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Behind Ghetto Walls: Black Families in a Federal Slum
This book is about the family lives of some 10,000 children and adults who live in an all-Negro public housing project in St Louis. The Pruitt-Igoe project is only one of the many environments in which urban Negro Americans lived in the 1960s, but the character of the family life there shares much with the family life of lower-class Negroes as it has been described by other investigators in other cities and at other times, in Harlem, Chicago, New Orleans, or Washington D.C. This book is primarily concerned with private life as it is lived from day to day in a federally built and supported slum. The questions, which are treated here, have to do with the kinds of interpersonal relationships that develop in nuclear families, the socialization processes that operate in families as children grow up in a slum environment, the informal relationships of children and adolescents and adults with each other, and, finally, the world views (the existential framework) arising from the life experiences of the Pruitt-Igoeans and the ways they make use of this framework to order their experiences and make sense out of them. The lives of these persons are examined in terms of life cycles. Each child there is born into a constricted world, the world of lower class, Negro existence, and as he grows he is shaped and directed by that existence through the day-to-day experiences and relationships available to him. The crucial transition from child of a family; to progenitor of a new family begins in adolescence, and for this reason the book pays particular attention to how each new generation of parents expresses the cultural and social structural forces that formed it and continue to constrain its behavior. This book, in short, is about intimate personal life in a particular ghetto setting. It does not analyze the larger institutional, social structural, and ideological forces that provide the social, economic, and political context in which lower-class Negro life is lived. These larger macro sociological forces are treated in another volume based on research in the Pruitt-Igoe community. However, this book does draw on the large body of literature on the structural position of Negroes in American society as background for its analysis of Pruitt-Igoe private life.
596 pages, Paperback
First published December 31, 1970
About the author
Lee Rainwater
44 booksPercy Lee Rainwater, educator and sociologist, the son of Percy Lee (q.v.) and J. Tennis McDowell Rainwater, was born in Oxford, Mississippi on 7 Jan 1928. He studied at George Washington University (1944-1945), the University of Southern California (1945-1946), and the University of Chicago (1950), from which institution he was awarded a Ph.D. in 1954. Married to Carol Lois Kampel (16 Jul 1959), Dr. Rainwater has been associate director of Social Research, Inc., Chicago (1950-1963), and a professor of sociology and anthropology at Washington University, St. Louis (1963-1968). He has served as editor of Transaction magazine (1963-1971), and since 1968 has been professor of sociology at Harvard. Apart from his books, Dr. Rainwater contributes numerous articles to professional journals.
From Lives of Mississippi Authors, 1817-1967, James B. Lloyd, editor
From Lives of Mississippi Authors, 1817-1967, James B. Lloyd, editor
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August 16, 2020
The history of Pruitt-Igoe Projects in St. Louis.
Probably the first Modernist Architecture to be demolitioned.
Look at
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pruitt–...
In 1951, an Architectural Forum article titled "Slum Surgery in St. Louis" praised Yamasaki's original proposal as "the best high apartment" of the year.
My guess is why it failed
"Skip-stop" elevators stopped only at the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth floors, forcing residents to use stairs in an attempt to lessen congestion.
Nevertheless, Pruitt–Igoe was initially seen as a breakthrough in urban renewal. Residents considered it to be "an oasis in the desert" compared to the extremely poor quality of housing they had occupied previously, and considered it to be safe. Some referred to the apartments as "poor man's penthouses".
Decay
On December 7, 1955, in a decision by Federal District Judge George H. Moore, St. Louis and the St. Louis housing authority were ordered to stop their practice of segregation in public housing. In 1957, occupancy of Pruitt–Igoe peaked at 91%, after which it began to decline.
Sources differ on how quickly depopulation occurred: according to Ramroth, vacancy rose to one-third capacity by 1965; according to Newman, after a certain point occupancy never rose above 60%.
All authors agree that by the end of the 1960s, Pruitt–Igoe was nearly abandoned and had deteriorated into a decaying, dangerous, crime-infested neighborhood; its architect lamented: "I never thought people were that destructive".
