The book contains a collection of essays by scholars addressing 25 myths about the historical relationship between science and religion. All the essays begin with quotes from popular thinkers or earlier scholars perpetuating the historical myths about to be debunked; especially prominent are quotes from John William Draper and Andrew Dickson White who many credit as originating the conflict thesis, which is the idea that religion and science are incompatible and in conflict with each other. Other quotes come from Richard Dawkins, Carl Sagan, the Christian sociologist Rodney Stark, various Creationists, and many other public intellectuals who often oversimplify the issues, are driven by an agenda, or lack sufficient historical knowledge to put ideas into context.
David C. Lindberg challenges the idea that the rise of Christianity was responsible for the demise of ancient science. While it is true that many of the church fathers showed skepticism toward worldly knowledge over spiritual matters in general, different church fathers had different ideas about the place of classical science and philosophy.
The argument that the early church fathers were antagonistic to classical philosophy and classical science is based largely on Tertullian and a few references in Basil of Caesarea and Tatian, but this didn’t represent the majority view of the church. In fact, many of the church fathers were educated and trained in rhetoric and philosophical reasoning, and Christianity theology shows influences from Platonism, Neo-Platonism, Stoicism, and Aristotelianism. Basically the people who were supposed to be against this stuff according to this myth were in reality steeped in it.
Ultimately it was Augustine’s views that became the general position of the medieval church; he argued that the classical sciences should be approached with caution, but also used and incorporated when useful. His main reservations were with useless abstract speculations about nature. In other words, he argued against “knowledge for the sake of knowledge.” However, Augustine did accept classical learning if it was useful for everyday life and if the knowledge could be used to better understand the Bible. He justified this by arguing that all truths from pagan philosophy should be accepted since all truth ultimately comes from God.
Michael H. Shank supports this view by challenging the idea the Catholic Church suppressed science and intellectual investigation in the Middle Ages. In fact, as many of the essays note, the Catholic Church was one of its greatest institutional sponsors in the Middle Ages and the early modern period of science, especially through the universities that began to appear during the late Middle Ages. The medieval world viewed the study of natural philosophy as complimentary to understanding and thinking about God. Shanks notes that around 30% of the typical curriculum in a medieval university covered material about the natural world. It was through these universities that the ideas of Euclidean geometry, logic, optics, the problems of generation and reproduction, and astronomy were disseminated to hundred of thousands of students across Europe.
The Middle Ages not only taught these subjects, but also witnessed advances in knowledge. Some examples include the use of the camera obscura to view solar eclipses by William of Saint-Cloud, Dietrich von Freiberg’s identifying that multiple rainbows are caused by reflections inside a raindrop, medieval mathematicians at Oxford developing mathematical methods to model motion, Jean Buridan’s development of impetus theory that was a precursor to both Galileo and Newton, and Nicole Oresme’s defense of the possibility of the earth’s rotation.
It is true that, on occasion such as in 1210 and 1215, there were local bans at the university of Paris from studying Aristotle’s natural philosophy, but this ban only applied to that one university and had no effect on any of the other universities, nor represented the perspective of the entire Catholic Church, but rather just a single bishop.
Shanks also tackles an additional myth that students in medieval universities spent most of their time studying theology. The medieval university was divided into different faculties such as law, medicine, arts, and theology. Only those who belonged to the faculty of theology were allowed to deal with theological topics. The most popular area of study for students was law since it promised better career opportunities.
Lesley B. Cormack addresses the myth that medieval Christians thought the world was flat and it was only with the voyage of Christopher Columbus that they learned the earth was round. The myth that Columbus discovered the earth was round originates with the American fiction writer Washington Irving and gained further strength from 19th century anti-Catholic and Enlightenment propagandists who wanted to create a contrast with itself as an age of science and reason with the supposedly backwards Medieval past. However, scholars in the Middle Ages had access to and used Aristotle’s work as part of their own arguments. Early church fathers like Augustine, Jerome, and Ambrose all acknowledge a spherical earth. Medieval thinkers like Thomas Aquinas, Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus, Michael Scot, Jean de Sacrobosco, Jean de Mandeville, Dante, Chaucer, and Pierre d’Ailly all mention or wrote books about the sphericity of the earth.
Syed Nomanul Haq addresses a number of myth associated with that idea that medieval Islamic culture was inhospitable to science noting that contra to these myth-makers Islamic scholars did more than just translate ancient works, but added, developed, and extended the original Greek ideas and made many important discoveries such as Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and Ibn al-Shatir developing non-Ptolemaic astronomical models of heavenly motions, Avicenna putting together an encyclopedia that collected all ancient and contemporary medieval knowledge together in one place, and Ibn al-Nafis discovering of the pulmonary circulation of blood three hundred years before Europeans rediscovered it.
