traditional social and political activism. Their success can't be measured only in terms of concessions won; frequently it is best measured in terms of swings in public opinion. In order to win public support, activists must be ready to court controversy, and to make personal sacrifices (in terms of personal safety, risk of arrest, etc.) that will win sympathy from the broad public and convert passive supporters into active helpers. Activists are well advised to avoid tactics (e.g., violent confrontation) that play to opponents' strengths and will lose public sympathy. (In other words, one need not be a pacifist to appreciate the strategic value of nonviolence in the jiujitsu of asymmetrical conflict.) Protesters must have discipline: to keep on message and to ensure their own and others' safety. Though often decentralized, popular uprisings can be front-loaded with norms and themes and goals that allow them to maintain coherence and strategic soundness even as new participants join en masse.

The authors lay out these lessons with the help of storytelling. They recount the struggles and strategic decision-making of many of the major nonviolent uprisings and movements of the last century, including those from the history books (Gandhi, King), others from the contemporary U.S. (Occupy, gay marriage), and still others that U.S. readers will probably be unacquainted with (e.g., the fascinating story of Otpor, the unarmed and often snarkily comedic citizens' movement that overthrew Slobodan Milosovic in Serbia). The authors draw a balanced account of movements' strengths and weaknesses, successes and failings, errors made and sometimes corrected.

The book is intensively researched, and chock full of quotations from movement participants and scholars (perhaps even to excess--one might wish to hear even more analysis in the authors' own voice).

One of the great strengths of the book is that it takes activism out of the safekeeping of specialists, self-defined "radicals," and makes it relevant (as it always has been in fact) to the lives of everyday people. Activism--active advocacy of one's interest and ideals, both inside and outside the political process--is as much a part of citizenship as voting. Our lives are much richer and juster for the creativity and courage of those who marched and sat and organized and risked arrest in past generations, even if their names were not recorded and their faces quickly forgotten. (As the authors explain, it is often the politicians, who jump on the bandwagon of reform when it is already well underway, who claim and receive credit in the history books.) A book like this makes one itch for an opportunity to "capture the whirlwind" oneself, as well as offering valuable insight into how to do it right.

[Celina Culver · Rating 4 out of 5]

Finally learned about Optor! Lots of good stuff to ponder………..

[Nick · Rating 4 out of 5]

“[N]onviolence must be wedded to strategic mass action if it is to have true force in the world.”

Martin Luther King, Jr. once said, “[N]onviolence in the truest sense is not a strategy one uses simply because it’s expedient…but rather something men live by because of the sheer morality of its claim.” What King understood - and what This Is an Uprising too argues - is that violence undermines movements. It provides authorities with a pretext for repression and a convenient way to defuse escalation. Gandhi said it best: for a movement to resort to violence is to “cooperate with the Government in the most active manner.” That is precisely why movements must cultivate the discipline to resist it.

Nonviolent conflict is not passive. It requires strategy, courage, discipline, and sacrifice. When well-executed, it can be far more disruptive—and far more effective—than violent revolt. In fact, in the past century, nonviolent protests have been twice as effective as violent ones.

I’ve attended two protests already in 2025. A friend of mine asked me whether protests offer any real value—and I understood her point. At a protest, you see passion, you see activity, and you see people who believe as fiercely as you do that things could be different, better. But you also see that message weakened - some participants dress in costume, carry signs with petty insults, or scream in the faces of law enforcement officers who stand stoically to keep the peace.

Protests are high emotion. They can be charismatic and disruptive, but also unsustainable, sometimes collapsing into activist spectacle. Organizing, by contrast, is slow and deliberate. It requires tedious work, but it is long-term focused and produces concrete progress. The truth is that transformative revolt often requires both: the passion of movements and the strength of organizing. The Civil Rights movement is a classic example of this. Marches like Bloody Sunday in Selma shocked the nation and galvanized public opinion, giving organizers like King the leverage to push elected officials toward legislative action.

