What do you think?
Rate this book
Building the Commune: Radical Democracy in Venezuela
Latin America’s experiments in direct democracy
Since 2011, a wave of popular uprisings has swept the globe, taking shape in the Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, 15M in Spain, and the anti-austerity protests in Greece. The demands have been varied, but have expressed a consistent commitment to the ideals of radical democracy.
Similar experiments began appearing across Latin America twenty-five years ago, just as the left fell into decline in Europe. In Venezuela, poor barrio residents arose in a mass rebellion against neoliberalism, ushering in a government that institutionalized the communes already forming organically. In Building the Commune, George Ciccariello-Maher travels through these radical experiments, speaking to a broad range of community members, workers, students and government officials. Assessing the projects’ successes and failures, Building the Commune provides lessons and inspiration for the radical movements of today.
Since 2011, a wave of popular uprisings has swept the globe, taking shape in the Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, 15M in Spain, and the anti-austerity protests in Greece. The demands have been varied, but have expressed a consistent commitment to the ideals of radical democracy.
Similar experiments began appearing across Latin America twenty-five years ago, just as the left fell into decline in Europe. In Venezuela, poor barrio residents arose in a mass rebellion against neoliberalism, ushering in a government that institutionalized the communes already forming organically. In Building the Commune, George Ciccariello-Maher travels through these radical experiments, speaking to a broad range of community members, workers, students and government officials. Assessing the projects’ successes and failures, Building the Commune provides lessons and inspiration for the radical movements of today.
144 pages, Kindle Edition
First published March 1, 2016
33 people are currently reading
2282 people want to read
About the author
George Ciccariello-Maher
12 books59 followersGeorge Ciccariello-Maher is Associate Professor of Politics and Global Studies at Drexel University in Philadelphia. He is the author of We Created Chávez: A People’s History of the Venezuelan Revolution, and Decolonizing Dialectics.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 30 of 71 reviews
January 19, 2017
I needed this book at the time I picked it up; I needed the reminder that the world changes not on the whims of pundits and politicians in Washington and New York but by the work of everyday people coming together in the cities and slums and farmlands of the world. A powerful reminder of what not just resistance, but building the new world looks like.
October 27, 2016
The heart of this book is on-the-ground reporting of how communal radical democracy works in practice to drive the Venezuelan revolution. Here radical democracy is shown to be not just an institutional process but a culture that is produced. The commune is not a form of representation but rather an imagined nexus for radical alternatives. The commune is not a simple supplement or vehicle for social programs but rather a possible road to end the social crisis and decolonize.
February 6, 2017
This book is an excellent and surprisingly thorough account of the communes of Venezuela. It details the struggles and successes of these islands of socialism that have sprung up sometimes in opposition, sometimes to fill voids left by the state. This text feels like a very rough roadmap for how to make progress on a very granular localized level, how to empower people at the margins.
I was particularly taken in by the cachama-based Zancudo commune, where locals turned water filled ditches left over from construction into fish farms and managed to base an entire community ethic around the real production and the metaphor.
Building the Commune is a quick read. I finished it in a day. But it's also an illuminating one. I feel like I will flip back through it quite a few more times. The writing is clear and informative and interesting. This is exactly what I was hoping for from Verso's Jacobin series.
I was particularly taken in by the cachama-based Zancudo commune, where locals turned water filled ditches left over from construction into fish farms and managed to base an entire community ethic around the real production and the metaphor.
Building the Commune is a quick read. I finished it in a day. But it's also an illuminating one. I feel like I will flip back through it quite a few more times. The writing is clear and informative and interesting. This is exactly what I was hoping for from Verso's Jacobin series.
April 6, 2025
This is a great, easy to read primer on the Venezuelan communes. We learn of their history, the push and pull with the socialistic government they’ve helped put in power, and the simultaneous push and pull with the reactionary forces that still exist trying to destroy the socialist movement in Venezuela. Coming from Verso Books I was pleasantly surprised to see minimal to no denunciation of the Maduro government; when the communes come into conflict with the government, the situation is presented without Western Left editorialism. We get to see all sides in a relatively unbiased way. The conflict comes between the government who is obliged to figure out ways to keep the country running as a whole and the communes who of course keep forging the path for the country to further communize.
I think the American left could learn ~a lot~ from how the “Pink Tide”came to be. The way the LatAm left mobilizes, unifies at certain moments and on certain issues (but not always), and was able to take and maintain power, is worth deep study. The Pink Tide governments largely came about because of an alliance of communist, socialist, AND social-democratic forces, in key moments. And I think in the next four years and beyond, this will be a key strategic question of the left in the imperial core. We must find a way to unify and consolidate. I believe the 20th and 21st century revolutions (light revolutions as they are) in Latin America offer an integral insight into the needed tactics.
I think the American left could learn ~a lot~ from how the “Pink Tide”came to be. The way the LatAm left mobilizes, unifies at certain moments and on certain issues (but not always), and was able to take and maintain power, is worth deep study. The Pink Tide governments largely came about because of an alliance of communist, socialist, AND social-democratic forces, in key moments. And I think in the next four years and beyond, this will be a key strategic question of the left in the imperial core. We must find a way to unify and consolidate. I believe the 20th and 21st century revolutions (light revolutions as they are) in Latin America offer an integral insight into the needed tactics.
March 5, 2017
The ratio of inspiration to time-investment is very high. This is an easy read about an incredible experiment happening in Venezuela. It is more of an enamored expose than a critical analysis, but a good book to get you googling around and learning more.
It is a bit inconsistent in the amount of background it gives and the details are often lacking. The editing/publishing felt pretty lax - there is a frustrating lack of attribution/references for quotes throughout the book.
