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International Initiative brochures #3
Liberando la vida: la revolución de las mujeres
The author has been known mostly for the national liberation struggle he has waged against the Turkish state and as the architect of the peace process between the PKK and the Turkish state. However there is more than what meets the eye. He has in parallel waged a more fierce struggle with the Kurdish community for change and transition both theoretically and in practice. One of those areas of fierce struggle is the women's freedom. The practice Öcalan observed in real socialist countries and his own theoretical efforts and practice since the 1970's has led him to the conclusion that the enslavement of women was the start of all other forms of enslavement. This, he concludes, is not due to woman being biologically different to man, but because she was the founder and leader of the Neolithic matriarchal system. Subsequently, women and in parallel the society have been enchained in three ways; ideological slavery, use of force and seizure of economy.
Öcalan shows that from the present form of relationship between man and woman stem all forms of relationship that foster inequality, slavery, despotism, fascism and militarism. He points out that although male dominance is well institutionalised, men too are enslaved. If true meaning to terms such as equality, freedom, democracy and socialism want to be construed then there is a need to analyse and shatter the ancient web of relations that has been woven around women.
The elimination of women from the ranks and the subjects of science makes it necessary to look for a radical alternative. Thus he underlines that the key to the resolution of our social problems will be a movement for woman's freedom, equality and democracy; a movement based on the science of woman, called jineolojî in Kurdish.
Öcalan shows that from the present form of relationship between man and woman stem all forms of relationship that foster inequality, slavery, despotism, fascism and militarism. He points out that although male dominance is well institutionalised, men too are enslaved. If true meaning to terms such as equality, freedom, democracy and socialism want to be construed then there is a need to analyse and shatter the ancient web of relations that has been woven around women.
The elimination of women from the ranks and the subjects of science makes it necessary to look for a radical alternative. Thus he underlines that the key to the resolution of our social problems will be a movement for woman's freedom, equality and democracy; a movement based on the science of woman, called jineolojî in Kurdish.
72 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2013
17 people are currently reading
502 people want to read
About the author
Abdullah Öcalan
96 books337 followersAbdullah Öcalan is the founder of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). From 1984, under his leadership, the PKK fought for Kurdish liberation. Since his kidnapping and arrest in 1999, he has been in solitary confinement in Imrali Island Prison.
Since his imprisonment, Ocalan has written extensively on Middle Eastern and Kurdish history. With his books he has significantly influenced the course of Kurdish politics in the last two decades.
He argues for the concepts of Democratic Autonomy and Democratic Confederalism that are considered an alternative to a Kurdish nation-state.
From 2009-2015, the Turkish state held negotiations with him about a solution of the Kurdish Question. Since the collapse of the talks in 2015, Öcalan has been under total isolation.
Since his imprisonment, Ocalan has written extensively on Middle Eastern and Kurdish history. With his books he has significantly influenced the course of Kurdish politics in the last two decades.
He argues for the concepts of Democratic Autonomy and Democratic Confederalism that are considered an alternative to a Kurdish nation-state.
From 2009-2015, the Turkish state held negotiations with him about a solution of the Kurdish Question. Since the collapse of the talks in 2015, Öcalan has been under total isolation.
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May 5, 2017
The ultimate victory of democratic society is only possible with woman. Peoples and women have been devastated by classed society ever since the Neolithic Age. They will now, as the pivotal agents of the democratic breakthrough, not only take revenge on history, but they will form the required anti-thesis by positioning themselves to the left of the rising democratic civilisation. Women are truly the most reliable social agents on the road to an equal and libertarian society. In the Middle East, it is up to the women and the youth to ensure the anti-thesis needed for the democratisation of society.
Okay, let me see if I can sum this up. Live from Imrali Island Prison in the Sea of Marmara, Öcalan writes:
1. Woman's enslavement and the masking of this fact is responsible for all subsequent forms of enslavement, as well as hierarchical and statist power.
2. Patriarchy has not always existed. Women's enslavement arose in the late neolithic, in what the author calls the first of three sexual ruptures. At the time, society was matriarchal, and a 'primitive socialism' existed. Limited surpluses were shared out among community members and excessive accumulation was seen as bad (think of gift economies). But then better hunting techniques lead to larger surpluses, put an emphasis on male hunting over female gathering, increased need for the male to defend the community, commodification of the surpluses, and ultimately an alliance between the 'strong man' and the 'shaman'. This power disparity increased as human's urbanized and Öcalan traces the ways it's reinforced by Sumerian myth.
3. The second sexual rupture was the rise of monotheism. "Women no longer had any social role bar being the woman of her house ... the public sphere was totally closed off to her." He traces the role the three Abrahamic religions had in creating this state. Öcalan points out that in the West, this took the form of monogamy for most and celibacy for some, while in the Middle East, polygamy developed. He says that the West's sexual restraint lead to modernity and the surpassing of the Middle East, but both ways are ultimately stagnant in terms of overcoming the sexist society. Both lead to 'dynastic ideology' where man sees his house as a small castle in which he's king, and in which having many male children is encouraged.
4. Öcalan outlines the ways in which marriage and the family are enslavement for women, and says:
5. The status of the Kurds is unique in that premature statehood would have caused their elimination, thus they've lived aspects of a semi-nomadic life since the time of the Hittites. This allowed them to retain more aspects of the old matriarchal, tribal culture and it's why Kurds have a strong sense of the need for freedom. As more states were established around them, Kurds strengthened their tribal structures and lived a semi-guerrilla lifestyle. Capitalist ruling and exploitative classes have not been able to develop. While women have a more prominent role than in other Middle East societies, the family structure has been crushed and women bear the brunt of this. The only solution is to democratize society. This is why women have flocked to the PKK: to fight not only the colonialism imposed upon the Kurds but also the internal feudalism of society. #delistpkk #freeocalan
6. Capitalism is bad. (It's hard to follow Öcalan's train of thought here because it's bad in a lot of ways). Also, the economy has been taken from women: domestic work and child bearing aren't valued.