Underlying this is a crucial insight: power itself rests on obedience and cooperation. “Obedience is at the heart of political power,” writes Gene Sharp. “Rulers or other command systems, despite appearances, [a]re dependent on the population’s goodwill, decisions, and support.” If disobedience becomes widespread—if civil servants stop carrying out state functions, if merchants suspend economic activity, if soldiers refuse orders—no regime can sustain itself.

This is why movements focus on weakening the “pillars of support” that uphold authority: the military, media, civil service, education, courts, the church, the business community, labor groups. Activism finds expression in these institutions, both inside and outside of government, and can either reinforce or erode an authority’s legitimacy.

Consider Gandhi’s Salt March. In the 1930s, India was still under British colonial rule, and the law required citizens to buy salt only from the government. Gandhi led 78 followers on a 200-mile march to the sea, where he scooped up a handful of salt from the mud flats as thousands looked on. Salt was symbolic - it was a basic necessity, and a “clear illustration of how a foreign power was unjustly profiting from the subcontinent’s people and its resources.” Everyone felt the grievance; the tax touched all. Critics initially dismissed the march as trivial, but its symbolic power was long-lasting.

This illustrates a broader point: protests and campaigns have both instrumental (propensity to achieve) and symbolic (propensity to influence) dimensions. Policy and legal change typically come only after public opinion has shifted, when those in power have no choice but to respond. The Salt March, dismissed at first as a failure, ultimately “shook the structures of British imperialism.”

“If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground, they want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waves.” -Frederick Douglass (1857)

Effective protest requires three key elements: disruption, personal sacrifice, and escalation.

Disruption means directly affecting the public or the adversary’s ability to function (e.g., holding up traffic, interrupting public events, shutting down conventions, stopping construction, impeding operations.) As one passage notes, “Disruption is the first key factor in pushing outbreaks of revolt into the headlines. The amount of momentum that a movement generates can consistently be linked to the level of disruptive unrest its actions cause.”

Personal sacrifice demonstrates seriousness. Enduring arrest or risking physical harm dramatizes injustice. When marchers on Bloody Sunday in Selma were attacked by dogs and billy clubs, the violent suppression of nonviolent protestors multiplied participation and dramatically swayed public opinion.

Escalation means carrying out ever bolder acts of noncompliance to build momentum over time.

Movements may also employ polarization: the use of divisiveness to force the public to choose sides. In the 1980s, AIDS activists openly confronted religious leaders, politicians, and doctors, calling them murderers for failing to address the epidemic. “By taking an issue that is hidden from common view and putting it at the center of public debate, disruptive protest forces observers to decide which side they are on.” Polarization turns latent sympathizers into activists, passive supporters into participants, and the uninformed into the newly aware while also agitating the opposition. AIDS activists pursued this route because time and silence were fatal. President Reagan dragged his feet for years, funding the epidemic at only a tenth the level of less fatal diseases—largely because the victims were homosexual.

This Is an Uprising also examines Serbia in the late 1990s. Slobodan Milosevic (also known as the “Butcher of the Balkans”) annulled his opponents’ electoral victories, bypassed term limits to become president of Yugoslavia, and installed a loyalist in Serbia. He expanded government control over media and universities, levying fines against those deemed a “danger to constitutional order.” Meanwhile, death squads organized by secret police carried out campaigns of ethnic cleansing.

Resistance to Milosevic took the form of a hybrid structure: both organized and decentralized. There was no single figurehead who could be jailed or bribed. Local chapters coordinated but operated autonomously. They front-loaded their brand, their vision, and their tactics for anyone to adopt, avoiding the holdup of hierarchical approval. Mass training sessions (ten hours over one week) culminated in recruits designing and executing their own resistance actions. Over time, activists built sympathy with security forces by sending care packages and commiserating over poor pay and work conditions. When Milosevic was defeated at the polls by a unity candidate, and when he tried to stall the transfer of power, demonstrators were able to descend on Belgrade without bloodshed. His ouster succeeded because the resistance had the right support at the right time, reinforced by political parties, civil groups, and trade unions.