It is a bit inconsistent in the amount of background it gives and the details are often lacking. The editing/publishing felt pretty lax - there is a frustrating lack of attribution/references for quotes throughout the book.
November 2, 2018
Building the Commune: Radical Democracy in Venezuela, by George Ciccariello-Maher, is an interesting look at the Commune system in Venezuela - nominally public policy but in fact built from ground up grassroots democratic movements. They consist of highly localized units that communally produce goods and services to both provide for the local residents. Work is often shared fairly, and decisions are made in a highly democratic way, with decision making relegated to all delegate residents, and debates taking the form of mass rallies, meetings and events. These communes are found in both rural and urban settings, and vary in nature. Some are legitimate and focused on the communal production of goods for sale, often agricultural products like coffee, yams, and fish, cattle and poultry. Sometimes they encompass industrial production of basic consumer goods, and sometimes they focus on providing services like radio or television, or loans. Often times, these methods of production are mixed to form vibrant economic communities. Other times, the communes are centered on a local business. Even still, some communes produce very little, and some are fronts for criminal activity.
The commune system in Venezuela is unique because of the very localized, almost anarchistic nature they posses. Some communes are close to the Chavista government currently run by President Maduro. Some are completely localized and care little for Federal politics, save they guard their local autonomy. Others are anti-government, and operate in an Opposition fashion. All, however, represent the poorer members of Venezuela. These communes are a counter-point to market dominated forces that often make up the Federal opposition in Venezuela. This opposition is often run and supported by white, middle and upper class Venezuelans. These richer Venezuelans look down on the poor in society due to myths about crime, and misguided racism directed at the poor's often Aboriginal character and often darker skin tone. Violent opposition protests are common in modern Venezuela, and often times these consist of violent paramilitary attacks on communes and poor areas, called Barios. Communes, then, are often first organized to protect local residents from paramilitary attack and/or abuse by elements of Venezuela's society. They sometimes are close with, and often clash with, the police and military in the country, and do not harbour any affiliations save for a deep found respect for the Socialism of Hugo Chavez.
Ciccariello-Maher examines the communes from multiple aspects. There revolutionary and counterrevolutionary elements are examined. Ciccariello-Maher notes that communes are easily mobilized and can act as both potent anti-government protesters, as well as forming armed self defense units should the need arise. The progression of the communes is also detailed. Ciccariello-Maher looks at how communes are formed, and how they operate in terms of expanding into neighbourhoods, regions, and how they appropriate land from private enterprises. There culture and systems of production are also examined, with Ciccariello-Maher looking at the various forms these communes take, and how they develop communal industry to both feed and support residents, and create a revenue base that is shared equally among residents.
Ciccariello-Maher's book is a concise analysis of an interesting form of production. This extreme localization is an interesting way of production. With Venezuela's continuing political turmoil and hostility from much of the neoliberal world, Venezuela is going through a rough time. It's politicians seem to be sliding into greater authoritarianism, and the nations over reliance on petroleoum revenue has made economic diversification difficult. However, Ciccariello-Maher notes that this problem would persist for any government, regardless of there ideology. This is a persuasive argument, and Dutch disease is common in many nations that are over reliant on the production and export of a small number of natural resources, or even nations reliant on commerce and rents for revenue generation. However, Venezuela's attempt to diversify its economy at the grassroots level is interesting, and there are many fascinating ideas surrounding this form of localization. Ciccariello-Maher calls it radical democracy, as it breaks free from the mold of representative democracy and allows individuals to exercise there rights to a high degree in their localities, even if there political rights are hampered by a more authoritarian government. Venezuela and its communes are a topic to examines, and this book can easily be recommended to those interested in alternative forms of production, Venezuela and its history and current events, or those interested in Socialism and Democracy. A good read for sure.
The commune system in Venezuela is unique because of the very localized, almost anarchistic nature they posses. Some communes are close to the Chavista government currently run by President Maduro. Some are completely localized and care little for Federal politics, save they guard their local autonomy. Others are anti-government, and operate in an Opposition fashion. All, however, represent the poorer members of Venezuela. These communes are a counter-point to market dominated forces that often make up the Federal opposition in Venezuela. This opposition is often run and supported by white, middle and upper class Venezuelans. These richer Venezuelans look down on the poor in society due to myths about crime, and misguided racism directed at the poor's often Aboriginal character and often darker skin tone. Violent opposition protests are common in modern Venezuela, and often times these consist of violent paramilitary attacks on communes and poor areas, called Barios. Communes, then, are often first organized to protect local residents from paramilitary attack and/or abuse by elements of Venezuela's society. They sometimes are close with, and often clash with, the police and military in the country, and do not harbour any affiliations save for a deep found respect for the Socialism of Hugo Chavez.
Ciccariello-Maher examines the communes from multiple aspects. There revolutionary and counterrevolutionary elements are examined. Ciccariello-Maher notes that communes are easily mobilized and can act as both potent anti-government protesters, as well as forming armed self defense units should the need arise. The progression of the communes is also detailed. Ciccariello-Maher looks at how communes are formed, and how they operate in terms of expanding into neighbourhoods, regions, and how they appropriate land from private enterprises. There culture and systems of production are also examined, with Ciccariello-Maher looking at the various forms these communes take, and how they develop communal industry to both feed and support residents, and create a revenue base that is shared equally among residents.