Another myth about the Middle Ages that Katherine Park addresses it that the medieval church prohibited human dissection. In reality, dissection was a normal part of a medieval university medical education. Even a quick glance of medieval practices around sainthood, which required dissection and inspection of the body for relics to distribute among the different churches and the development of Caesarean section for the purpose of baptizing children show the church had no problem with dissecting humans. There was a prohibition on members of the clergy from practicing certain forms of surgery, but this was motivated by a “concern that clergy might be putting people's lives in danger for pecuniary reasons and had nothing whatsoever to do with dissection.” A key reason people hold this myth comes from the Papal bull known as Of detestable Cruelty by Pope Boniface VIII, which tried to end the practice of cutting up a corpse and boiling the flesh off its bones in order to more easily transport the remains of Crusaders. There is no evidence that it was intended to prohibit dissections altogether, although there are some doctors in Northern Europe that interpreted it that way. Likewise there was legal issues with grave robbing to supply a shortage of corpses and taboos of families who didn’t want to see a loved one dissected before an audience of strangers. However, in Italy and other parts of the continents dissections continued.
Moving onto the modern era, Daniel R. Danielson addresses the myth that Copernicus demoted humans from the center of the cosmos. Ancient thought systems often viewed being at the center as inferior, where all the filth, and imperfect things go, and the outer layers of the heaven as being more perfect. So a careful study of ancient and Christian thought reveals that the Copernican system actually raised the status of earth and its inhabitants by suggesting that it too was part of the heavens, or at the very least it wasn’t a demotion.
Maurice A Finocchario makes the case that the documents and recorded timeline of events suggest Galileo was likely not tortured or imprisoned at any point during his inquisition trial in response to the idea that spread for over 150 years, especially during the Enlightenment, that he was tortured and imprisoned by the inquisition.
Margaret J. Osler addresses the myth that scientific revolution liberated science from religion. As many of the essays point out it was only in the late 18th and 19th centuries that natural philosophers and scientists began to completely divorce science from religion. The period of the scientific revolution did see a wider rejection of Aristotelianism, but continued to deal with many of the same intellectual topics debated in the Middle Ages. This period also saw the rediscovery of the Ancient Greek skeptics and the Reformation led to an eroding of religious certainty, which in turn led to a general intellectual skepticism about the certainty of any piece of knowledge. This caused natural philosophers to focus more on observation to establish knowledge and “regarded their conclusions as merely probable.”
Lawrence Principe addresses the myth that Catholics didn’t contribute to the scientific revolution, which is driven by Protestant anti-Catholic propaganda. Important Catholic thinkers of this period include Copernicus whose astronomical model practically began the scientific revolution, Galileo, anatomist Andreas Vesalius, Marcello Malpighi who observed the existence of capillaries, Niels Stensen who performed preliminary work on fossils and rock strata, Pierre Gassendi who reintroduced atomic theory, and Rene Descartes who is often considered the beginning of modern philosophy.
Although many deists have tried to claim Newton, Edward B. Davis points out that Newton was a religious man who rejected the God as divine clockmaker analogy often ascribed to him by Enlightenment thinkers. Newton’s theological ideas deeply influenced his understanding about how to the world worked and his ideas about nature. Newton believed God was a crucial part in sustaining the universe, including gravity.
Rennie B. Schoepflin addresses the myth that the Catholic Church rejected Anesthesia in childbirth on biblical grounds. While there was some opposition among the clergy against anesthesia, textual evidence suggests it was never widespread or systematic. Most of the opposition came from other 19th century physicians based on medical or scientific concerns, and only rarely on biblical grounds.
As a balance to many of the essays that show, Noah J Efron challenges the idea that Christianity alone gave birth to modern science. He does acknowledge that Christianity provided the motivation to study nature systematically as well as supplied some of the “tenets, methods, and institutions” of modern science. Nevertheless, it didn’t accomplish this alone.
Christianity was heavily influenced by the classical tradition and thus many of the ideas that came to influence the formation of modern science also stem from the ancient Greco-Roman world. Arabic lands in particular served as a place where learning and technology from multiple cultures such as Greek, Roman, Persian, Indian, and Chinese could spread and interact with each other. Likewise the growth of commerce and trade might have been equally as important as religious ideas and institutions in the growth of modern science; increased trade and opportunity, along with more capital to invest, led to both a need for improved technology and available resources into developing it.
James Moore tries to address a double myth that it was evolution that destroyed Darwin’s faith in Christianity and that he later reconverted on his deathbed. A careful reading of The Origin of the Species shows that it is not necessarily anti-religious, but sometimes uses religious language and terminology to make the case that animal’s evolved by natural laws and not special creation.