The lesson throughout history and This is An Uprising is clear: violence is a trap. It undermines legitimacy, justifies repression, and halts progress. Movements must resist provocation, focus on structure, and channel their energy into long-term organizing beyond “moments of euphoria.” Those that survive past their emotional peaks do so because they build discipline, pursue concrete goals, and anchor themselves in institutions.

Civil resistance works because it wields both moral authority and strategic disruption. It is disciplined, symbolic, and grounded in the power of people withdrawing their consent from unjust rulers.

This Is an Uprising is not just a lesson in history, but a playbook for anyone seeking to demonstrate power in unjust times and systems.

4 out of 5

[Camille McCarthy · Rating 5 out of 5]

This was the perfect book to finish right before Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. This book is almost a manual for methods of nonviolence and how to make nonviolent action more effective. It has many examples which are thoroughly analyzed and it clearly outlines the strengths and weaknesses of both structure-based organizing and movement-driven mobilization, and how to combine the two effectively. For anyone who is interested in pushing for positive change, especially in today's world, this is a must-read.
The authors also point out that nonviolent action is useful because it is more effective than armed resistance, and that armed uprisings tend to lead to military coups. Nonviolent action brings to the surface the violence of the other side when they become violent (case in point: the Standing Rock water protectors). Even monkey-wrenching is perceived by the public as "violent" and limits the ability of a movement to attract new members and public sympathy.
For anyone who has ever felt the let-down which comes after successful action, this book also talks about that, and how short-term gains may not be reached but that doesn't mean that the effort was a failure as long as public opinion has shifted in a positive direction towards your issue.
Examples that were covered by the book included marriage equality in the US, the Civil Rights actions against Jim Crow including the Freedom Riders, the Serbian Revolution pushed by Otpor, the ACT UP AIDS organization, Earth First! and their PR trouble, the Arab Spring, and Gandhi's Salt March. My only regret was that the book was published before the No DAPL protests took place, as I think they would have even stronger evidence of nonviolent action and its results.
The best book I've read on organizing; highly recommended.

[christina · Rating 2 out of 5]

I am thoroughly interested in this topic; I only wish that the writers would've risen to the occasion. Much of what is at fault here is actual evidence. I found the writing resembled more like an introduction -- with vague but bold claims that never really revealed themselves. I could not tell if the authors assumed their readers would have intimate knowledge or that they didn't think information was absolutely necessary, such as going into any detail regarding their claims. On the other hand, I did not see the necessity for extended biographies that had little to do with the overarching argument, the excessive use of inadequate quotations, nor did I see a consistent structural pattern that marked what could've been quite a revolutionary piece of work that could've had the capacity to mobilise masses through its own merit.

[thalia · Rating 3 out of 5]

Interesting history of non violent protest and resistance in the 20th century. Focuses primarily on the "west" w/ light analysis of the Arab Spring. Reads as a bit revisionist. Especially w/ Otpor. Also a shame that movements that advocated reasonable self-defense (i.e. the Black Panthers) were not given much credence. Kind of bougie White in that sense... That said, the overall advocacy for non violent theory and practice as an effective tactic against injustice is was well throughout and argued throughout the book. Not great, but still good. Probably could find better texts on organizing and history, but it serves as a decent primer for people entering into left social movements. Thought provoking at times, kinda boring generally.

[Geoffrey Bateman · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excellent book, and excellent overview to nonviolent and civil resistance, with a compelling range of examples, campaigns, and movements. It's provides very insightful ways to frame social movements and organizing for social transformation, providing smart evaluations of various approaches. It's also just really well written. I wanted to see if it would be a good text for one of the courses I am teaching this fall, and it's definitely going on the list!

[Regina · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a wonderful history and practical guide to non-violent revolutions.

[Martin Smrek · Rating 5 out of 5]

Very impressive strategic reflection on the social movements of the past decades, offering some basic blueprints for delivering social change.