Ciccariello-Maher's book is a concise analysis of an interesting form of production. This extreme localization is an interesting way of production. With Venezuela's continuing political turmoil and hostility from much of the neoliberal world, Venezuela is going through a rough time. It's politicians seem to be sliding into greater authoritarianism, and the nations over reliance on petroleoum revenue has made economic diversification difficult. However, Ciccariello-Maher notes that this problem would persist for any government, regardless of there ideology. This is a persuasive argument, and Dutch disease is common in many nations that are over reliant on the production and export of a small number of natural resources, or even nations reliant on commerce and rents for revenue generation. However, Venezuela's attempt to diversify its economy at the grassroots level is interesting, and there are many fascinating ideas surrounding this form of localization. Ciccariello-Maher calls it radical democracy, as it breaks free from the mold of representative democracy and allows individuals to exercise there rights to a high degree in their localities, even if there political rights are hampered by a more authoritarian government. Venezuela and its communes are a topic to examines, and this book can easily be recommended to those interested in alternative forms of production, Venezuela and its history and current events, or those interested in Socialism and Democracy. A good read for sure.
May 5, 2020
“If the Maduro government were to disappear tomorrow, this will still be here regardless.”
An interesting little book, published in 2016, collecting stories from Venezuela’s communes that are fighting capitalism and building a radically democratic alternative for the top-down bureaucratic state.
Important read providing inspiration as well as lessons about the possibilities of building collective power within a capitalist world economy.
An interesting little book, published in 2016, collecting stories from Venezuela’s communes that are fighting capitalism and building a radically democratic alternative for the top-down bureaucratic state.
Important read providing inspiration as well as lessons about the possibilities of building collective power within a capitalist world economy.
March 12, 2017
The time has come to bet it all on the communes. While this may seem risky, the alternative is to bet on nothing at all. The middle class, the ni-nis (neither-nors) in the center, the parasitic bourgeoisie, the state bureaucracy, a Socialist Party incapable of winning elections, and an increasingly corrupt military— who could possibly save the process but those who have saved it on every other occasion? “If the government— with all of the challenges of imports, hoarding, and prices— is fucked, who else can solve this?” asks Ángel Prado of El Maizal. “We can, the communes … because we don’t depend on the state.”
(Kindle Locations 1539-1544)
This book is fascinating, what is happening in Venezuela is clearly of vast historical significance. There you have a bourgeois state that encouraged the grassroots to form itself into a dual power that would counteract, slowly erode, and eventually replace it! In this book you will learn about the timeline of this experiment, and of the challenges they faced. Additionally, the book is written in such a manner that it draws you in, and because of its short length it can definitely be read in one go, and then re-read again.
While the extreme poverty in Venezuela is real, this book clearly shows that what is being portrayed as happening in there is just propaganda. Not one mention in the mainstream media of this radical attempt to alter society. The commune—the grassroots organization of society—is facing the onslaught of the right-wing middle and upper classes, and of the state beaurocracy; yet it is holding on to power because it it considers itself only true alternative to the extreme corruption of the state, and the exploitation of the capitalists. Furthermore, the commune is viewed by the communards as a hotbed for education, practice of radical democracy, and personal growth. A revolution cannot happen without the transformation of the individual, and it is the commune that provides this transformation.
I especially recommend this book to right-wingers who love capitalism, because at the very it will shatter their narrow notions of how the world works. I don't mean to insult, but if you read the great theoreticians of the right there is barely, or even no, mention of communes, radical democracy, socialists fighting the state, etc. In their world everything is state vs. market, and there is much more to it than that.
And one last thought:
Let no one suggest that building the Venezuelan commune is anything but a battle against all odds. Yet the fact that the battle is even possible means that much has changed since the Venezuelan poor explosively rejected neoliberalism in 1989. (Kindle Locations 1482-1484)
This book is fascinating, what is happening in Venezuela is clearly of vast historical significance. There you have a bourgeois state that encouraged the grassroots to form itself into a dual power that would counteract, slowly erode, and eventually replace it! In this book you will learn about the timeline of this experiment, and of the challenges they faced. Additionally, the book is written in such a manner that it draws you in, and because of its short length it can definitely be read in one go, and then re-read again.
While the extreme poverty in Venezuela is real, this book clearly shows that what is being portrayed as happening in there is just propaganda. Not one mention in the mainstream media of this radical attempt to alter society. The commune—the grassroots organization of society—is facing the onslaught of the right-wing middle and upper classes, and of the state beaurocracy; yet it is holding on to power because it it considers itself only true alternative to the extreme corruption of the state, and the exploitation of the capitalists. Furthermore, the commune is viewed by the communards as a hotbed for education, practice of radical democracy, and personal growth. A revolution cannot happen without the transformation of the individual, and it is the commune that provides this transformation.
I especially recommend this book to right-wingers who love capitalism, because at the very it will shatter their narrow notions of how the world works. I don't mean to insult, but if you read the great theoreticians of the right there is barely, or even no, mention of communes, radical democracy, socialists fighting the state, etc. In their world everything is state vs. market, and there is much more to it than that.
And one last thought:
Let no one suggest that building the Venezuelan commune is anything but a battle against all odds. Yet the fact that the battle is even possible means that much has changed since the Venezuelan poor explosively rejected neoliberalism in 1989. (Kindle Locations 1482-1484)
July 24, 2025
Indispensable read for understanding the "Bolivarian Revolution" in a nuanced way, through the words of on-the-ground organizers front and centre. Some serious food for thought on a socialist movement exercising leverage through, but if necessary in tension with, the state.
Will be interested to see Ciccariello-Maher's more up-to-date work (post-Guaido?), but for the most part, the analysis is very much current as the same tensions are ongoing, just ramped up.
Will be interested to see Ciccariello-Maher's more up-to-date work (post-Guaido?), but for the most part, the analysis is very much current as the same tensions are ongoing, just ramped up.
November 24, 2016
Extremely informative. Would recommend.
June 27, 2023
Call it 2.5
Great (short) read. Really enjoyable. But size did matter. Although, I get the book wasn’t written to be packing.
