The last thirty years have witnessed one of the most remarkable developments in the rapid rise of democracy around the world. In 1900, only ten countries were democracies and by 1975 there were only 30. Today, 119 of the world's 190 countries have adopted this form of government, and it is by far the most celebrated and prestigious one. How did democracy acquire its good name? Why did it spread so far and so fast? Why do important countries remain undemocratic? And why do efforts to export democracy so often fail and even make conditions worse? In Democracy's Good Name , Michael Mandelbaum, one of America's leading foreign policy thinkers, answers these questions. He surveys the methods and risks of promoting democracy, and analyzes the prospects for the establishment of democratic governments in Russia, China, and the Arab world. Written in Mandelbaum's clear and accessible style, Democracy's Good Name presents a lucid, comprehensive, and surprising account of the history and future of democracy from the American Revolution to the occupation of Iraq.
This book discusses the American definition of democracy. Chapter 1 gives an overview about the 2 key ingredients the author thinks are necessary for democracy to succeed, public sovereignty and liberty.
I was hoping this books talk in more details about the democratic experiences in different areas of the work, and not only the America. I felt the author is praising American democracy, and justifying why it is the why it is.
The author also made several claims in this book without really convincing me r about his conclusion. For example, the chapter about the Free market economy and how it is like the school for democracy was not really convincing, but the ideas he is presenting in the chapter are interesting and worth finding different arguments for.
The author assessment about democracy in the middle east is, to say the least, demeaning to the arab world! It is very funny to see his point of view in light of the great democratic reformation that is happening in the arab world now... It doesn't take much thinking to figure out the author is pro war on Iraq, and he actually goes in some area to justify it.
Overall, the book is good, it explains the interesting distinction between public sovereignty and liberty, without the latter, democracy could be in danger. The chapter about free market economy and democracy is interesting as well.
Finally, the book claims the author has a simple and great style, I couldn't disagree more!
What surprised me in reading this very well written treatise on democracy was the fact that democracy is now the most common form of government in the world, and that has been a fact for only the last two or three decades. Prior to say the 1970s democratic governments were not only in the minority worldwide, but were seen by many as something of an experiment. After all, until the rise of Great Britain in 18th century, there were no nation-state democracies on the planet. Britain was first and the US was the second. Professor Mandelbaum explains all this and more in a most engaging manner.
The problem has always been that democracy, far from having a "good name," was considered dangerous to liberty and private property. It was believed that if you allowed popular sovereignty, you were on the road to disaster since the majority would take resources from minorities and stifle opinions that the majority found disagreeable. But, as Mandelbaum is careful and anxious to note, if you add liberty to popular sovereignty you have the magic formula that leads to relative wealth and happiness, or at least the opportunity for same. Consequently what Mandelbaum calls democracy is really a hybrid of popular sovereignty and liberty. He shows how they go together like love and marriage.
The book begins with the origins of democracy and ends with the future of democracy. Along the way Mandelbaum makes the case for democracies being more conducive to the creation of wealth and more peaceful than other forms of government; indeed he claims that no democratic state has ever attacked another democratic state. That is eye-opening. He also argues that a prerequisite for democracy is a market economy. He argues further that a market economy, because it is based on economic liberty, tends to lead toward political freedom and democracy. However, as is presently the case in China, a free market economy may exist without political freedom, but for how long?
In the last chapter Mandelbaum looks at prospects for real democracy in Russia, China and the Arab states. He concludes that Russia is the closest to achieving it, but must overcome the habits of 70-some years of communist rule and before that the undemocratic mind set of the czarist state. He sees China as coming along more slowly because the communists are still firmly intrenched and he doesn't see them giving up power any time soon. In the Arab/Muslim Middle East the situation is more difficult. Mandelbaum notes that the autocratic states there will have to overcome not only a disinclination to follow Western ways, but the tenets of Islam itself which argues against democracy. Furthermore, petro states are very far from having either true market economies or the requisite institutions of civil society that foster popular sovereignty and liberty. As for the future of democracy in the democracies themselves, Mandelbaum sees that as rosy. Only a major catastrophe of some sort is likely to change the leading democracies in Europe, the US and Japan into something else.
I found it interesting that Mandelbaum is careful not to directly criticize Bush's misadventure in Iraq while at the same time giving very substantial reasons for the foregone conclusion that attempts to impose democracy there from without would fail. Natan Sharansky, a cabinet member in the Israeli government, has argued that a good way to fight terrorism is to turn tyrannical states into democracies. Mandelbaum agrees but notes how very difficult that is to do. He writes (pp. 171-172) that Sharansky's ideas influenced George W. Bush in his attempt to turn Iraq into the first Arab/Muslim democracy. Mandelbaum also quotes Ronald Reagan, who said "Freedom and democracy are the best guarantors of peace. History has shown that democratic nations do not start wars." (p. 137) I could not help but see this quote, placed conspicuously at the beginning of Chapter 4, as a direct stab at the policies of our current president.
But Mandelbaum is scrupulous in his avoidance of any direct criticism of the Bush administration and careful not to endorse any political platform. Indeed one of the strengths of this book is its nonpartisan tone and the fact that its political agenda does not extend beyond an enthusiastic three cheers for democracy.
For those wanting to know more about what democracy is, how it comes into being, how and why it has become "the world's most popular form of government," and what its prospects are, this book is about as good as anything I can imagine. It is authoritative, readable and masterfully argued. This is a fine piece of work by an outstanding political scientist.
--Dennis Littrell, author of “The World Is Not as We Think It Is”
An advocate for the connection between the free market and democracy
Michael Mandelbaum looks at the complex political concepts and historical forces that shaped the rise of modern democratic nations. He explicates the origins of modern democracy and how it is changing in today’s globally interconnected world, and explains the relationships between historical and current events. Although you may not agree with some of his assumptions – about the interdependence of free markets and democracy, for example – his book is thought-provoking and illuminating. getAbstract recommends it to managers and executives whose responsibilities cross borders, and to history buffs and others who wish to understand current political developments.
This book looks at the history and current practice of democracy. The author assesses democracy's prospects in areas of the world, such as Russia, China, and the Arab world, which seem most hostile. The author does a good job of synthesizing scholarly work that has been done on democracy, both explaining the conditions under which democracy tends to be stable, and describing how democracies behave internationally. Unlike many other books on democracy, this one stays away from triumphalism and provides a more nuanced picture of democracies than many other works. The book is an excellent introduction, and would likely be interesting to more advanced students of political science as well.