7. The third and final sexual rupture is to kill the dominant male ideology. Though male dominance is institutionalized, men too are enslaved. "The fundamental question is why man is so jealous, dominant and villainous where woman is concerned; why he continues to play the rapist. ... He fears that abandoning the role of the dominant male figure would leave him in the position of the monarch who has lost his state." This is because man is a system:
8. Women's freedom thus demands a struggle against hierarchy and statism. Western feminism is useless because it doesn't have a strong organizational base, can't develop its philosophy in full, can't relate to a militant women's movement and can't break the limitations of democracy set by the west. However, it is still the most serious movement to have addressed the issue of women's freedom. What's needed is a movement based on the science of women: what the Kurdish call Jineologi. It must have analytical, ethical, aesthetic and economic aspects to it. The level of women's freedom determines the levels of freedom and equality in all aspects of society. "Thus, democratisation of woman is decisive for the permanent establishment of democracy and secularism." There is a need for women's freedom parties (is that what Tev-dem is?). We must build alternative academic units which prioritize economy, technology, ecology, agriculture, democratic politics, security and defence, history, science, philosophy, religion and arts. A strong academic cadre is needed to build a democratic modernity.
Okay, let me see if I can sum this up. Live from Imrali Island Prison in the Sea of Marmara, Öcalan writes:
1. Woman's enslavement and the masking of this fact is responsible for all subsequent forms of enslavement, as well as hierarchical and statist power.
2. Patriarchy has not always existed. Women's enslavement arose in the late neolithic, in what the author calls the first of three sexual ruptures. At the time, society was matriarchal, and a 'primitive socialism' existed. Limited surpluses were shared out among community members and excessive accumulation was seen as bad (think of gift economies). But then better hunting techniques lead to larger surpluses, put an emphasis on male hunting over female gathering, increased need for the male to defend the community, commodification of the surpluses, and ultimately an alliance between the 'strong man' and the 'shaman'. This power disparity increased as human's urbanized and Öcalan traces the ways it's reinforced by Sumerian myth.
3. The second sexual rupture was the rise of monotheism. "Women no longer had any social role bar being the woman of her house ... the public sphere was totally closed off to her." He traces the role the three Abrahamic religions had in creating this state. Öcalan points out that in the West, this took the form of monogamy for most and celibacy for some, while in the Middle East, polygamy developed. He says that the West's sexual restraint lead to modernity and the surpassing of the Middle East, but both ways are ultimately stagnant in terms of overcoming the sexist society. Both lead to 'dynastic ideology' where man sees his house as a small castle in which he's king, and in which having many male children is encouraged.
4. Öcalan outlines the ways in which marriage and the family are enslavement for women, and says:
"If the family continues to maintain its strength in contrast to other faster-dissolving social bonds, this is because it is the only available social shelter. We should not discount family. If soundly analysed, family can become the mainstay of democratic society. Not only the woman but the whole family should be analysed as the stem cell of power; if not, we will leave the ideal and implementation of democratic civilisation without its most important element. Family is not a social institution that should be overthrown. But it should be transformed. The claim of ownership over woman and children, handed down from the hierarchy, should be abandoned. Capital (in all its forms) and power relations should have no part in the relationship of couples. Breeding of children as motivation for sustaining this institution should be abolished. The ideal approach to male-female association is one that is based on the freedom philosophy, devoted to moral and political society. Within this framework, the transformed family will be the most robust assurance of democratic civilisation and one of the fundamental relationships within that order. Natural companionship is more important than official partnership. Partners should always accept the other’s right to live alone. One cannot act in a slavish or reckless manner in relationships."
5. The status of the Kurds is unique in that premature statehood would have caused their elimination, thus they've lived aspects of a semi-nomadic life since the time of the Hittites. This allowed them to retain more aspects of the old matriarchal, tribal culture and it's why Kurds have a strong sense of the need for freedom. As more states were established around them, Kurds strengthened their tribal structures and lived a semi-guerrilla lifestyle. Capitalist ruling and exploitative classes have not been able to develop. While women have a more prominent role than in other Middle East societies, the family structure has been crushed and women bear the brunt of this. The only solution is to democratize society. This is why women have flocked to the PKK: to fight not only the colonialism imposed upon the Kurds but also the internal feudalism of society. #delistpkk #freeocalan
6. Capitalism is bad. (It's hard to follow Öcalan's train of thought here because it's bad in a lot of ways). Also, the economy has been taken from women: domestic work and child bearing aren't valued.
7. The third and final sexual rupture is to kill the dominant male ideology. Though male dominance is institutionalized, men too are enslaved. "The fundamental question is why man is so jealous, dominant and villainous where woman is concerned; why he continues to play the rapist. ... He fears that abandoning the role of the dominant male figure would leave him in the position of the monarch who has lost his state." This is because man is a system:
the male has become a state and turned this into the dominant culture. Class and sexual oppression develop together; masculinity has generated ruling gender, ruling class, and ruling state. When man is analysed in this context, it is clear that masculinity must be killed.
Indeed, to kill the dominant man is the fundamental principle of socialism. This is what killing power means: to kill the one-sided domination, the inequality and intolerance. Moreover, it is to kill fascism, dictatorship and despotism.
8. Women's freedom thus demands a struggle against hierarchy and statism. Western feminism is useless because it doesn't have a strong organizational base, can't develop its philosophy in full, can't relate to a militant women's movement and can't break the limitations of democracy set by the west. However, it is still the most serious movement to have addressed the issue of women's freedom. What's needed is a movement based on the science of women: what the Kurdish call Jineologi. It must have analytical, ethical, aesthetic and economic aspects to it. The level of women's freedom determines the levels of freedom and equality in all aspects of society. "Thus, democratisation of woman is decisive for the permanent establishment of democracy and secularism." There is a need for women's freedom parties (is that what Tev-dem is?). We must build alternative academic units which prioritize economy, technology, ecology, agriculture, democratic politics, security and defence, history, science, philosophy, religion and arts. A strong academic cadre is needed to build a democratic modernity.