It served the purpose of introducing people to the history of the commune in Venezuela (I learnt a lot). Along with inspiring stories of community strength and organisation we see communes existing in a complex relationship with the State. Sharing its Bolivarian ideology, enabled in part by Chavez’s ‘Commune Law’, yet resisting a dependency on it, communes are framed as ‘that place where politics lies (and will always lie)’.
Lacking in substance, it offers a cautious optimism. But I can’t help but remain suspect
Great (short) read. Really enjoyable. But size did matter. Although, I get the book wasn’t written to be packing.
It served the purpose of introducing people to the history of the commune in Venezuela (I learnt a lot). Along with inspiring stories of community strength and organisation we see communes existing in a complex relationship with the State. Sharing its Bolivarian ideology, enabled in part by Chavez’s ‘Commune Law’, yet resisting a dependency on it, communes are framed as ‘that place where politics lies (and will always lie)’.
Lacking in substance, it offers a cautious optimism. But I can’t help but remain suspect
July 27, 2023
Ciccariello-Maher provides insight into local governance within modern Venezuela. The topic is fascinating and really one that I hadn't considered before. I really enjoyed his analyses of Urban Geography and Culture within the communes, as well as the three-way conflict between the communes, the state and the private sector. One aspect I found frustrating was that Ciccariello-Maher provided such a high level of detail that perhaps his analyses required a little more context for those who aren't as familiar with politics in Venezuela or other Latin American countries. Overall an enjoyable and insightful read.
December 13, 2018
A great introduction to the political and social context of the ongoing Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela. The writer does a good job highlighting the conflicts between the centre-left government and the radical left communes. However, the book falls short of a substantive economic analysis of the commune system and is unlikely to convince the unconverted.
January 1, 2021
Indespensible resource. Displaying the challenges and lessons of building socialism actually existing across a country in real-world terms. A lot of very crucial experiences and inspiring developments to learn from.
May 14, 2019
Very fast-paced, due to its compact size, but clearly-written, easy to grasp for those not especially conversant with the situation in Venezuela, and very interesting.
September 25, 2019
A pretty good brief override overview of what happened/is happening in Venezuela in the 20/21th century
June 21, 2023
filled me w so much admiration for the Venezuelan people. their perseverance and commitment to the revolution is beautiful.
July 21, 2019
A good read on the grassroots communist revolution in Venezuela, and helpful to see through a lot of neoliberal propaganda about Venezuela.
August 5, 2017
It should be an exciting book for those who are interested in alternative forms of social organization that defy state and capitalism. The author is a good storyteller, it is not your regular, dry ethnological report - he keeps you alert with vivid descriptions of events, personalities, and localities.
Ciccariello-Maher presents us a side of Venezuela that is dismissed by the mainstream media. The Bolivarian revolution, associated with Hugo Chavez, has been first and foremost a people’s revolution, a grassroots movement of popular/barrio assemblies that had prepared the ground for Chavez through spontaneous outbreaks of rebellion against corrupt governments and neoliberal reforms, and that kept him in power despite the attempted coup. And which continues its work in progress, in tension both with the Chavista government and the opposition.
The unknown side of Venezuela is the commune - a legally sanctioned grassroots association, consisting of communal councils as political organs of directly democratic self-government, coupled with productive units, controlled -if not necessarily owned- by residents. This commune is supposed to be the kernel of the Venezuelan revolution, of the proclaimed transformation to socialism.
“Today, no two communes look exactly alike.” There is no single blueprint for the Venezuelan commune. The author presents a broad range of popular associations: collectives, inofficial assemblies in contrast to communes, varying from an association of neighbors to armed, so-called revolutionary groups - politically conscious, most often hostile to the bureaucratic state, but often involved in criminal activities; a self-managed community center hosting a communal radio station, coupled with self-managed local production units that re-invest their surplus in their own community; a group of barrio neighbors fighting violence in their community through cultural and political organizing; mini-communes in rural areas that participate in distribution networks for the basic goods --- these are only several examples selected by the author that demonstrate the diversity and creativity of the grassroots organizing.
This new form of social relations, the commune, grounded in the indigenous tradition, has existed in a paradoxical relationship with the Chavista government. Having appeared spontaneously from a popular movement, the commune just as the revolution was not created by the state, as the author insists, it was only legally recognized and formalized under Chavez. However, this legal recognition did not mean a tension-free coexistence of grassroots units of local self-governance with the traditional bureaucratic state. The commune has constantly faced a reluctance from the side of both the Chavista government and the opposition in control of local administration - as well as private proprietors often connected to those in power - and had to fight the state in order to retake from it - and private owners protected by the state- geographical space, means of production, and its administrative functions. As the author states, there is “a three way clash between state, private sector and communes.” In this fight, the grassroots movement have been resorting paradoxically to the laws enacted by the state itself - laws that allow transfer of state and private property to established communes. In this regard, the commune movement has been at the same time an occupy movement, as seen in examples of occupations of urban spaces by the poor and the creation of self-managed housing, takeovers of factories by workers, or farmland by peasants.
But in the end, availability of objective favorable conditions is not the sufficient incentive to guarantee the commune expansion called for by Chavez - it is the communalist culture that has to be fostered in order for this political and economic project of participative democracy and autonomy to succeed. To this end, the author mentions youth collectives that work to attract and politicize barrio youth, often involved in gang or even criminal activities, as well as collective educational centers and communal media projects.
The author grants special importance to the attempts to consolidate power of dispersed local self-governing and aspiring to economic self-sufficiency units-which means independence from the state and its oil addiction- by joining into networks on a larger geographical scale. The so-called “corridors” or “axes” unite geographically and economically separate communes that establish production and distribution links among themselves, as author puts it, “carving out a space from the capitalist market.” The commune thus presents an alternative to both capitalist mass production of consumerist goods, as well as to the deficient oil-dependent state economy that by importing all necessary goods deprives local communities of an opportunity to be self-sufficient - which potentially means to be able to decide what they need to produce, produce it by their own means, reinvest the surplus into their own community and establish ties of direct exchange with other communes without mediation of the state- and leaves them at the mercy of international markets - dire consequences of which manifest themselves in the current economic crisis of Venezuela.