“From start to finish, the Origin of Species was a pious work: "one long argument" against miraculous creation but equally a theist's case for creation by law.”
At the time of writing the Origin of the Species Darwin likely still believed in God although he continued to struggle to justify faith and belief. Slowly he became an atheist and the tragic deaths of his father and 10 year old daughter on Easter was an especially strong push in this direction.
The myth of his conversion back to Christianity stems from Lady Hope, an evangelical, who wrote a pious fabrication to win notereity and money among American evangelicals. Evangelicals of this period loved the literary genre of lost souls being won back to Christ, and the story of Darwin returning to faith began spreading through the evangelical presses in 1915.
Although Darwin lost his faith, the evidence suggests that in his actions he continued to support the church as an institution. He gave monetary support and donations to various church institutions, missionaries, and even sent his family to be tutored under parsons.
John H. Roberts tackles the myth that Darwin’s theory destroyed Natural Theology as a discipline. Documentary evidence shows that natural theology continued to endure long after the publication of Darwin’s work and Natural Theologians of the time took the evidence that supported evolution as evidence for their position that there was a unity in nature guided by God. There was only a wane in natural theology in the early 20th century, not due to science, but because of the influence of theologians like Friedrich Schleiermacher and Albrecht Ritschl who argued that the essence of Christianity stemmed from feelings and values more than observations from the natural world.
Robert J Richards addresses whether Darwin and Haekel were partially responsible for the Nazis. Although Darwin and Haekel may have held some racial concepts of higher and lower races, these reflect 19th century prejudices more generally and evidence of Darwin’s views of American slavery and the Civil War suggests he was against anti-Humanitarianism. Racial hierarchies of superior and lower human races such as those developed by Carolus Linnaeus and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach in the 18th century predate Darwin’s theory of evolution. Likewise, a close look at his own words in which Haekel describes his Jewish friends as “admirable and excellent men” and defended educated Jews as an important part of German social and intellectual life disproves charge of anti-Semitism. Haekel defended his friendship with Jews even as anti-Semitic sentiments began to spread more generally in Germany. Evidence from the Nazi propaganda itself reveals explicit statements that they rejected Haekel’s Darwinian ideas and the ubiquitousness of pseudoscientific racial journals shows that the Nazis would have had plenty of other sources to draw their influence from without needing to turn to 19th century thinkers.
The final essay of the collection by John Hedley Brooke addresses the myth that science is the primary cause of increasing secularization in the modern world. By noting the many scientist in history who have been religious and sociological studies of atheist deconverts, and other factors he points out that science only plays a minor role at best. The biggest factors mentioned by deconverts were a change in political orientation from conservative to liberal, reading philosophical texts like Thomas Paine, studying the Bible itself and finding contradictions, perceived immorality of religious texts and God as depicted in the Bible, and the hypocritical behavior of religious authorities. Brooke also notes historical research rather than science that contradicts the Bible’s narrative of events played a far more important role. Even known critics of religion such as Voltaire raised primarily political and moral objections rather than scientific ones. Other factors include increased social and geographic mobility, capitalism, commerce, and consumerism. In so far science plays a role, it seems to be primarily centered on technology providing us with alternative ways to spend our leisure time.
There was other essays that I found less interesting. Joel Shackelford questions the idea that Giordano Bruno was a martyr for science and shows that it was more likely he was convicted for heretical ideas rather than for so-called scientific ones. Peter Harrison tackles the myth that Descartes’s dualism between mind and body meant he thought the two were completely separate and never interacted or he had no thoughts on the place of emotions. Nicolaas A. Rupke draws on history to address the claim of antievolutionists that evolution is based on circular reasoning. The problem with the circular reasoning claim is that historically the development of the stratigraphic table and homology predated the theory of evolution. Edward J Larson addresses the incorrect idea that the Scopes Trail Ended in Defeat for Antievolution. Matthew Stanley challenges the myth that Einstein Believed in a Personal God when he actually believed in a Spinozan God that was synonymous with nature and identified with Judaism only as a matter of ancestry and traditions. Daniel Patrick Thurs addresses the tendency of people to associate mystical eastern beliefs or defend the Christian idea of freewill with the findings of Quantum Physics. Michael Ruse explores the history of Intelligent Design and points out the reasons why its not really a science. David N. Livingstone writes about the myth that Huxley defeated Wilberforce in debate about evolution and religion. Ronald Numbers points out that Creationism isn’t just American and has spread to many countries throughout the world.
While different essays were more interesting than others, the entire collection leaves one with the impression that the relationship between science and religion historically has been more complicated and has more nuance than the typical internet conversation acknowledges. This book definitely got me interested in exploring some of these topics further.