March 22, 2022
Especiallz the first three chapters are very interesting as he explains how the patriarchy came into place with a middle eastern focus. I really enjoyed reading this as it is an easy read on top of being a really educating one. Of course its short so its not possible to discuss the topics in length but still a really good introduction for revolutionary feminism and the history of patriarchy.
May 8, 2017
In here Öcalan makes the case that the historical subjugation of women is the precursor act of domination without which the subjugation of entire races, cultures, and classes could not have been done. "power does not recognize the principles of freedom and equality. If it did, it could not exist. Power and sexism in society share the same essence."
Historically, women have been society's permanent colony, providing cheap (free) labor; but the process of their subjugation was definitely not the same as that of other groups:
"Gender enslavement is different in some ways to class and nation enslavement. Its legitimization is attained through refined and intense repression combined with lies that play on emotions. Woman’s biological difference is used as justification for her enslavement. All the work she does is taken for granted and called unworthy ‘woman’s work’.
Öcalan structures the text along the lines of three sexual ruptures:
1) The emergence of male domination, in which women were deemed inferior in social life. However, "The most important point is how this subjugation was accomplished. The authority to do this was not attained through laws, but through the new morals that were based on worldly needs instead of sacredness."
2) The institutionalization of this domination via the emergence of the highly patriarchal religions: "The superiority of man in the new religion is illustrated by the relationship between the prophet Abraham and the women Sarah and Hagar."
3) The potential future rupture described as "killing the dominant male". Fairly self explanatory, and nothing can be more obvious than the need to do this. Peculiarly, we as humans acknowledge that the disappearance of dominant baboons in a troop leads to an age of prosperity and calm, thus proving how—for a species dominated by instinct—culture can perpetuate seemingly indefinitely. Yet, we cannot accept that a perpetuation of a similar cultural trait can occur in humans. This being especially ridiculous given that we humans have by far the most sophisticated culture amongst living things!
"The male has become a state and turned this into the dominant culture. Class and sexual oppression develop together; masculinity has generated ruling gender, ruling class and ruling state. When man is analyzed in this context, it is clear that masculinity must be killed."
The overall conclusion of this book is quite clear. There can be no wholesale transformation of society without the liberation of women, because all institutions and practice of central civilization (in effect, all known history) embody this oppression.
[1] http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/13/science/no-time-for-bullies-baboons-retool-their-culture.html
Historically, women have been society's permanent colony, providing cheap (free) labor; but the process of their subjugation was definitely not the same as that of other groups:
"Gender enslavement is different in some ways to class and nation enslavement. Its legitimization is attained through refined and intense repression combined with lies that play on emotions. Woman’s biological difference is used as justification for her enslavement. All the work she does is taken for granted and called unworthy ‘woman’s work’.
Öcalan structures the text along the lines of three sexual ruptures:
1) The emergence of male domination, in which women were deemed inferior in social life. However, "The most important point is how this subjugation was accomplished. The authority to do this was not attained through laws, but through the new morals that were based on worldly needs instead of sacredness."
2) The institutionalization of this domination via the emergence of the highly patriarchal religions: "The superiority of man in the new religion is illustrated by the relationship between the prophet Abraham and the women Sarah and Hagar."
3) The potential future rupture described as "killing the dominant male". Fairly self explanatory, and nothing can be more obvious than the need to do this. Peculiarly, we as humans acknowledge that the disappearance of dominant baboons in a troop leads to an age of prosperity and calm, thus proving how—for a species dominated by instinct—culture can perpetuate seemingly indefinitely. Yet, we cannot accept that a perpetuation of a similar cultural trait can occur in humans. This being especially ridiculous given that we humans have by far the most sophisticated culture amongst living things!
"The male has become a state and turned this into the dominant culture. Class and sexual oppression develop together; masculinity has generated ruling gender, ruling class and ruling state. When man is analyzed in this context, it is clear that masculinity must be killed."
The overall conclusion of this book is quite clear. There can be no wholesale transformation of society without the liberation of women, because all institutions and practice of central civilization (in effect, all known history) embody this oppression.
[1] http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/13/science/no-time-for-bullies-baboons-retool-their-culture.html
November 5, 2024
In seinem Buch stellt Abdullah Öcalan, bekannt als Anführer im kurdischen Befreiungskampf und als wichtiger Akteur des Friedensprozesses zwischen der PKK und dem türkischen Staat, eine umfassende Analyse der Unterdrückung der Frau in der Gesellschaft dar. Öcalan geht davon aus, dass die Versklavung der Frau die Grundlage aller anderen Formen der Versklavung darstellt. Diese Annahme basiert auf der Idee, dass soziale Rollen und historische Entwicklungen im Patriarchat Frauen in eine untergeordnete Position gedrängt haben, die weit über biologische Unterschiede hinausgeht.
Öcalan führt seine Theorie bis auf die Ursprünge der menschlichen Gesellschaft zurück und argumentiert, dass Frauen innerhalb des neolithischen matrizentrischen Systems eine zentrale Stellung einnahmen, bis diese durch patriarchale Machtstrukturen verdrängt wurden. Er beschreibt, wie sich diese Verhältnisse in Ideologie, Gewalt und Kontrolle über die Ökonomie widerspiegeln. Dabei greift er auf Ideen von Marx und Engels zurück, um die patriarchalen und kapitalistischen Strukturen zu kritisieren, die Frauen in Abhängigkeit halten.