The attempts of and deliberations for expansion and consolidation of communes present a viable vision for a gradual transition to what one activist calls a “nonstate,” a confederation, a network of directly democratic, autonomous localities. As the author writes, the commune is both the means and the end.
Crucial questions that are in the heart of any communalist theory remain to be answered in the further development of the commune movement and its treatment by those in power - be it Chavistas or the opposition. How to avoid co-optation by the state in the period of a sort of dual power and debilitating dependency on state funds? Can local self-defense forces withstand the assault by the opposition in control of people’s army? Can communes consolidate their power on a large enough scale to defend its political vision from both the state and elites? Can they reach a sufficient level of self-sufficiency to that end? Should they still lend their support to the Chavista government despite their love-hate relationship with it? How resilient is communal culture to survive even under attacks of a hostile regime or in the absence of conditions for legal functioning of communes?
Ciccariello-Maher presents us a side of Venezuela that is dismissed by the mainstream media. The Bolivarian revolution, associated with Hugo Chavez, has been first and foremost a people’s revolution, a grassroots movement of popular/barrio assemblies that had prepared the ground for Chavez through spontaneous outbreaks of rebellion against corrupt governments and neoliberal reforms, and that kept him in power despite the attempted coup. And which continues its work in progress, in tension both with the Chavista government and the opposition.
The unknown side of Venezuela is the commune - a legally sanctioned grassroots association, consisting of communal councils as political organs of directly democratic self-government, coupled with productive units, controlled -if not necessarily owned- by residents. This commune is supposed to be the kernel of the Venezuelan revolution, of the proclaimed transformation to socialism.
“Today, no two communes look exactly alike.” There is no single blueprint for the Venezuelan commune. The author presents a broad range of popular associations: collectives, inofficial assemblies in contrast to communes, varying from an association of neighbors to armed, so-called revolutionary groups - politically conscious, most often hostile to the bureaucratic state, but often involved in criminal activities; a self-managed community center hosting a communal radio station, coupled with self-managed local production units that re-invest their surplus in their own community; a group of barrio neighbors fighting violence in their community through cultural and political organizing; mini-communes in rural areas that participate in distribution networks for the basic goods --- these are only several examples selected by the author that demonstrate the diversity and creativity of the grassroots organizing.
This new form of social relations, the commune, grounded in the indigenous tradition, has existed in a paradoxical relationship with the Chavista government. Having appeared spontaneously from a popular movement, the commune just as the revolution was not created by the state, as the author insists, it was only legally recognized and formalized under Chavez. However, this legal recognition did not mean a tension-free coexistence of grassroots units of local self-governance with the traditional bureaucratic state. The commune has constantly faced a reluctance from the side of both the Chavista government and the opposition in control of local administration - as well as private proprietors often connected to those in power - and had to fight the state in order to retake from it - and private owners protected by the state- geographical space, means of production, and its administrative functions. As the author states, there is “a three way clash between state, private sector and communes.” In this fight, the grassroots movement have been resorting paradoxically to the laws enacted by the state itself - laws that allow transfer of state and private property to established communes. In this regard, the commune movement has been at the same time an occupy movement, as seen in examples of occupations of urban spaces by the poor and the creation of self-managed housing, takeovers of factories by workers, or farmland by peasants.
But in the end, availability of objective favorable conditions is not the sufficient incentive to guarantee the commune expansion called for by Chavez - it is the communalist culture that has to be fostered in order for this political and economic project of participative democracy and autonomy to succeed. To this end, the author mentions youth collectives that work to attract and politicize barrio youth, often involved in gang or even criminal activities, as well as collective educational centers and communal media projects.
The author grants special importance to the attempts to consolidate power of dispersed local self-governing and aspiring to economic self-sufficiency units-which means independence from the state and its oil addiction- by joining into networks on a larger geographical scale. The so-called “corridors” or “axes” unite geographically and economically separate communes that establish production and distribution links among themselves, as author puts it, “carving out a space from the capitalist market.” The commune thus presents an alternative to both capitalist mass production of consumerist goods, as well as to the deficient oil-dependent state economy that by importing all necessary goods deprives local communities of an opportunity to be self-sufficient - which potentially means to be able to decide what they need to produce, produce it by their own means, reinvest the surplus into their own community and establish ties of direct exchange with other communes without mediation of the state- and leaves them at the mercy of international markets - dire consequences of which manifest themselves in the current economic crisis of Venezuela.
The attempts of and deliberations for expansion and consolidation of communes present a viable vision for a gradual transition to what one activist calls a “nonstate,” a confederation, a network of directly democratic, autonomous localities. As the author writes, the commune is both the means and the end.
Crucial questions that are in the heart of any communalist theory remain to be answered in the further development of the commune movement and its treatment by those in power - be it Chavistas or the opposition. How to avoid co-optation by the state in the period of a sort of dual power and debilitating dependency on state funds? Can local self-defense forces withstand the assault by the opposition in control of people’s army? Can communes consolidate their power on a large enough scale to defend its political vision from both the state and elites? Can they reach a sufficient level of self-sufficiency to that end? Should they still lend their support to the Chavista government despite their love-hate relationship with it? How resilient is communal culture to survive even under attacks of a hostile regime or in the absence of conditions for legal functioning of communes?
