This is a dry, bland, uninteresting autobiography. By trying so hard not to offend, it offends. It offends a literary person’s sense of trust in the author. It offends a historian’s sense of love for details and facts. It offends a political scientist’s search for the motivations of the actors involved. It offends the common person’s expectation that by paying $49.95 for a book that is so big and heavy (499 pages, 2.5 pounds) they will be happy with it and it will be worth it. It isn’t. Persons wanting more value for their money, and who want to read a more entertaining and animated autobiography should try, for instance, Errol Flynn’s “My Wicked, Wicked Ways ”, Alfred P. Sloan’s “My Life At General Motors”, Emma Goldman’s “Living My Life”, Armand Hammer’s “Hammer!”, or Hedy Lamarr’s “Ecstasy and Me: My Life as a Woman”. The lives of these authors jump out at you from the pages of these books and take vivid three-dimensional form. They are not afraid of telling you how they thought and the mistakes they made. By doing so, they become more human and companionable, and less bothersome in their inanity, a trait which Rockefeller insists on embracing by dealing in the idiom of pedestrian platitudes and dry generalizations for most of the course of this book.
Just exactly how and where did his beetle collecting habit begin? What other beetle collectors were (are) his friends? How did he feel when he first kissed his wife? What’s his favorite kind of sports car? What did he think of a movie actor (i.e., Ronald Reagan) becoming President? What’s his favorite restaurant? Does he like Hitchcock movies? How did he feel when his brother Nelson was found in flagrante delicto when he died? What’s his favorite sport? Which currencies does he like the best? If he could hold a dinner party with twenty of the most famous people in history invited, who would they be? Etc etc etc. None of that. Or anything else that’s interesting. Just dry, boring generalizations told in a lugubrious, pedantic fashion that would put a bedpost to sleep.
What he doesn’t talk about in this book is more important in understanding his life, his power and his influence than what he does talk about. For instance, one of the key issues he does not talk about is his relationship to the 1991 coup that toppled popularly-elected President Jean Bertrand Aristide of Haiti, which led to the emigration of thousands upon thousands of “boat people” from that island to the beaches and backyards of Florida’s Gold Coast, the U.S. military occupation of that country, and the spending of billions and billions of U.S. national security state dollars to “cure” the problem (that was created by the United States to begin with). Shortly before the coup, David Rockefeller’s private plane, carrying Vice President Dan Quayle and Secretary of Commerce Robert Mossbacher landed at Port au Prince airport and a meeting was had with Aristide and others in the Haitian government in which Rockefeller alluded to the “turbulent history” of the nation as an impediment to further investment. (See Foreign Broadcast Information Service archive for details.) It is strongly suspected that shortly thereafter, Quayle, who was a member of the National Security Council, ordered the 1991 coup to take place using members of the Haitian High Command who were on the CIA payroll (at one point a SEAL team was sent in to extract some of those CIA assets after the coup went bad). It is also known that people close to Quayle were the ones pushing him to get rid of Aristide. Was David Rockefeller one of them? I feel strongly that he was, because if he was not, then he would have included some mention of his meeting with Aristide in his autobiography as an incident of note. The coup, naval blockade, and military occupation represented a major episode in U.S. history, and was one of the main news stories of the period. In the end, it cost the United States billions of dollars to blockade the island, round up illegal immigrants on the beaches and backyards of Florida, and send in troops to stabilize the country. And the job still isn’t finished. The country is still largely in ruins from the damaging effects of this U.S. sponsored coup.
One of the original reasons for the coup was to get Haiti to “play ball” according to U.S. dictated rules (which, incidentally, in general meant near-starvation wages for those Haitian workers “lucky” enough to get a job in a U.S. owned sweatshop). This was key to ensuring the success of the Rockefeller-sponsored Carribbean Basin Initiative. However, there is a conspicuous absence of any account whatsoever about David’s meeting with Aristide at this key juncture in history, and knowing David’s keen sense of history, and his own place in it, and the importance of the Caribbean Basin Initiative to his far-flung vision of fair and robust trade within the Americas, it is just too glaring an omission to be a coincidence. That silence, in essence, represents an affront to the simple Haitian people, who are so trusting and lyrical that some have been known to bequeath the first name “Rockefeller” to their children, a practice unknown in any other country in the world, as far as I know. But besides being silent on little things (the economy of Haiti is the smallest in the Western Hemisphere), David is also silent on some of the larger issues you’d expect him to confront in a candid autobiography.