[Nicole · Rating 4 out of 5]

I thought this was an excellent book. I had actually never heard of it until a member of the Sunrise Movement recommended it to me, and much of the ideas and strategies discussed are what Sunrise is doing to fight inaction on the climate crisis.

Like many others, before I read the book I appreciated the idea of nonviolent action in principle, but didn't really feel it accomplished much other than maybe some small, incremental change--even the civil rights movement gained attention only after violence from Bull Connor and the police in Birmingham, for example. But this book does a great and detailed job explaining not only why nonviolence is obviously the more moral path, but the more effective one too--and with real-world examples, both current and historical. My only complaint about it is that it could be repetitive at times, which was good for driving points home, but I think the authors/editors could have tightened up some of the points, which would make the book slightly shorter.

This book is a great guide and blueprint both for movements trying to create change, and for those who are trying to understand how that change can be made in our ever-changing world. Highly recommended!

[Marbrisa Flores · Rating 4 out of 5]

2020 Review:

Great book for those interested in MOVEMENTS not moments. Was inspired to read this after listening to Paul Engler speak at the Animal Liberation Online Assembly. Really breaks down tactics used in the civil rights movement, BLM, LGBTQ+ rights, animal rights, and more. Highly recommend for those interested in activism.

[Patrick Walsh · Rating 3 out of 5]

This Is an Too Long Book

However: made me think more about the origins, craft, and intention of movements and how they may not be given the credit they deserve in changing society.

[Steve George · Rating 5 out of 5]

If you're looking for a book that will inspire and transform your thinking about social movements, then "This Is An Uprising" by Mark and Paul Engler is a must-read. This book has the power to not only inform you about the mechanics of successful activism, but to also instill a sense of hope and possibility in your heart. Out of all the books I have read, this one has definitely become one of my favorites. It has completely convinced me of the effectiveness of non-violent civil resistance tactics in social movements.

[Jacob Mose · Rating 4 out of 5]

“Dictators are not in the business of allowing elections that could remove them from their thrones.”

- Gene Sharp

[Brandon Ho · Rating 2 out of 5]

Honestly, the book read well up till the halfway mark where it began to feel more and more like an essay being dragged out.

This is one of those cases where less would’ve been more.

[Poiq Wuy · Rating 5 out of 5]

Este es un libro excelente, imprescindible para cualquiera comprometido con el activismo noviolento (Ver:: [[2005 - How Nonviolence Protects the State - Peter Gelderloos]] para críticas a la noviolencia exclusiva). El libro presenta muchísimos ejemplos históricos, concretos e intuitivos, que permiten entender bien los engranajes del cambio social noviolento, si bien es cierto que se echa en falta más estadísticas que sostengan los argumentos así como una reflexión pausada sobre la «violencia estratégica» y por qué la consideran menos eficaz. Quizá la mayor crítica que se puede hacer al libro es que las tácticas que expone nunca pretenden *cambiar de sistema*, sino moverse en sincronía y aprovechar las fuerzas del sistema para *cambiar algún aspecto nocivo del sistema, sin modificar su estructura general*. Dicho de otro modo, las técnicas que propone no son *revolucionarias*.

El libro trata especialmente de la [[organización basada en el impulso]]. Un resumen de las ideas clave lo dan en p.349.

# El giro estratégico

Los medios suelen presentar a las campañas noviolentas como repentinas e incontrolables, un estallido de pasión popular (p.15). Pero esto no es así, en muchos casos hay mucha planificación detrás.

Quizá se puede situar el origen de los estudios sobre los movimientos noviolentos, su efectividad y sus tácticas en [[Gene Sharp]], especialmente en su libro [[1993 - From dictatorship to democracy - Gene Sharp]], que tuvo una enorme repercusión. Su posición es una *noviolencia estratégica*, en oposición a la *noviolencia basada en principios*.