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
April 2, 2018
Really enjoyed this book, an excellent introduction to the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela with a special emphasis - as the name implies - on the development of the communes. Ciccariello-Maher's argument - the revolution will only be saved if the Maduro government puts its faith in the communes to do so - seems to be being vindicated. I was struck by the parallels, in the discussion of the revolution's approach to gang violence and organised crime, with the research I conducted into the liberation movement in late-apartheid South Africa; I can't help but wonder how much we might learn from the urban communes, in areas like my own which have (for the UK) relatively high levels of youth-related violence. Above all, though, I took away the lesson that a revolution must fundamentally be bottom-up as well as top-down - a socialist government willing to give power to the people, and help bring them together in a collective. It's a reminder of how much will still need to be done when we have a Labour government under Jeremy Corbyn, and how much of that work will have to be driven from below. Perhaps more than any other current experience of making revolution, it is from Venezuela that we must learn - and with which we must stand in solidarity.
September 15, 2017
This book was a concise wake up call of what is important. Revolutions are built from the bottom-up, are built from community NOT from bureaucratic reformist ideology.
The mainstream media internationally frames Venezuela as a failed socialist experiment, but this book, and insider accounts, say very differently.
The economic crises and violent protests in Venezuela are the fault of a U.S. funded opposition of elites fighting for a return to neo-liberalism, and a corrupt narco-state and private sector. The alternative is toparchy in the communes, where production is flourishing, but socialism is interspersed with capitalism. What remains is tension between the bureaucratic, capitalist state and a communal, socialist mass.
The rampant inequality in Venezuela, and the rise of Chavez presented a very unique opportunity for chavistas to revolutionise Venezuela from the ground up without instantly being stamped out by the state. If only such a thing could begin to happen elsewhere.
The mainstream media internationally frames Venezuela as a failed socialist experiment, but this book, and insider accounts, say very differently.
The economic crises and violent protests in Venezuela are the fault of a U.S. funded opposition of elites fighting for a return to neo-liberalism, and a corrupt narco-state and private sector. The alternative is toparchy in the communes, where production is flourishing, but socialism is interspersed with capitalism. What remains is tension between the bureaucratic, capitalist state and a communal, socialist mass.
The rampant inequality in Venezuela, and the rise of Chavez presented a very unique opportunity for chavistas to revolutionise Venezuela from the ground up without instantly being stamped out by the state. If only such a thing could begin to happen elsewhere.
August 26, 2017
Fantastic synthesis of sociological research and political analysis. For folks in the U.S. who only have access to news about Venezuela via corporate media, this book brings to us the voices of common Venezuelans involved in experiments in direct participatory democracy. I also very much appreciate Ciccariello-Maher's attention to contradictions and complexities which lead to rich observations about the interactions between everyday life, political aspirations, and social relations. Deeply partisan for the radical possibilities of the Bolivarian experiment, the book moves past the ideological dogma and gives us an on-the-ground view of the how that experiment feels in practice. Much recommended.
May 12, 2017
A nice self-contained book that outlines the origins of Venezuela's commune system and the successes/pitfalls of its institutionalization through on-the-ground reporting. I think this book is really essential for invigorating the imagination of socialist organizers worldwide (especially considering how underreported the commune structure is in Western press). In an environment where theorists urge moving past horizontalism, this shows the strength of horizontalism and self-sustainability while also illustrating it's limitations and how it can be paired with state control. Definitely captured my attention.
September 25, 2017
Insightful and succinct account of the rise, influence, and meaning of the communes in Venezuela under Chavez and into the first few years of Maduro.
July 1, 2023
So much value in such a short book. Ciccariello-Maher traces the origins of Venezuelan communes from their roots as ad-hoc organs of local power to state-backed tools for socialist transformation under Chavez, and now perhaps the most enduring refuge for the Bolivarian Revolution. Though very hostile to the current oppositionist movements within Venezuela (this gets a whole chapter), the author doesn't go easy on the Maduro government either, portraying it as a compromising capitalist administration that often acts to block the communes and their expansion. From a material perspective, they just may be the best way of improving the food situation in the country. As history can attest, Venezuelan capitalism after oil was discovered quickly hollowed out the countryside's agricultural sector, a problem that very much continued under Chavez, despite his condemnation of it. Communes, when they are supported by the government, can definitely alleviate some of the shortages in food provisioning, though they run up directly against both local capitalists and landlords aligned with the opposition as well as corrupt PSUV unwilling to give up control. Beyond the economic level however, if it is even possible to transcend that, the communes represent a step forward for a rather different type of political structure, again coming into conflict with the existing state. Due to their vague and often spontaneous origins, their authority is often murky their powers ill-defined. Yet the author contends that if the spirit of Chavismo and the Bolivarian Revolution is alive anywhere, it is in the communes, not with Maduro in Caracas. Chavez himself expressed similar feelings toward the end of his life, and put forward the councils as a THE motor of socialist transformation. The whole situation reminds me a lot of Trotsky's description of "dual power" leading up to the Bolshevik Revolution, with the comuneros on one side with their local bodies and the PSUV on the other occupying the executive, judiciary, and oil industry. Maybe the continuing presence of Venezuelan capitalism, reflected in the prevailing state of property relations and its dominance of the import sector, as well as control of congress, makes for some sort of "triple power" situation? In recent years I keep reading about dissident Chavista factions bolting from the PSUV, either rallying behind the communists or throwing themselves into communal work or going their own way. If the forces around the MUD were to somehow retake power (how??), could the communes survive? If Maduro continues down the current path, will the question even be relevant anymore? So many factors up in the air, and it's no wonder so many people have decided withdraw support for either the government or the opposition and begin the difficult work of communalizing on their own.