In 1910, the economic activity of the Standard Oil Trust represented approximately 10% of the GNP of the United States. Its wealth was so great that it was thought to be extremely burdensome to manage, perhaps fatally so. Even John D. Rockefeller, David’s famously miserly grandfather, believed that no one man should have the responsibility for running it all, for it would ‘crush’ him. What happened to it all? No proper account of what may be fairly called the world’s biggest fortune has ever been made, and David Rockefeller is one of only a handful of people who would be able to perform such an accounting at this point. But there are few clues to this interesting question to be found in Memoirs. As far as pecuniary matters go, its author does not even mention the famous “Ledger A”, an accounting ledger that Rockefeller fastidiously started when he was a boy to keep track of the nickels he was given for each housefly he swatted, and which, it is rumoured, still exists and contains a full accounting of all his manifold investments. (One gets the idea that he does not even want to acknowledge the existence of this strange ledger, which he must have spent a good fraction of his life poring over, for fear it might be subpoenaed for evidence in a future lawsuit, or uncovered by the public in some way.) Lack of any elucidating details on the disposition of the Rockefeller fortune is disturbing, as one feels that in such a book as this, one of whose purposes must be for public absolution, of a sort, there would be more details forthcoming about it, especially given the perennial charges against his family (and the lack of anybody suitable to defend the family name after David dies). By the way, for those who do not know it, miserism is a form of auto-eroticism.
In his book Rockefeller mentions blandly that populist politicians were always his bane and the bane of the interests he represented. But he is also quick to mention that some of his era’s most ruthless dictators were his friends (Does the phrase “Birds of a feather flock together,” have any meaning?). He devotes an entire chapter to the Shah of Iran, for instance. At odds with populist leaders like Nasser, Allende, Castro, Mossadegh, Chavez, and Aristide, leaders who were and are loved by their nation’s people, but friends with the nasty, kleptocratic dictators who plunder their nation’s treasuries for themselves? Hmm. Now a sane person would have to ask themselves the question, “What sort of person is that?” His relationship with Henry Kissinger runs in the same vein. Kissinger has been called “the most dangerous man in the world”. David Rockefeller at one time and perhaps still is the most powerful man in the world. (He used to be called "the Fourth Branch of the U.S. government.) Now what do you get when you cross the most dangerous man in the world with the most powerful? A nice, wholesome relationship? I will leave that question for the reader to answer.
It is no accident that ‘populist leaders’ are the bane of ultra-capitalists like David Rockefeller. In fact, the power of the people is the only thing that CAN counter the concentrated power of wealth and its corrupting influence. Leaders like Teddy Roosevelt (who busted up the Standard Oil Trust) and Thomas Jefferson (who busted up King George the Third’s greedy little colonial monopoly) (and many others) who understand the power of the people will always be a threat to monied interests, and as a matter of survival, the monied interests will always work to discredit and destroy them.
There is an old saying from the Bible, “It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the gates of Heaven.” There is a reason for this saying, isn't there? The legend of the corrupting influence of Rockefeller wealth and the so-called myth of Rockefeller omnipotence have never been completely dispelled. It is carefully chronicled in Ida Tarbell’s book “History of the Standard Oil Company”. David’s grandfather believed his money was a “gift from god”. But David talks naught of money, philosophically, in this book. You’d think he would address the issue head-on, answering for all time how he squares some of the Bible's ancient teachings with the simple, obvious fact of his own enormous, inherited wealth. In Chaucer’s The Parson’s Tale, and in many other classics of literature and philosophy, we have been shown that money per se is not bad, but the love of money is the root of all evil. (I once told this to a 33rd Degree Mason friend of mine and he said “And how!”) And remember, the only time Jesus’ hand was raised in anger was at the temple of the money lenders. As one of capitalism’s great modern exponents, one gets the feeling that Rockefeller wishes he could sweep these facts under the rug. But these facts cannot be swept under the rug. They are bedrock. And the fact that they cannot be swept under the rug is very troubling, for we all live in a capitalist society which is founded on the love of money. It is greed that drives the wheels of the system, makes the system come alive and take shape and go, and it is that self-same greed, that love of money, that causes all the troubles. So what do you do about it?