Der Autor plädiert für einen radikalen Bruch mit patriarchalen Normen und fordert eine Neugestaltung der Gesellschaft, in der Männer wie Frauen ihre Freiheit finden können. Öcalan sieht die Befreiung der Frau als Grundbedingung für eine wahrhaft demokratische und egalitäre Gesellschaft und ist überzeugt, dass Freiheit, Gleichheit und Sozialismus nur durch die Überwindung der männlichen Dominanz verwirklicht werden können.
Öcalan fordert dazu auf, das „alte Netz von Beziehungen“ zu analysieren und zu zerreißen, das Frauen in ihre untergeordnete Rolle gezwungen hat. Sein Buch bietet Aufruf patriarchale Strukturen radikal zu hinterfragen.
Öcalan führt seine Theorie bis auf die Ursprünge der menschlichen Gesellschaft zurück und argumentiert, dass Frauen innerhalb des neolithischen matrizentrischen Systems eine zentrale Stellung einnahmen, bis diese durch patriarchale Machtstrukturen verdrängt wurden. Er beschreibt, wie sich diese Verhältnisse in Ideologie, Gewalt und Kontrolle über die Ökonomie widerspiegeln. Dabei greift er auf Ideen von Marx und Engels zurück, um die patriarchalen und kapitalistischen Strukturen zu kritisieren, die Frauen in Abhängigkeit halten.
Der Autor plädiert für einen radikalen Bruch mit patriarchalen Normen und fordert eine Neugestaltung der Gesellschaft, in der Männer wie Frauen ihre Freiheit finden können. Öcalan sieht die Befreiung der Frau als Grundbedingung für eine wahrhaft demokratische und egalitäre Gesellschaft und ist überzeugt, dass Freiheit, Gleichheit und Sozialismus nur durch die Überwindung der männlichen Dominanz verwirklicht werden können.
Öcalan fordert dazu auf, das „alte Netz von Beziehungen“ zu analysieren und zu zerreißen, das Frauen in ihre untergeordnete Rolle gezwungen hat. Sein Buch bietet Aufruf patriarchale Strukturen radikal zu hinterfragen.
September 3, 2017
"...giving support to women's ire, knowledge and freedom movement is the greatest display of comradeship and a value of humanity. ... The 21st century shall be the century of women's liberation." Finally a man who talks good sense. This was a great first Öcalan book. I look forward to reading and being further inspired by more of his writings.
March 16, 2019
Loved it. Would have liked more citations, but I get that it's only a bind-up of fragments taken from his bigger, not-yet-translated works. Here's to hoping that those will get translated into English in their entirety too.
October 16, 2022
Originally named "Woman, Life, Liberty", Ocalan, indebted to Marx and Engels, sees the history of Middle East Women as the product of historical process imposed on them by turn of power on behalf of men, which he openly condemns, asking for "Total divorce" of all women's ties to patriarchal rules and culture. The represented ideas on history, family and economy are indebted to Simone de Beauvoir, Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx, respectively. However, his work shouldn't be undermined; on the contrary, it should be praised for spreading the historical awareness and knowledge among the middle easterns.
Without an analysis of woman’s status in the hierarchical system and the conditions under which she was enslaved, neither the state nor the classed system that it rests upon can be understood. Woman is not targeted as the female gender, but as the founder of the matriarchal society. Without a thorough analysis of women’s enslavement and establishing the conditions for overcoming it, no other slavery can be analysed or overcome. Without these analyses, fundamental mistakes cannot be avoided.
Without an analysis of woman’s status in the hierarchical system and the conditions under which she was enslaved, neither the state nor the classed system that it rests upon can be understood. Woman is not targeted as the female gender, but as the founder of the matriarchal society. Without a thorough analysis of women’s enslavement and establishing the conditions for overcoming it, no other slavery can be analysed or overcome. Without these analyses, fundamental mistakes cannot be avoided.
October 16, 2018
Liberating Life: Woman's Revolution is an introduction to Jineolojî (the science of women in the Kurdish language), a philosophy developed by Abdullah Öcalan, leader of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party). In the book, Öcalan attempts to construct a libertarian-socialist, woman-centered alternative to Marxist historical materialism. The two share many things in their sketch of the transition from "primitive communism" (Urkommunismus) to early class society to capitalism, which brings the promise of socialism. Öcalan's analysis, rather than being focused around class, is focused around the status of women. Indeed, Öcalan lists the economy as one of the tools of women's subordination, reversing the Marxist analysis that women's oppression is a phenomenon produced by capital accumulation. Öcalan's analysis veers a little bit into cultural feminism -- linking women to communal society and men to hierarchical class society. For example, he writes, "Women are truly the most reliable social agents on the road to an equal and libertarian society." However, when Öcalan states that "to kill the dominant man is the fundamental principle of socialism," he is not calling for the killing of any specific embodied men but instead the idea of Man as signifier. The Lacanian in me is tempted to link the Apoist concept of the "dominant man" to the Master signifier -- the Name-of-the-Father. I'm not sure I 100% buy Öcalan's reconfiguration of historical materialism, but certainly his call to action -- to kill the dominant male and create a "third sexual rupture" -- is a tempting one to heed for me as a working-class woman and socialist.
February 11, 2017
A short, brilliant read. Bell Hooks pretty much shortened.
October 21, 2020
Men kinda suck fr
December 5, 2022
It feels weird to judge this manifesto by itself, but I'll write a preliminary review and then possibly come back to change it if reading some other works by Öcalan somehow changes my mind.
I also understand that, it being a manifesto, it necessarily has to be simplistic and only sketch the answers to very complex questions.
That being said, the book was a tremendous letdown. I was very hyped to finally read something by Öcalan, such an extraordinary and different leader from those we are accustomed to among left-wing independence activists in developing countries, who usually have shady authoritarian tendencies and who tend to reject Western democracy in favour of some masked version of autocracy. In Öcalan instead we have a unicorn: a libertarian Marxist, a political leader in the Middle East unprecedentedly concerned with gender equality, and someone who rejects Western democracy in favour of what he genuinely sees as a more democratic alternative. So, I was very excited to read some of his work, and I will surely move on to Democratic Confederalism next.