May 19, 2022
big mixed bag. i'll start with the positives.
book does a good jobs at dispelling capitalists propaganda about chavez and a bolivarian movement. the first hand accounts of the "communes" (which i believe to be egregiously named, but that's a side point) provide some interesting insight and are pretty inspiring. plus i'm simply interested in modern venezuela history, so it scratched my itch for that. i definitely didn't dislike reading this, i actually enjoyed it a fair bit.
there is one massive weak spot though. the book poses itself as an examination of revolutionary, grassroots democracy in venezuela, but completely ignores the cogestion movement, where workers' have been taking over their workplaces, collectivizing them on democratic principles, and directing the profits back into their communities.
maher mentions how the pdvsa lockout aimed at disposing chavez was defeated by workers' forcibly occupying pdvsa installations and keeping them running on their own terms. he doesn't mention, however, that many workplaces seized at this time were never returned back to the bosses, and that many workers' used the profits from these outfits to fund local health, education, and transportation. he speaks about the tension between party and state bureaucrats, and chavista militants, and how the former often try to stifle the efforts of the latter, but he completely skims over how certain state actors try to catalogue instances of cogestion, which is where this tension has often been most pronounced.
the worst is the subtle way he devalues the revolutionary potential of the venezuelan working class. he describes the urban workers of the barrios as an unproductive group compared to the farmers, which is nonsense. venezeula is one of the most industrialized countries on the continent, whereas the country's agricultural sector has always been quite weak. its the urban workers of the country who hold economic power in their hands. its ridiculous to me that maher doesn't see this. he even goes so far as to encourage venezeulan workers' to move to the countryside and join agricultural collectives, even though in just a few chapters prior, he says the communes have been weakened by being denied access to industry which would allow them to expand their operations. taking this into consideration, wouldn't it make the most sense for the collectives to link-up with working class communities who have taken control of local industry, and to coordinate an exchange of machinery, supplies, and food, instead of encouraging the chavistas to dissolve whatever urban sympathy they have into the countryside?
maher's failure to acknowledge any of this completely neuters his analysis. there's some good stuff in here, but its seriously undercut by that big weakness.
book does a good jobs at dispelling capitalists propaganda about chavez and a bolivarian movement. the first hand accounts of the "communes" (which i believe to be egregiously named, but that's a side point) provide some interesting insight and are pretty inspiring. plus i'm simply interested in modern venezuela history, so it scratched my itch for that. i definitely didn't dislike reading this, i actually enjoyed it a fair bit.
there is one massive weak spot though. the book poses itself as an examination of revolutionary, grassroots democracy in venezuela, but completely ignores the cogestion movement, where workers' have been taking over their workplaces, collectivizing them on democratic principles, and directing the profits back into their communities.
maher mentions how the pdvsa lockout aimed at disposing chavez was defeated by workers' forcibly occupying pdvsa installations and keeping them running on their own terms. he doesn't mention, however, that many workplaces seized at this time were never returned back to the bosses, and that many workers' used the profits from these outfits to fund local health, education, and transportation. he speaks about the tension between party and state bureaucrats, and chavista militants, and how the former often try to stifle the efforts of the latter, but he completely skims over how certain state actors try to catalogue instances of cogestion, which is where this tension has often been most pronounced.
the worst is the subtle way he devalues the revolutionary potential of the venezuelan working class. he describes the urban workers of the barrios as an unproductive group compared to the farmers, which is nonsense. venezeula is one of the most industrialized countries on the continent, whereas the country's agricultural sector has always been quite weak. its the urban workers of the country who hold economic power in their hands. its ridiculous to me that maher doesn't see this. he even goes so far as to encourage venezeulan workers' to move to the countryside and join agricultural collectives, even though in just a few chapters prior, he says the communes have been weakened by being denied access to industry which would allow them to expand their operations. taking this into consideration, wouldn't it make the most sense for the collectives to link-up with working class communities who have taken control of local industry, and to coordinate an exchange of machinery, supplies, and food, instead of encouraging the chavistas to dissolve whatever urban sympathy they have into the countryside?
maher's failure to acknowledge any of this completely neuters his analysis. there's some good stuff in here, but its seriously undercut by that big weakness.
March 30, 2023
This is not a bad little primer on one important aspect of the Venezuelan (or Bolivarian) Revolution: the political and economic self organisation of poor urban neighbourhoods (or 'barrios') and rural village communities, i.e. The Communes.
Building The Commune includes plenty of interesting firsthand testimony alongside an engrossing, if highly partisan analysis. The author's enthusiasm for the project of building the commune makes for lively reading, but also makes it difficult to work out how general the experience is for the mass of Venezuelans. It puts one in mind of the many books about Occupy from around this time that always seem to suggest half the global population was camped out in squares, rather than just a deeply politicised minority.
The book takes a somewhat ultra-left attitude towards the Chavista state. The author is careful to acknowledge that the revolutionary state must be supported, mainly on the grounds that it writes the cheques, but must also be opposed, because it is still a bureaucratic apparatus with a natural resistance to what the author considers genuine self organisation. Unfortunately, and - I suspect as a direct result of this ideological starting point - we don't really learn much about the commanding heights of the Bolivarian revolution; the state, the economy, or party apparatus. However, to be fair to the author, that's not what this book claims to be about.
We also learn next to nothing about the Venezuelan trade union movement. The author's implicit perspective is that the subaltern classes, i.e. the poor inhabitants of the barrios, are the revolutionary subject in Venezuela, and therefore Building the Commune conspicuously ignores the traditional Marxist emphasis on the organised industrial working class.
All in all, Building the Commune is an illuminating and accessible introduction to the Bolivarian revolution, but a highly partial one. I would recommend the book as an addendum to a bit of wider reading.