Residents cite a lack of maintenance almost from the very beginning, including the regular breakdown of elevators, as being a primary cause of the deterioration of the project.[
Local authorities cited a lack of funding to pay for the workforce necessary for proper upkeep of the buildings.[16] In addition, ventilation was poor, and centralized air conditioning nonexistent.[10] The stairwells and corridors attracted muggers.[10] The project's parking and recreation facilities were inadequate; playgrounds were added only after tenants petitioned for their installation.
In 1971, Pruitt–Igoe housed only 600 people in 17 buildings; the other 16 buildings were boarded up.
Meanwhile, adjacent Carr Village, a low-rise area with a similar demographic makeup, remained fully occupied and largely trouble-free throughout the construction, occupancy and decline of Pruitt–Igoe.
Despite decay of the public areas and gang violence, Pruitt–Igoe contained isolated pockets of relative well-being throughout its worst years. Apartments clustered around small, two-family landings with tenants working to maintain and clear their common areas were often relatively successful.
When corridors were shared by 20 families and staircases by hundreds, public spaces immediately fell into disrepair.
When the number of residents per public space rose above a certain level, none would identify with these "no man's land[s]" – places where it was "impossible to feel ... to tell resident from intruder".
The inhabitants of Pruitt–Igoe organized an active tenant association, bringing about community enterprises. One such example was the creation of craft rooms; these rooms allowed the women of the Pruitt–Igoe to congregate, socialize, and create ornaments, quilts, and statues for sale.
Demolition
In 1968, the federal Department of Housing began encouraging the remaining residents to leave Pruitt–Igoe. In December 1971, state and federal authorities agreed to demolish two of the Pruitt–Igoe buildings with explosives.
Legacy
Explanations for the failure of Pruitt–Igoe are complex. It is often presented as an architectural failure.
While it was praised by one architectural magazine prior to its construction as "the best high apartment of the year", Pruitt–Igoe never won any awards for its design.
However, the same architects behind Pruitt–Igoe also designed the award-winning Cochran Gardens elsewhere in St. Louis, which may have been confused with Pruitt–Igoe.
Other critics cite social factors including economic decline of St. Louis, white flight into suburbs, lack of tenants who were employed, and politicized local opposition to government housing projects as factors in the project's decline.
Pruitt–Igoe has become a frequently used textbook case in architecture, sociology and politics, "a truism of the environment and behavior literature".
A noted study of the families who lived in the complex was published in book form in 1970 by Harvard sociologist Lee Rainwater, titled Behind Ghetto Walls: Black Families in a Federal Slum.
Pruitt–Igoe was one of the first demolitions of modernist architecture; postmodern architectural historian Charles Jencks called its destruction "the day Modern architecture died."
Its failure is often seen as a direct indictment of the society-changing aspirations of the International school of architecture. Jencks used Pruitt–Igoe as an example of modernists' intentions running contrary to real-world social development, though others argue that location, population density, cost constraints, and even specific number of floors were imposed by the federal and state authorities and therefore the failure of the project cannot be attributed entirely to architectural factors.
Footage of the demolition of Pruitt–Igoe was notably incorporated into the film Koyaanisqatsi.
As of 2020, the former Pruitt–Igoe site remains largely undeveloped.
---
In October 2012, CBS News broadcast a story about how in the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, the Army used motorized blowers in low-income, predominately black neighborhoods to test the dispersal rates of a potentially dangerous compound.
Local officials were told at the time that the government was testing a smoke screen that could shield St. Louis from aerial observation in case the Russians attacked,” according to the CBS story. “But in 1994, the government said the tests were part of a biological weapons program and St. Louis was chosen because it bore some resemblance to Russian cities that the U.S. might attack. The material being sprayed was zinc cadmium sulfide, a fine fluorescent powder.
Exposure to zinc cadmium sulfide can lead to adverse effects include lung cancer, prostate cancer, birth defects, liver and kidney damage, anaemia and osteoporosis.
Probably the first Modernist Architecture to be demolitioned.
Look at
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pruitt–...
In 1951, an Architectural Forum article titled "Slum Surgery in St. Louis" praised Yamasaki's original proposal as "the best high apartment" of the year.
My guess is why it failed
"Skip-stop" elevators stopped only at the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth floors, forcing residents to use stairs in an attempt to lessen congestion.
Nevertheless, Pruitt–Igoe was initially seen as a breakthrough in urban renewal. Residents considered it to be "an oasis in the desert" compared to the extremely poor quality of housing they had occupied previously, and considered it to be safe. Some referred to the apartments as "poor man's penthouses".