However, this manifesto had me cringing. Partly it is an anti-Marxist bias of mine, which I came prepared to filter out and which I'm actively trying to leave out of the evaluation of the book, but which I nonetheless mention because I cannot be 100% sure it is not exerting some influence on me.
But mostly it is due to the simplistic, anti-scientific, romanticising nature of the book, which is excessive even for a manifesto. The first part is a "history of the enslavament of woman" which moves casually through millennia with a lot of narration and no historical rigour whatsoever (I'm not referencing the writing, which is necessarily simplistic, but the thesis per se). Then comes a must-have of Marxist thought which is a huge fault, bias or non-bias: "capitalism", this generic enemy which is so commonly scapegoated, is never properly defined but in the vaguest terms, and this book is no exception. Fighting something vague and pervasive is the definition of scapegoating, after all.
Then comes a romanticisation of Kurdish nationalism, which I understand but cannot escape judging as cheesy and very deeply rooted in wishful thinking.
Finally, among the "solutions" proposed, there are a couple of things which I profoundly dislike and disagree with, but have no objectively negative bearing on the author's thesis or work. I'll address them, but not as faults in the book per se. The first one is the insistence on gender segregation and women's self-rule, with the encouragement of "women's right parties". I find it to be very assonant to Malcom X's views on self-segregation, and I find both to be terrible answers to their respective problems, whose solution should be inclusion, not segregation, lest we keep on feeding the beast we tried to fight. But especially annoying is the need for an "alternative academia", which by the way is already alive, well, and expanding within Western academia. The problem I have with it (having passed a queer theories courses based on this "alternative" view of the academia) is that, because it condemns scientific positivism as a Western creation (which is true, to some extent), then it feels justified in seeing it as inherently bad and to disregard it fully, inevitably coming up with some anti-scientific method which is, essentially, academic ideology. I think this is one of the biggest threats to academia: while it is true that the scientific method is still essentially ideologically used to support different solutions imbued with ideology (let's not forget racism and eugenics were both once supported by scientific method), it is also true that its core essence of empiricism, falsifiability and continuous improvement is both a limit to dominant ideology and a great way out of it. Rejecting this method is dangerous, problematic, and fruitless. This is not related to the book, but something important that I feel the need to say whenever I encounter such arguments.
I also understand that, it being a manifesto, it necessarily has to be simplistic and only sketch the answers to very complex questions.
That being said, the book was a tremendous letdown. I was very hyped to finally read something by Öcalan, such an extraordinary and different leader from those we are accustomed to among left-wing independence activists in developing countries, who usually have shady authoritarian tendencies and who tend to reject Western democracy in favour of some masked version of autocracy. In Öcalan instead we have a unicorn: a libertarian Marxist, a political leader in the Middle East unprecedentedly concerned with gender equality, and someone who rejects Western democracy in favour of what he genuinely sees as a more democratic alternative. So, I was very excited to read some of his work, and I will surely move on to Democratic Confederalism next.
However, this manifesto had me cringing. Partly it is an anti-Marxist bias of mine, which I came prepared to filter out and which I'm actively trying to leave out of the evaluation of the book, but which I nonetheless mention because I cannot be 100% sure it is not exerting some influence on me.
But mostly it is due to the simplistic, anti-scientific, romanticising nature of the book, which is excessive even for a manifesto. The first part is a "history of the enslavament of woman" which moves casually through millennia with a lot of narration and no historical rigour whatsoever (I'm not referencing the writing, which is necessarily simplistic, but the thesis per se). Then comes a must-have of Marxist thought which is a huge fault, bias or non-bias: "capitalism", this generic enemy which is so commonly scapegoated, is never properly defined but in the vaguest terms, and this book is no exception. Fighting something vague and pervasive is the definition of scapegoating, after all.
Then comes a romanticisation of Kurdish nationalism, which I understand but cannot escape judging as cheesy and very deeply rooted in wishful thinking.
Finally, among the "solutions" proposed, there are a couple of things which I profoundly dislike and disagree with, but have no objectively negative bearing on the author's thesis or work. I'll address them, but not as faults in the book per se. The first one is the insistence on gender segregation and women's self-rule, with the encouragement of "women's right parties". I find it to be very assonant to Malcom X's views on self-segregation, and I find both to be terrible answers to their respective problems, whose solution should be inclusion, not segregation, lest we keep on feeding the beast we tried to fight. But especially annoying is the need for an "alternative academia", which by the way is already alive, well, and expanding within Western academia. The problem I have with it (having passed a queer theories courses based on this "alternative" view of the academia) is that, because it condemns scientific positivism as a Western creation (which is true, to some extent), then it feels justified in seeing it as inherently bad and to disregard it fully, inevitably coming up with some anti-scientific method which is, essentially, academic ideology. I think this is one of the biggest threats to academia: while it is true that the scientific method is still essentially ideologically used to support different solutions imbued with ideology (let's not forget racism and eugenics were both once supported by scientific method), it is also true that its core essence of empiricism, falsifiability and continuous improvement is both a limit to dominant ideology and a great way out of it. Rejecting this method is dangerous, problematic, and fruitless. This is not related to the book, but something important that I feel the need to say whenever I encounter such arguments.
April 12, 2025
Das Buch habe ich im Zug auf der Fahrt von Greifswald nach Kirkel gelesen. Ich fand es schwierig zu lesen, vor allem weil Apo immer wieder Begriffe benutzt hat, die ich nicht einordnen konnte oder zu denen ich mir eine spezifischere Erklärung gewünscht hätte: Mutter-Göttin und Vater-Gott, Hausfrauisierung, Dynastie, etatisch...