One would think that the world’s great, premier capitalist would offer us some clues as to what to do about this problem, or at least point us in the right direction for an answer, and let us know what he thinks about it. But amazingly he doesn’t give us any indication whatsoever that he is even aware that the problem exists! He remains entirely oblivious throughout the memoir to this issue, and whenever the concept of capitalism’s apparent contradictions looks like it might come up in the book (mostly in recollected conversations with this or that world leader) we see Rockefeller blithely launching into a spirited defense of capitalism’s virtues (which we are all too well aware of and are hackneyed by now anyway), preempting any more serious reflection on what is surely a deep and enduring problem for mankind.
Another key philosophical point that Rockefeller does not talk about is his relationship to government. Don’t dyed in the wool capitalists like Rockefeller regard government as a mere
inconvenience, an annoyance to be dispensed with whenever possible, to be avoided like the flu, so to speak? But no, what we find is that really big capitalists like Rockefeller view government as a captive “sugar daddy”, and customer of first and last resort. Through the “revolving door” which exists between the upper levels of government and big profit-making corporations (of the 100 biggest economies in the world, 52 of them are corporations, and 47 of them American corporations) we find that government and big business are hot in bed together, at least in this day and age. (See John Perkins’ "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man" for more on this.) One of the reasons the notorious Westway Project in Manhattan was pushed so hard for so long was the fact that only the federal government had enough money to pay Rockefeller what he wanted for that choice Manhattan property that he owned. Thus, the government became the preferred customer, or the customer of first and last resort (he does not admit this).
Throughout the book David describes one episode after another of his meetings with government leaders from around the world, including the United States. His cozy relationship with government and governments should not be surprising given his Trilateral Commission, Bilderberg, Council on Foreign Relations, and Bohemian Grove ties. But nowhere does he clearly set forth his philosophy of what constitutes proper and what constitutes improper dealings between big business and government. As far as a literary criticism goes, this is part of the larger problem of a lack of a ‘soul’ to the book, i.e., a clear, satisfying articulation of his own personal belief structure which would give life and meaning to the dull recitation of details which he drones on and on about.
Rockefeller’s intentional dissembling and the pains he has taken in this book to paint such an inconspicuous portrait of himself are troubling. Why doesn’t he just tell it like it is and let the chips fall where they may like so many others have done when they wrote their autobiographies? The answer may be found in one of Henry Kissinger’s old sayings in his book White House Years: “History, in order to be effective, must be negotiated with absolute secrecy.” It is almost axiomatic with personages like David Rockefeller, that what they talk about in their public utterances doesn’t matter and, conversely, what they don’t talk about, does matter. But if it doesn’t matter, then why talk about it at all, why waste people’s time with trivialities, banalities and a simple, dull recitation of events ad infinitum? The reason is to put a patina of legitimacy on their actions. Like CIA agents operating under deep cover, they need to put out a cover story so that people like you and me, the proverbial small fry, won’t guess what they’re really up to. And, frankly, I believe that this is unethical. If you’re involved with something so heavy and so secret that you can’t talk about it, then don’t talk about it. But don’t try to gin up an innocuous cover story to fool people. Look at the kind of society you get when you do that. Look at how dysfunctional things are today. Rockefeller, as one of the 50 or so people “who matter” in the world today, is in some measure to blame for the dystopic way things are. It is not too much of a stretch to say that a trail of blame leads right to his door, and that much of the hunger and suffering that exists in the world today is because of his actions and inactions.
Power like that deserves close scrutiny, but look where it’s exercised: in the cabins of private jets over the Caribbean at 25,000 feet, in closed boardrooms without any members of the press or public invited, in the many rooms of the playhouse at Pocantico Hills amongst discreet, zippered-lip functionaries and friends. To some extent, people like David Rockefeller are creatures of darkness. They cannot bear the thought of having their intricate schemes for world domination, their artificial energy crises, their manufacturing of consent, their crucial coups, cozenages, and assassinations exposed to the light of day for if the world ever found out about what they were doing there would be massive revolution. Much needs to be learned about the actions and inactions of this powerful man and his cohorts, but the reader will not it here among the pages of his Memoirs. He will have to look elsewhere. In the meantime, its author as well as the rest of the world ought to be wondering whether or not this book, like the life of its author, doesn’t simply represent a study in failed opportunity.
Phillip Ozdemir