Decay
On December 7, 1955, in a decision by Federal District Judge George H. Moore, St. Louis and the St. Louis housing authority were ordered to stop their practice of segregation in public housing. In 1957, occupancy of Pruitt–Igoe peaked at 91%, after which it began to decline.
Sources differ on how quickly depopulation occurred: according to Ramroth, vacancy rose to one-third capacity by 1965; according to Newman, after a certain point occupancy never rose above 60%.
All authors agree that by the end of the 1960s, Pruitt–Igoe was nearly abandoned and had deteriorated into a decaying, dangerous, crime-infested neighborhood; its architect lamented: "I never thought people were that destructive".
Residents cite a lack of maintenance almost from the very beginning, including the regular breakdown of elevators, as being a primary cause of the deterioration of the project.[
Local authorities cited a lack of funding to pay for the workforce necessary for proper upkeep of the buildings.[16] In addition, ventilation was poor, and centralized air conditioning nonexistent.[10] The stairwells and corridors attracted muggers.[10] The project's parking and recreation facilities were inadequate; playgrounds were added only after tenants petitioned for their installation.
In 1971, Pruitt–Igoe housed only 600 people in 17 buildings; the other 16 buildings were boarded up.
Meanwhile, adjacent Carr Village, a low-rise area with a similar demographic makeup, remained fully occupied and largely trouble-free throughout the construction, occupancy and decline of Pruitt–Igoe.
Despite decay of the public areas and gang violence, Pruitt–Igoe contained isolated pockets of relative well-being throughout its worst years. Apartments clustered around small, two-family landings with tenants working to maintain and clear their common areas were often relatively successful.
When corridors were shared by 20 families and staircases by hundreds, public spaces immediately fell into disrepair.
When the number of residents per public space rose above a certain level, none would identify with these "no man's land[s]" – places where it was "impossible to feel ... to tell resident from intruder".
The inhabitants of Pruitt–Igoe organized an active tenant association, bringing about community enterprises. One such example was the creation of craft rooms; these rooms allowed the women of the Pruitt–Igoe to congregate, socialize, and create ornaments, quilts, and statues for sale.
Demolition
In 1968, the federal Department of Housing began encouraging the remaining residents to leave Pruitt–Igoe. In December 1971, state and federal authorities agreed to demolish two of the Pruitt–Igoe buildings with explosives.
Legacy
Explanations for the failure of Pruitt–Igoe are complex. It is often presented as an architectural failure.
While it was praised by one architectural magazine prior to its construction as "the best high apartment of the year", Pruitt–Igoe never won any awards for its design.
However, the same architects behind Pruitt–Igoe also designed the award-winning Cochran Gardens elsewhere in St. Louis, which may have been confused with Pruitt–Igoe.
Other critics cite social factors including economic decline of St. Louis, white flight into suburbs, lack of tenants who were employed, and politicized local opposition to government housing projects as factors in the project's decline.
Pruitt–Igoe has become a frequently used textbook case in architecture, sociology and politics, "a truism of the environment and behavior literature".
A noted study of the families who lived in the complex was published in book form in 1970 by Harvard sociologist Lee Rainwater, titled Behind Ghetto Walls: Black Families in a Federal Slum.
Pruitt–Igoe was one of the first demolitions of modernist architecture; postmodern architectural historian Charles Jencks called its destruction "the day Modern architecture died."
Its failure is often seen as a direct indictment of the society-changing aspirations of the International school of architecture. Jencks used Pruitt–Igoe as an example of modernists' intentions running contrary to real-world social development, though others argue that location, population density, cost constraints, and even specific number of floors were imposed by the federal and state authorities and therefore the failure of the project cannot be attributed entirely to architectural factors.
Footage of the demolition of Pruitt–Igoe was notably incorporated into the film Koyaanisqatsi.
As of 2020, the former Pruitt–Igoe site remains largely undeveloped.
---
In October 2012, CBS News broadcast a story about how in the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, the Army used motorized blowers in low-income, predominately black neighborhoods to test the dispersal rates of a potentially dangerous compound.