Das Buch ist sehr kurz, ca. 70 Seiten, und eine Zusammenstellung von Auszügen aus verschiedenen Schriften Öcalans. Natürlich kann in diesem Rahmen keine auführliche Abhandlung stattfinden. Mir kamen aber Teile des Buches ziemlich willkürlich vor: Im Text wurden bestimmte Dinge postuliert, ohne dass sie für mich nachvollziehbar hergeleitet wurden.
Grundsätzlich argumentiert Öcalan, die Unterdrückung der Frau (als soziales Konstrukt, nicht biologisch) sei der Ausgangspunkt für alle anderen Arten der Unterdrückung. Ohne Hausfrausierung gebe es keine Sklaverei; Frauen seien das erste kolonialisierte Volk überhaupt.
Öcalan trifft dabei die zentrale Aussage, die Freiheit einer Gesellschaft bemesse sich daran, wie frei die Frau ist. "Die Freiheit der Frau ist die konstanteste und umfassendste Komponente der Demokratisierung." Außerdem schreibt er folgendes: "Ich glaube, die Befreiung der Frau sollte Vorrang vor der Befreiung der Heimat und der Arbeiter haben."
"Die Lösungen für alle Probleme im Nahen Osten sollten die Stellung der Frau im Fokus haben."
"Die wahre Freiheit der Frau ist nur möglich, wenn es gelingt, all die versklavenden Emotionen, Bedürfnisse und Wünsche des Ehemannes, des Vaters, des Liebhabers, des Bruders, des Freundes und des Sohnes zu entfernen. Die tiefste Liebe erzeugt die gefährlichsten Fesseln des Eigentums. Wir werden nicht in der Lage sein, die Eigenschaften einer freien Frau zu erkennen, wenn wir nicht eine strenge Kritik üben an den von der männlich dominierten Welt erzeugten gedanklichen, religi-ösen und künstlerischen Mustern bezüglich der Frau."
Er betont, dass Frauen eigene demokratische Ziele, Organisationen und Anstrengungen, und auch eigene politische Parteien bräuchten. Frauen und Jugend würden, vor allem im Nahen Osten, "die aktivsten und energischsten Kräfte der demokratischen Gesellschaft" darstellen.
Weiterhin zieht er Parallelen zwischen dem Staat und der Familie. Der Mann verhalte sich zu seiner Familie wie der Staat zu seinen Bürgern. Somit würde jeder Mann in den Genuss des "Regierens" kommen, obwohl auch er vom Staat unterdrückt wird.
Öcalan spricht Männern eine analytische und Frauen eine emotionale Intelligenz zu; die männliche Gesellschaft sei kriegerisch und hierarchisch, während die weibliche friedvoll und egalitär geprägt sei.
Öcalan stellt fest, es habe in der Geschichte zwei sexuelle Umbrüche gegeben. So habe am Beginn eine matriarchale Gesellschaftsstruktur gestanden, die keinen Überschuss produziert (etwaige Überschüsse durch eine Geschenkökonomie umverteilt ) und auf dem Kult der Mutter-Göttin basiert habe. Diese Gesellschaften seien friedvoll und egalitär gewesen. Der erste Umbruch sei dann die Hausfrauisierung gewesen und der zweite Umbruch die Entwicklung der monotheistischen Religionen (die männlich und hierarchisch geprägt seien und die passive, unterdrückte Rolle der Frau nun sogar moralisch-religiös festschrieben). Laut Öcalan brauche es einen dritten sexuellen Umbruch, und zwar die "Tötung des dominanten Mannes", "erkeği öldürmek" (= den Mann töten).
"Deshalb ist es wichtig, das Problem des Mannes auf die Tagesordnung zu setzen, das viel ernster ist als die Frage der Frau. Es ist wahrscheinlich schwieriger, die Konzepte von Herrschaft und Macht zu analysieren - Konzepte, die im Bezug zum Mann stehen. Es ist nicht die Frau, sondern der. Mann, der nicht bereit ist sich zu ändern. Er fürchtet, dass der Verzicht auf seine Rolle als dominierende männliche Figur ihn in die Position des Monarchen bringen würde, der seinen Staat verloren hat. Ihm sollte bewusst gemacht werden, dass diese hohlste Form der Herrschaft ihn genauso der Freiheit beraubt und, sogar noch schlimmer, jegliche Reform verhindert."
Das Buch ist sehr kurz, ca. 70 Seiten, und eine Zusammenstellung von Auszügen aus verschiedenen Schriften Öcalans. Natürlich kann in diesem Rahmen keine auführliche Abhandlung stattfinden. Mir kamen aber Teile des Buches ziemlich willkürlich vor: Im Text wurden bestimmte Dinge postuliert, ohne dass sie für mich nachvollziehbar hergeleitet wurden.
Grundsätzlich argumentiert Öcalan, die Unterdrückung der Frau (als soziales Konstrukt, nicht biologisch) sei der Ausgangspunkt für alle anderen Arten der Unterdrückung. Ohne Hausfrausierung gebe es keine Sklaverei; Frauen seien das erste kolonialisierte Volk überhaupt.
Öcalan trifft dabei die zentrale Aussage, die Freiheit einer Gesellschaft bemesse sich daran, wie frei die Frau ist. "Die Freiheit der Frau ist die konstanteste und umfassendste Komponente der Demokratisierung." Außerdem schreibt er folgendes: "Ich glaube, die Befreiung der Frau sollte Vorrang vor der Befreiung der Heimat und der Arbeiter haben."
"Die Lösungen für alle Probleme im Nahen Osten sollten die Stellung der Frau im Fokus haben."