El libro recorre los sucesos de las campañas del [[Movimiento por los derechos civiles]], centrándose (casi exclusivamente) en los movimientos noviolentos. La idea que propone es que el éxito provino de que la extrema represión policial hizo explícita la violencia racista sumergida. Para ello hizo falta la participación de toda clase de agentes sociales y la repetición de intentos de subversión hasta que el descontento social cristalizó de forma masiva.

No hay para lograr esto tácticas definitivas, cada lugar y momento ha de explorar lo que mejor funciona. Pero sí se pueden establecer guías generales.

# Estructura y movimiento

Proponen una caracterización de los movimientos alrededor de dos polos:

- Uno personalizado en [[Saul Alinsky]], centrado en la construcción de estructura y organización estable y a largo plazo. Son capaces de mantener una base constante de activistas, pero muchas veces no entienden ni logran incorporarse a tiempo a los estallidos de movilización social masiva —e incluso llegan a oponerse a ellos por pareceles que pueden socavar su propia estabilidad—.
- Otro en [[Frances Fox Piven]], centrado en la desobediencia indisciplinada generalizada, fuera de cualquier organización formal. Son capaces de movilizar a mucha gente, pero suelen ser fugaces y carecer de la capacidad de institucionalizar y estabilizar el progreso que han conseguido.

Los autores considerar probable que el futuro del cambio social en Estados unidos provenga de la integración de estos dos métodos. En el c.2 exponen ventajas y críticas a ambas visiones.

# El híbrido

En el c.3 presentan las protestas de [[Otpor]] contra [[Slobodan Milošević]] como un movimiento que incorpora lo mejor de los movimientos basados en estructura y los basados en protestas masivas, lo que llaman [[organización basada en el impulso]]. La idea es que mediante la descentralización y la planificación detallada se puede lograr la movilización masiva —sin tener que esperar a ella— a partir de la construcción de una red con capacidad de diseñar sus propios picos de agitación, apoyando revueltas locales obedecer directrices de una élite. Desde el principio tuvieron claro que serían noviolentas: Milosevic los masacraría si no fuera así. Además decidieron no tener líderes carismáticos ni cabezas visibles, de esta manera las autoridades no podrían encarcelarlos y chantajear al movimiento con ellos. Había líderes —personas muy comprometidas y con mucha responsabilidad—, pero no se los conocía públicamente.

Decidieron trabajar con un abanico amplio de orígenes ideológicos. Su objetivo era lograr unas elecciones libres y justas, y para ello dejaron sus diferencias a un lado. Se preocuparon de situar toda clase de quejas locales en el seno de una lucha más amplia, con lo que se ganó el compromiso de activistas de muchos pueblos pequeños.

La descentralización era posible porque los principios rectores del movimiento, su ADN, habían sido planificados con antelación, y se trabajó con distintas técnicas para que se preservaran: tenían un visión, una marca y una estrategia claras. Otpor no comenzó a contactar con otros grupos e intentar crecer hasta que no estuvo realizada esta tarea fundacional (a la que dedicaron un año de reflexión y debate). En los movimientos de masas, es típico que los comportamientos se repliquen, y los nuevos activistas adopten —de forma poco crítica— los hábitos y tácticas de los anteriores.

Otra pieza clave fue la formación masiva, enfocada no solo a la participación en acciones o manifestaciones concretas, sino a empoderar y capacitar a la gente para formar sus propios nodos, así como a preservar el ADN.

Dedicaron tiempo a forjar simpatías con los cuerpos de seguridad, mostrando empatía con sus malas condiciones de trabajo, con la intención de que estuvieran de parte de la oposición al régimen llegado el caso.

Otro elemento clave fue el uso de el humor, que facilitaba su aparición en medios de prensa y la crítica al régimen en una dimensión que dificultaba su respuesta sin deteriorar su imagen de autoridad.