Building The Commune includes plenty of interesting firsthand testimony alongside an engrossing, if highly partisan analysis. The author's enthusiasm for the project of building the commune makes for lively reading, but also makes it difficult to work out how general the experience is for the mass of Venezuelans. It puts one in mind of the many books about Occupy from around this time that always seem to suggest half the global population was camped out in squares, rather than just a deeply politicised minority.
The book takes a somewhat ultra-left attitude towards the Chavista state. The author is careful to acknowledge that the revolutionary state must be supported, mainly on the grounds that it writes the cheques, but must also be opposed, because it is still a bureaucratic apparatus with a natural resistance to what the author considers genuine self organisation. Unfortunately, and - I suspect as a direct result of this ideological starting point - we don't really learn much about the commanding heights of the Bolivarian revolution; the state, the economy, or party apparatus. However, to be fair to the author, that's not what this book claims to be about.
We also learn next to nothing about the Venezuelan trade union movement. The author's implicit perspective is that the subaltern classes, i.e. the poor inhabitants of the barrios, are the revolutionary subject in Venezuela, and therefore Building the Commune conspicuously ignores the traditional Marxist emphasis on the organised industrial working class.
All in all, Building the Commune is an illuminating and accessible introduction to the Bolivarian revolution, but a highly partial one. I would recommend the book as an addendum to a bit of wider reading.
May 7, 2024
On my second read over the last few weeks, I loved this short account of Venezuela's commune system. I decided to revisit it based on an extended discussion with comrades on a policy paper and the reactionary use of 'the commons' by a certain kind of British radlib. This phrase particularly seemed to be a way to gesture towards (less substantial and thought-out) versions of the forms of communes formed in Venezuela, while sticking to the proud tradition within much of the western left of refusing to engage with the successes and complications of actually existing socialism being built elsewhere.
In this small book, a wide survey of the uneven, testing building of commune's is given. While it's length is necessarily limiting, it's remarkable how smoothly it transitions between the many forms and complications of this grassroots intervention into the socialist society. The author embraces the complications of many aspects of the Venezuelan state's relationship to these groupings, with some tragicomical descriptions of Chavez helicoptering in to a commune to take it into state ownership, only for it to get stuck in a mass bureaucracy need the community to continue to fight for it's recognition. A description of the way a commune can constitute young people organised against gang beefs was fruitful, with highlighting of symptomatic graffiti of Chavez looking cool as a bottom-up expression of revolutionary consciousness.
This is one of my go-to recommendations for those interested in left ideas, but not yet grounded in reading the actual histories of attempts to build socialism.
In this small book, a wide survey of the uneven, testing building of commune's is given. While it's length is necessarily limiting, it's remarkable how smoothly it transitions between the many forms and complications of this grassroots intervention into the socialist society. The author embraces the complications of many aspects of the Venezuelan state's relationship to these groupings, with some tragicomical descriptions of Chavez helicoptering in to a commune to take it into state ownership, only for it to get stuck in a mass bureaucracy need the community to continue to fight for it's recognition. A description of the way a commune can constitute young people organised against gang beefs was fruitful, with highlighting of symptomatic graffiti of Chavez looking cool as a bottom-up expression of revolutionary consciousness.
This is one of my go-to recommendations for those interested in left ideas, but not yet grounded in reading the actual histories of attempts to build socialism.
August 14, 2018
What started off as mild curiosity from reading about the changing face of Eastern Europe in the face of capitalism post WW2 ,was subsequently intensified by Chomsky's take on the role in neo-liberalism. This made me wonder what could be a sustainable left wing government model which captures the essence of democracy -enter building the commune.
Succinct but packed with information, the book covers the basics of communal living with a brief history of the 1989 riots against neo-liberalism which were the grass roots for it and then brings out great successes such as El Maizal and Ataroa and how they work in ways similar to a bee colony in a honeycomb. The spirit of collectivism and unity is not one to be underestimated and Chavez sure was on the right path with his teachings of the underlying communal spirit which inspires these grassroots organisations to this day.
While the challenges are rife, the argument of "toparchy" as a sustainable form of government is very much there for all to see and while the forces might try to repress the voices of the people, it is primed to overflow and takeover all of Venezuela.
Succinct but packed with information, the book covers the basics of communal living with a brief history of the 1989 riots against neo-liberalism which were the grass roots for it and then brings out great successes such as El Maizal and Ataroa and how they work in ways similar to a bee colony in a honeycomb. The spirit of collectivism and unity is not one to be underestimated and Chavez sure was on the right path with his teachings of the underlying communal spirit which inspires these grassroots organisations to this day.
While the challenges are rife, the argument of "toparchy" as a sustainable form of government is very much there for all to see and while the forces might try to repress the voices of the people, it is primed to overflow and takeover all of Venezuela.
August 25, 2018
A short and colorful look at radical communes in Venezuela, from a radical left-wing perspective. The books is mostly anecdotes, so you won't get a comprehensive look at the role that communes are playing in the Venezuelan economy, but you will get a rather inspiring vision for the revolutionary potential of communes, and some insights into the way that they are currently interacting with the state and with private capital in Venezuela today. Perhaps the most interesting parts of the book are the descriptions of tensions and conflicts between the bureaucrats and political leaders who currently hold power, and the grassroots militants who organize at the local level through communes and local councils.
However it would have been nice to get more analysis on the overall political economy of the currently existing communes and their potential for growth, and the way the current economic crisis is affecting them. The book is quite inspiring if you read it more as political philosophy, not so much if you are looking for a comprehensive or in-depth look at Venezuelan political economy.
However it would have been nice to get more analysis on the overall political economy of the currently existing communes and their potential for growth, and the way the current economic crisis is affecting them. The book is quite inspiring if you read it more as political philosophy, not so much if you are looking for a comprehensive or in-depth look at Venezuelan political economy.
Displaying 1 - 30 of 71 reviews