"Die wahre Freiheit der Frau ist nur möglich, wenn es gelingt, all die versklavenden Emotionen, Bedürfnisse und Wünsche des Ehemannes, des Vaters, des Liebhabers, des Bruders, des Freundes und des Sohnes zu entfernen. Die tiefste Liebe erzeugt die gefährlichsten Fesseln des Eigentums. Wir werden nicht in der Lage sein, die Eigenschaften einer freien Frau zu erkennen, wenn wir nicht eine strenge Kritik üben an den von der männlich dominierten Welt erzeugten gedanklichen, religi-ösen und künstlerischen Mustern bezüglich der Frau."
Er betont, dass Frauen eigene demokratische Ziele, Organisationen und Anstrengungen, und auch eigene politische Parteien bräuchten. Frauen und Jugend würden, vor allem im Nahen Osten, "die aktivsten und energischsten Kräfte der demokratischen Gesellschaft" darstellen.
Weiterhin zieht er Parallelen zwischen dem Staat und der Familie. Der Mann verhalte sich zu seiner Familie wie der Staat zu seinen Bürgern. Somit würde jeder Mann in den Genuss des "Regierens" kommen, obwohl auch er vom Staat unterdrückt wird.
Öcalan spricht Männern eine analytische und Frauen eine emotionale Intelligenz zu; die männliche Gesellschaft sei kriegerisch und hierarchisch, während die weibliche friedvoll und egalitär geprägt sei.
Öcalan stellt fest, es habe in der Geschichte zwei sexuelle Umbrüche gegeben. So habe am Beginn eine matriarchale Gesellschaftsstruktur gestanden, die keinen Überschuss produziert (etwaige Überschüsse durch eine Geschenkökonomie umverteilt ) und auf dem Kult der Mutter-Göttin basiert habe. Diese Gesellschaften seien friedvoll und egalitär gewesen. Der erste Umbruch sei dann die Hausfrauisierung gewesen und der zweite Umbruch die Entwicklung der monotheistischen Religionen (die männlich und hierarchisch geprägt seien und die passive, unterdrückte Rolle der Frau nun sogar moralisch-religiös festschrieben). Laut Öcalan brauche es einen dritten sexuellen Umbruch, und zwar die "Tötung des dominanten Mannes", "erkeği öldürmek" (= den Mann töten).
"Deshalb ist es wichtig, das Problem des Mannes auf die Tagesordnung zu setzen, das viel ernster ist als die Frage der Frau. Es ist wahrscheinlich schwieriger, die Konzepte von Herrschaft und Macht zu analysieren - Konzepte, die im Bezug zum Mann stehen. Es ist nicht die Frau, sondern der. Mann, der nicht bereit ist sich zu ändern. Er fürchtet, dass der Verzicht auf seine Rolle als dominierende männliche Figur ihn in die Position des Monarchen bringen würde, der seinen Staat verloren hat. Ihm sollte bewusst gemacht werden, dass diese hohlste Form der Herrschaft ihn genauso der Freiheit beraubt und, sogar noch schlimmer, jegliche Reform verhindert."
November 14, 2024
0/10
Franchement incompréhensible. Quoique dise Öcalan, sa méthode n'est ni matérialiste ni historique. C'est un ramassis de déclarations abstraites et arbitraires, basées au mieux sur la spéculation la plus déchaînée. Une critique complète ferait le double du volume du texte.
Il n'y a aucune compréhension de ce qu'est une classe ni un état. Même pas de compréhension de ce qu'est une femme honnêtement. Non ce n'est pas une déesse (déchue sous l'influence du dieu mâle monothéiste), ce n'est pas non plus un être de toute pureté sous la touche duquel le monde se transformerait magiquement en paradis. Étrange que cette vision infantilisante de la femme est partagée par les pires réactionnaires et Öcalan.
La morale est apparemment le moteur de l'histoire et de la société. Les changements d'une forme de société à une autre surviennent parce que la masculinité le voulait, whatever that means. La ligne du temps elle-même est détruite et reconstruite selon la volonté de l'auteur pour "prouver" cette conclusion déterminée a priori. Le capitalisme et l'esclavage ont apparemment toujours existé, mais, d'une façon qui m'échappe, le système féodal a existé entre les deux ?
Ah on y trouve également quelques relents d'anti-communisme. Ainsi que d'autres niaiseries qui se résument à affirmer que l'on peut mettre fin à l'oppression des femmes sans mettre fin à la société de classes, allez savoir comment, il dit pas. Apparemment la femme joue aujourd'hui le rôle que le prolétariat jouait "jadis"??? Je l'ai déjà dit, y'a aucune compréhension des classes. Mais je me demande si c'est une incompréhension ou si ce n'est simplement une attaque sournoise contre le marxisme. Je me demande qu'elle est la force de groupes marxistes dans le mouvement de libération kurde et leurs relations avec le PKK et Öcalan.
Dans tous les cas, ce texte ne peut être un guide pour comprendre le monde, encore moins pour le transformer.
Franchement incompréhensible. Quoique dise Öcalan, sa méthode n'est ni matérialiste ni historique. C'est un ramassis de déclarations abstraites et arbitraires, basées au mieux sur la spéculation la plus déchaînée. Une critique complète ferait le double du volume du texte.
Il n'y a aucune compréhension de ce qu'est une classe ni un état. Même pas de compréhension de ce qu'est une femme honnêtement. Non ce n'est pas une déesse (déchue sous l'influence du dieu mâle monothéiste), ce n'est pas non plus un être de toute pureté sous la touche duquel le monde se transformerait magiquement en paradis. Étrange que cette vision infantilisante de la femme est partagée par les pires réactionnaires et Öcalan.
La morale est apparemment le moteur de l'histoire et de la société. Les changements d'une forme de société à une autre surviennent parce que la masculinité le voulait, whatever that means. La ligne du temps elle-même est détruite et reconstruite selon la volonté de l'auteur pour "prouver" cette conclusion déterminée a priori. Le capitalisme et l'esclavage ont apparemment toujours existé, mais, d'une façon qui m'échappe, le système féodal a existé entre les deux ?