Local officials were told at the time that the government was testing a smoke screen that could shield St. Louis from aerial observation in case the Russians attacked,” according to the CBS story. “But in 1994, the government said the tests were part of a biological weapons program and St. Louis was chosen because it bore some resemblance to Russian cities that the U.S. might attack. The material being sprayed was zinc cadmium sulfide, a fine fluorescent powder.
Exposure to zinc cadmium sulfide can lead to adverse effects include lung cancer, prostate cancer, birth defects, liver and kidney damage, anaemia and osteoporosis.
April 25, 2022
Mildly illuminating. Verbose, pedantic, total social science. Antiquated & kinda classist. Roughly 20% is verbatim interviews of a dozen tenants. It contains a couple really funny sections of recorded banter, joking, dialogue & conversation; university students who set out to interview residents about their lives, homes & aspirations were able to unearth some useful artifacts for understanding the peril and the plight of those unfortunate generations mired in poverty. But blessed are the poor, and in truth, we’re all poor in the sight of the Lord of Wealth, the All-Possessing.
This book depicts in over 400 pages what can readily be seen in popular movies about ghetto culture: the hypersexualization, the truancy and lack of concern for academic excellence, the violence, and the glorification of illicit activity. It kinda felt like they stuck the ghetto and its dwellers in an aquarium, donned lab coats, and recorded what they observed. There was considerable attention given to the adolescent but sexually active lifestyles, but then again, there was considerable adolescent sexual activity taking place [in the Pruitt-Igoe projects]. Some fascinating insights into the relationship between a mother and the teen daughter who is to soon become a mother. It was humbling to genuinely learn the hows & whys of some stuff that we popularly attribute to [black] ghetto culture, such as having several babies with several fathers, or that outsiders & visitors tend to cause problems for projects, or that some mothers teach their children to do unto others before they do unto you. The authors describe a world wherein one must go for himself. Thus, trust & faith find most unique expressions.
If you teach or work at an “inner-city school” then you’ll probably be nodding in agreement while reading this. It only confirms what those in the know already know about the ghetto, that is, that it ain’t pretty. This book seeks to understand through the lens of social science. It reminds me of “Coming of Age in Somoa” in how it is concerned with the critical, no-turning-back phase of adolescence. It discusses the peer pressures, the dead-ends, the ambiguity of paternity, the dependence on welfare, the despondent mindsets, the attenuated stations and formation of identities. The last two chapters were grueling: way too heavy for a conclusion, and they should’ve been put at the beginning. No one but a random nerd like me’ll read this but, for the record: I don’t recommend it. Grab a book from Thomas Sowell or Orlando Patterson instead.
This book depicts in over 400 pages what can readily be seen in popular movies about ghetto culture: the hypersexualization, the truancy and lack of concern for academic excellence, the violence, and the glorification of illicit activity. It kinda felt like they stuck the ghetto and its dwellers in an aquarium, donned lab coats, and recorded what they observed. There was considerable attention given to the adolescent but sexually active lifestyles, but then again, there was considerable adolescent sexual activity taking place [in the Pruitt-Igoe projects]. Some fascinating insights into the relationship between a mother and the teen daughter who is to soon become a mother. It was humbling to genuinely learn the hows & whys of some stuff that we popularly attribute to [black] ghetto culture, such as having several babies with several fathers, or that outsiders & visitors tend to cause problems for projects, or that some mothers teach their children to do unto others before they do unto you. The authors describe a world wherein one must go for himself. Thus, trust & faith find most unique expressions.
If you teach or work at an “inner-city school” then you’ll probably be nodding in agreement while reading this. It only confirms what those in the know already know about the ghetto, that is, that it ain’t pretty. This book seeks to understand through the lens of social science. It reminds me of “Coming of Age in Somoa” in how it is concerned with the critical, no-turning-back phase of adolescence. It discusses the peer pressures, the dead-ends, the ambiguity of paternity, the dependence on welfare, the despondent mindsets, the attenuated stations and formation of identities. The last two chapters were grueling: way too heavy for a conclusion, and they should’ve been put at the beginning. No one but a random nerd like me’ll read this but, for the record: I don’t recommend it. Grab a book from Thomas Sowell or Orlando Patterson instead.
August 24, 2012
Enjoyed it. Plans to read it again. Read it many years ago.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews