Gary Francione doesn’t get along well with most well-known animal advocates and organizations. Some find him inspiring, others endlessly frustrating. The reason for this great rift is because that Francione believes that animal welfare reforms (such as larger cages for factory-farmed hens, for example) are pointless and counter-productive when the goal is animal rights, whereas most activists disagree.
There is much name-dropping of animal activists here, most of it disparaging. Francione does currently point out that
“most people who have become active in the animal movement since 1988 do not even know who [Henry] Spira is, and they do not realize that he, rather than PETA, pioneered efforts against animal testing.”
In Francione’s eyes, most movement leaders are “new welfarists.” I did, admittedly, find interest in the various behind-the-scenes movement politics and personality clashes one often doesn’t get to hear about. Other times, I felt Francione pulled low blows. He railed against The Fund for Animals, which held a meat barbeque to celebrate the opening of the Black Beauty Ranch sanctuary in 1979. While I agree that this decision was hypocritical and offensive, it does reflect a time when the animal movement was still struggling to find a unified voice and moral compass. There are still innumerable pet shelters (including “no kill” shelters) who hold meat-centered fundraisers each and every year. Why not criticize them, instead of something The Fund did before many of this book’s readers were even born? Francione also spends much time berating the Fund for at one time hiring a farmer who in his spare time raised cattle and pigs for slaughter. Ok, bad—fair enough. But at the same time, could the Fund really have a say about legal activities engaged in by workers while not on the job?
I also disagreed with Francione’s problem with the now-defunct magazine The Animals’ Agenda. Francione threw a fit about Agenda’s cover for an issue discussing the link between animal abuse and family violence. (The cover showed a frightened-looking African-American child spliced with the image of a cat. Those who disliked this campaign saw it as implying that African-Americans were more likely to engage in abuse, or that they were at an animal level.) Francione went on to describe a demonstration by African-Americans against the image’s appearance on a billboard, the text seemingly inferring this controversy was all Agenda’s fault. First of all, the image and billboard were the work of The Washington (DC) Humane Society, in effort to publicize the message “people who abuse animals rarely stop there.” The billboard was part of a series also depicting white and Hispanic children, presumably to appeal to a wide cross-section of people in a diverse city. Agenda had chosen the image of the African-American child to grace the cover apparently at random. The other images appeared within the pages of the magazine.
Francione also takes a look at the political maneuverings of anti-animal organizations formed to counter the animal rights movement. He rightly states of the Foundation for Biomedical Research:
FBR does not bother to tell the public that the research community it represents has historically opposed the very laws and regulations that FBR describes as adequately protecting the welfare of animals and as obviating the need for animal rights.
Francione is equally insightful regarding the National Association for Biomedical Research:
[NABR and similar groups] frequently report updates about the efforts of animal advocates to reform animal agriculture or the use of animals in entertainment and praises the efforts animal exploiters to defeat such efforts. In theory...NABR [should be] completely disinterested in what animal advocates are doing about slaughtering animals for food…no one (vivsectors included) would maintain that using animals in entertainment is “necessary.” …The groups that use animal property have a narrow but strong interest in preserving that protection. Their primary focus is on opposing governmental regulation of property irrespective of the use.”
And I did enjoy the author’s response to Americans for Medical Progress’s PR histrionics:
“Extremists” do not “cripple biomedical research with excessive regulation.” “Extremists” cannot impose any sort of regulation-only legislators and administrative agencies can.”
Francione believes that animal welfare reforms have done nothing to help animals because animals are still nothing but objects of property in the eyes of the law. He points out that USDA figures indicate that lab animal use is not showing a downward trend, if fact quite the opposite, and the percentage used in experiments with unrelieved pain may be increasing as well. The US meat industry is also factory farming and slaughtering more animals than ever before. However, one needs to also figure in corresponding population growth and seriously ask whether this is something that can be blamed on the still small community of vegans and animal activists.
An aspect of the author’s arguments that I do agree with is that activists should take a critical look at supposed court “victories” won for animals. We hear of the famous “Silver Springs Monkeys” case in a different light:
Had [experimenter Edward] Taub done the exact same experiments in the exact same way, except that he provided adequate and minimal veterinary care and a sanitary environment, the Taub case would have never gotten past the desk of the local police sergeant.
All in all, animals haven’t fared that well when cruelty cases are taken to court. There are many examples. In a 1981 case, the defendant shot and killed his dog, who was tearing up his children’s Easter baskets. The court held that this was not a crime, as the anticruelty law contained an exception for animals posing a threat to “any property.” In 1962, a defendant was charged for not maintaining the animals in his traveling circus humanely. The Court held that although people may feel sorry for the animals, they were the owner’s property and the owner would have no reason to ill-treat his belongings.
The Court added that “even though some of the southern planters before the civil war may have cruelly treated some slaves, on the other hand, the slave that produced was well fed and housed by reason of their livelihood to the planter.”
Jaw, meet floor.
While the first part of the book was decent, although not always agreeable, reading, the second half was dry as dust. I got so sick of reading “rightholder” legalese and Francione’s personal complaints against Peter Singer and Tom Regan, I was eager for the book to end. And my, does Francione like to repeat himself. One can understand while Francione has as many foes as fans in the AR movement.