# Los pilares

Este capítulo se centra en la batalla por la legalización del matrimonio homosexual en Estados Unidos. La idea central es que el poder se estructura en «pilares», que se refuerzan entre sí y sostienen la estructura general, que es el tejado. Si se debilita algún pilar el edificio se tambalea, si se eliminan los suficientes se derrumbará. Por ello, es de vital importancia para un movimiento localizar cuales son los [[pilares del poder]] del sistema al que se enfrenta, y cuales son sus puntos más débiles. Una de las ideas claves es que cambiar la opinión general es imprescindible, ya que el poder se asienta en el consentimiento de la población mucho más de lo que estamos acostumbrades a creer.

Oponen:

- *política transaccional*, en la que el progreso se obtiene mediante la acumulación constante de pequeñas victorias.
- *cambio transformacional*, en el que se producen ciclos marcados más dramáticamente.

Las organizaciones basadas en el impulso buscan lo segundo, por lo que su éxito se mide mejor en encuestas que en pequeñas victorias concretas.

Comentan la investigación de [[2011 - Why Civil Resistance Works - Erica Chenoweth, Maria Stephan]], en la que encuentran una correlación directa entre el éxito de una campaña y la implicación popular que ha conseguido atraer, concluyendo en su famoso máximo del 3.5%.

El apoyo del público tiene varios componentes:

1. Hacerse ver.
2. En las sociedades con elecciones, los partidarios activos votan con el movimiento.
3. Persuaden a otras personas.
4. Llegado el caso, participan con mayor o menor autonomía en el movimiento.

# Declara la victoria y corre

Mientras que en la política transaccional las reivindicaciones son instrumentales para lograr victorias concretas, en las organizaciones basadas en el impulso lo fundamental es crear una narrativa sobre el significado moral de su lucha, en la que los elementos simbólicos son de la mayor importancia. Muchos investigadores han sugerido que esta debería ser una prioridad en la planificación de las campañas.

Hay dos formas de medir el éxito de una campaña basada en el impulso:

- Si ha aumentado el apoyo popular.
- Si a aumentado la capacidad del movimiento para intensificarse

Transmitir sensación de victoria es un aspecto clave de los movimientos basados en el impulso, que les permite seguir creciendo y alcanzar masividad. Para ello es clave que los mismos activistas definan previamente lo que consideran una victoria y que, una vez lograda, la publiciten enérgicamente.

# El acto de disrupción

En las sublevaciones que captan la atención e iluminan las injusticias se combinan una y otra vez tres elementos:

- **Disrupción**. Es proporcional al nivel de impulso generado. Sus efectos son más difíciles de soportar por el sistema, por lo que pueden lograr cambios de manera más rápida y dramática. La amplitud de participación es clave a largo plazo, pero a corto puede ser más importante la sensación de drama. Enlaza esto con el siguiente punto.
- **Sacrificio**. Es clave Lograr que los observadores reconozcan la legitimidad de la causa, despertar simpatías en el público. Para ello es imprescindible demostrar la seriedad del compromiso, enfrentándose a bajas de todo tipo (llegan a compararlo con las bajas que hay en levantamientos armados). El sacrificio no pretende convencer o emocionar al oponente, sino afectar a la perspectiva de nuestros aliados y amigos y movilizarlos, convirtiendo así la represión en una ventaja a favor del movimiento. Esto último, llamado a veces *juijitsu político*, enlaza con lo siguiente.
- **Escalada**. Es un elemento clave en el avance del movimiento hacia sus objetivos. Una herramienta importante para lograrla son las acciones de dilema, en la que las autoridades tienen que elegir si reprimir o consentir las acciones de los activistas, y en ambos casos los activistas ganan la simpatía del público. Aún así, es poco frecuente que los movimientos se comprometan con una verdadera escalada, ya que conlleva riesgos: los activistas deben enfrentarse a la represión repetidamente, las estructuras organizativas pueden salir perjudicadas (materiales requisados, cansancio).

# El remolino

Es este un momento en el que se desencadena una actividad social frenética a consecuencia de un acontecimiento público dramático, más allá del control de cualquier organización, inspirando acciones descentralizadas que atraen a participantes antes no movilizados.