Ah on y trouve également quelques relents d'anti-communisme. Ainsi que d'autres niaiseries qui se résument à affirmer que l'on peut mettre fin à l'oppression des femmes sans mettre fin à la société de classes, allez savoir comment, il dit pas. Apparemment la femme joue aujourd'hui le rôle que le prolétariat jouait "jadis"??? Je l'ai déjà dit, y'a aucune compréhension des classes. Mais je me demande si c'est une incompréhension ou si ce n'est simplement une attaque sournoise contre le marxisme. Je me demande qu'elle est la force de groupes marxistes dans le mouvement de libération kurde et leurs relations avec le PKK et Öcalan.
Dans tous les cas, ce texte ne peut être un guide pour comprendre le monde, encore moins pour le transformer.
June 24, 2021
This is why men shouldn’t write feminist theory or whatever this is. Stop victimising women in Islam. We don’t need you to “liberate” us. We can think for ourselves. I CHOOSE to wear hijab. Muslim women CHOOSE to marry.I have read the Quran, and honestly the only reason I’m not in a completely depressed state is because of how high Islam holds women. If you actually care about feminism in the Middle East and insist that Islam is the reason why many women are oppressed, why don’t you read the Quran for your self. I find it almost insane that there’s a whole chapter on how housewives is the oldest form of slavery or whatever the fuck while women in Islam don’t need to be housewives, they own all their money and the man has to pay for EVERYTHING ,the women do not have to have children. There are ayas upon ayas protecting women and yet we are still in need of a saviour. I feel like I believe in a complete different religion the way liberals and whatever else criticise it. You can criticise culture and not Islam (yes that can happen!!).
March 30, 2018
This is a powerful book written by the leader of the kurdish liberation movement. He was imprisoned recently by the CIA and Turkey. While being held in captivity he wrote multiple books, this being one of them. This book focuses on Patriarchy in our society, how it manifests and where it comes from. Summarizing topics like capitalism, the neolithic period, and democracy. Explaining how lot’s of problems that we face today stem from patriarchy. Giving a hopeful message of necessary change. I recommend this book, and I found it very eye opening on such a critical problem.
January 8, 2018
A fascinating read. Highly recommended to anyone who wish to gain insight and understanding of Ocalan's worldview and philosophy. I appreciated Ocalan's historical investigation to detect the point of departure when women became second class citizens and by pointing out the root causes, offering remedies for women to regain our natural social status, thus healing the social divide between men and women.
February 18, 2021
Revolutionary
Is it very complex and took my reading two summaries to fully understand? Yes. But the content is so fundamentally important and groundbreaking that I feel that it deserves a full score. #FreeÖcalan
But I am not really an avid reader of feminist literature so I might be wrong of course even though this feels like a new point of view in traditional feminist theory
Is it very complex and took my reading two summaries to fully understand? Yes. But the content is so fundamentally important and groundbreaking that I feel that it deserves a full score. #FreeÖcalan
But I am not really an avid reader of feminist literature so I might be wrong of course even though this feels like a new point of view in traditional feminist theory
April 30, 2021
Blowminding! Everyone should read it at least twice and take action to revulutionize the world!
In only 50 pages, the author explained clearly the position of women around society from the neolithic times up to now and the importance of understanding the imposition of the state to men and women.
In only 50 pages, the author explained clearly the position of women around society from the neolithic times up to now and the importance of understanding the imposition of the state to men and women.
January 31, 2020
Bi rastî min ev pirtûk hîn nexwendiye, li tiştê ku hate xwiya kirin di vê şoreşê de, bi rastî bû xelasa jinê, û êdî îro di vê demê de êdî jin di rojhilata navînde dikare bang bike û bêje ez heme û ez xwedî biryarên xwe me, Serokê min te zincîra koletiyê şikand...
June 21, 2020
Really informative and thought-provoking read on women's liberation. Provided an overview on the creation and heightening of the patriarchy and spoke aptly about the fact that it is impossible to have true revolution without gender revolution.
February 8, 2023
Teoria di incredibile spessore. È il classico libro che riesce a rivoltarti come un calzino la prospettiva riguardo la visione sociale imposta.
Mi lascia esterefatta il fatto che ci riesca in poco più di 50 paginette.
Mi lascia esterefatta il fatto che ci riesca in poco più di 50 paginette.
June 26, 2023
Hat sicher seine Momente.
Aber durchgehend die Frau als Verkörperung von Natur und emotionaler Intelligenz (in Abgrenzung zur mörderischen, männlichen, analytischen Intelligenz) darzustellen, ist nicht der Move.
Aber durchgehend die Frau als Verkörperung von Natur und emotionaler Intelligenz (in Abgrenzung zur mörderischen, männlichen, analytischen Intelligenz) darzustellen, ist nicht der Move.
January 18, 2025
I agree with some elements of the feminist theory that is deployed. However, much like the previous pamphlets, the historical analysis is not great. I fully reject a model of ‘sexual ruptures’ as simplistic.
June 8, 2020
"Se quiser ser um lutador pela liberdade, não posso ignorar isso: a libertação das mulheres é uma revolução dentro da revolução."
August 31, 2020
Que livro incrível. Fiquei com muita vontade de ler os outros trabalhos do autor.
February 21, 2021
3,5/5 Sterne
January 25, 2022
i disagree with a lot of what Öcalan has to say. I think Western leftists often orientalize discourse about the PKK, but this text is a really interesting tract remniscient of Rousseau.
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July 3, 2022"Il XXI secolo sarà il secolo della liberazione delle donne" scrive Öcalan. Anche io, come lui, spero di poter dare il mio contributo
October 7, 2022
Kort och koncis, enkelt språk. Presenterar många nya tankeställare om samhället, patriarkatet, feminism och även makt och klass.
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January 3, 2023"Capitalist modernity is a system based on the denial of love".
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