Se suele prestar poca atención a estos momentos desde las organizaciones tradicionales porque se los considera poco frecuentes, imprevisibles e incontrolables. Desde la organización basada en impulso, en cambio, se presta una especial atención a ellos, ya que se piensa que

- Son más frecuentes de lo que pudiera parecer.
- Se pueden aprovechar una vez que aparecen.
- Se pueden desencadenar desde una estrategia de escalada noviolenta.

En su génesis suele encontrase un factor desencadenante, un suceso que revela al público por primera vez y con claridad que existe un problema social grave y que las vías formales e institucionales para resolverlo solo lo perpetúan. Este tipo de factores ocurren continuamente, pero solo unos pocos catalizan un momento de remolino. Para ello han de trabajar en sincronía las condiciones sociales con la habilidad estratégica de los activistas para mantener la cuestión en primera línea de debate, continuar la escalada de acciones, conseguir nuevos participantes y reforzar el fervor popular.

# Los que dividen

Este capítulo se centra en la lucha de [[Act up]] durante la crisis del sida para demostrar que la polarización y la polémica puede ser una herramienta muy poderosa. Las protestas disruptivas obligan a los observadores a posicionarse. Esto conlleva que:

- Gran numero de simpatizantes pasen a convertirse en activistas.
- Da a conocer más la causa.
- Agita los movimientos extremos de la oposición, que suele implicar reacciones violentas a corto plazo pero su propio aislamiento a largo plazo.

# La disciplina

La disciplina a la noviolencia estricta es fundamental para mantener el apoyo popular, y este es a su vez fundamental para el éxito. Cuál es la definición de violencia es algo que, desde la perspectiva de la *noviolencia estratégica*, es irrelevante: lo importante es conocer qué entiende la sociedad en la que tiene lugar el movimiento por violencia. El uso de la violencia puede suponer un motivo para que las autoridades detengan la escalada antes de que arranque. Más contra el [[anarquismo insurreccionalista]] en p.306-7. Defender una diversidad de tácticas sin tener en cuenta como unos pueden boicotear a otros es, según los autores, perder toda visión estratégica (los ejemplos que ponen para ilustrarlo son casos en los que la diversidad de tácticas se da dentro de la misma acción o movimiento). Además, puede coger por sorpresa a los activistas violentos la severidad y contundencia de la respuesta estatal.

Sobre el *efecto del flanco radical* en p.309. En resumen, puede ser:

- **Positivo**, si las acciones de grupos radicales dan más capacidad de negociación a grupos menos radicales.
- **Negativo**, si las actividades radicales desacreditan la acción de los movimientos noviolentos.

Además, los grupos radicales pueden ser también noviolentos, y de hecho, según los autores, estos son los más efectivos (p.310).

# La ecología del cambio

Lo ideal es que las organizaciones basadas en estructuras y los movimientos basados en impulso se complementen en el proceso de cambio, cumpliendo roles distintos. Las organizaciones más establecidas pueden ofrecer su prestigio y recursos a los brotes más enérgicos de resistencia, al tiempo que contribuir a estabilizar e institucionalizar los cambios en la sociedad una vez que el momento de remolino ha pasado mediante victorias graduales y concretas. Para ello, es típico que secciones de los movimientos, pasada la racha de mayor agitación, se institucionalicen para asegurarse de que el cambio tiene lugar.

Una forma de mantener vivo el cambio tras el pico de actividad de los movimientos, es que parte de sus integrantes formen comunidades contraculturales que van más allá de la lucha política convencional, en muchas ocasiones dando lugar a instituciones alternativas prefigurativas (cooperativas, centros sociales okupados, etc.). Estas sirven de base para futuras sublevaciones. Por otra parte, un peligro de las política de crear espacios prefigurativos es caer en una falta de comunicación con el público que lleva al aislamiento, lo que limita las posibilidades de lograr un cambio social y político. La discusión entre creación de comunidades alternativas y la estrategia revolucionaria ya tenía lugar entre los movimientos obreros del s.XIX.

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