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160 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 2007
The book briefly goes over the religious roots of antisemitism and then spends the majority of its page count tracing the development of antisemitism during and following the Enlightenment and the emancipation of Jews, a period in which it grew beyond its Christian roots. It covers how emancipation played out in different parts of Europe and how it affected how antisemitism developed in those regions. For example, in Central Europe, emancipation came with a quid pro quo—an expectation of assimilation and abandoning in essence their distinct Jewish identity, basically that they would stop being Jews in exchange for rights. However, that did not happen; they remained culturally distinct, which led to emancipation being viewed as a failure in these states despite very successful Jewish integration. However, in other states, such as Britain, integration wasn't done on the basis of such an expectation, but on the basis of individual rights, and there was not the same backlash as a result.
It then goes into and explains the development of the "irrationalist” revolt against rational modernity and how it led to an "irrationalist antisemitism.” Basically, Jews were made to embrace rationalist modernity as part of the bargain for emancipation. When the backlash came, Jews became prime targets, being seen at the forefront of rationalist modernity and later even came to be seen as its instigators. This led to the undermining of emancipation as community membership was redefined away from Enlightenment ideals, towards blood-and-soil and ethnic nationalism. It goes on to explain the development of “scientific” racism and racialized antisemitism, and how that further undermined the possibility of assimilation, making it all but impossible once the differences became racially defined. From there, he lays out the history up to World War I, the stab-in-the-back myth, and the development of “Judaeo-Bolshevism," culminating in the Final Solution (as well as some other things). He then goes on to explain how antisemitism has changed in the post-war years, and makes an argument against ethnic nationalism and for liberal pluralism as the antidote. He also strikes a pretty anti-Zionist tone for this segment.
Overall, I really enjoyed the book, as it definitely deepened my understanding of the currents that led to the development of modern antisemitism. I've read a lot before about antisemitism, so much of it was already familiar to me, so I'm not that sure how approachable overall it would really be as an introduction. However, there was still a lot new for me to learn as well. The irrationalist and rationalist varieties of antisemitism was not something I was really clued into before reading this. It also did a good job of explaining how someone can hold a belief such as blaming Jews for both capitalism and socialism at the same time; he explains that in the mind of an antisemite, associating Jews with both capitalism and socialism is not as crazy as it seems on first appearance, as both are rationalist and modern in nature, as such despite being very much opposed ideologies they are the not so different to the antisemite. It was a lens I really had not explored before investigating the ideological buildup of modern political antisemitism in depth.
I have three main thrusts of criticism.
First, the book spends a lot of time arguing against viewing antisemites as irrational (which can get confusing because it also spends a great deal of time talking about irrationalism in the sense of the philosophical movement). It talks about that from a certain point of view that there was a rationality to their actions. For example, that in many cases there was pragmatic, short-term gain to be made from antisemitism; non-Jewish workers, for instance, could gain from banning Jewish competition. Non-Jewish applicants could be advantaged from the barring of Jewish admission to universities, etc. He states that antisemitism can “be seen as an extreme attempt at wealth redistribution, on ethnic rather than class lines.” They were basically improving their station at the expense of their Jewish countrymen. Beyond that, he also speaks on the utility of antisemitism in the political sphere; he speaks on how antisemitism could be used to aid political consolidation, identifying Jews as an enemy to rally the non-Jewish population. He does not endorse this sort of rationale, and basically says as such at the start of the book and several other places besides, but seeing as this is an intro book, I don't think he did it clearly enough. He should have much more clearly laid out the difference of it being rational in a utilitarian sense and rational in a moral sense. Because yes if you adopt the viewpoint of exclusionary ethnic nationalism there may be a logic to these actions but that does not make the underlying ethnic nationalism rational. He should have more explicitly pointed out that the lens itself (ethnic nationalism) was an immoral and illogical starting point when explaining the twisted logic behind it and its utility. He’s doing this all because he believes treating antisemitism as coming completely from irrationality removes the agency and culpability antisemites had for their actions (he explains this at the start but not that well, in my opinion), but to those not reading it carefully, it can come across as justification rather than explanation. Still, I must say there is utility in adopting the lens he does for the book. I certainly learned a lot, but maybe it's not the best fit for an introduction.
All this exploration of the reasons of the antisemites is also not helped by the detached, academic manner in which he writes. In examining the history of antisemitism solely from a macro, high-level view, he fails to impart to the reader the profound human suffering that antisemitism causes; the moral reality of what is being discussed is stripped away. The text would be improved by a first-hand account of those on the receiving end of antisemitism, a human element to all of this, something tangible and relatable for the reader to latch onto to feel how unconscionable it all is. I know it is an introductory book, but he could have squeezed a couple in. It’s just crying out for an anecdote or two.
Secondly, I take issue with how he comes across as dismissive of systemic antisemitism in places such as the UK and France, and the US. I’ve read about the history of antisemitism in the UK, France, and the US, and through his comparative focus of these countries to Central Europe and Russia it can give the false impression on the severity of antisemitism in these countries. He in essence states that it was relatively benign, and let me tell you, “relatively” is doing some heavy lifting there. When you are using pogroms as your baseline, pretty much everything else is going to look mild in comparison. It would not be so bad if he then went into some depth on the sorts of “tame” antisemitism in these Western countries, but he glosses over it. It’s fundamentally a problem of the length of the book. In order to condense the history of antisemitism to fit into the length of the "Very Short Introduction" format, he builds a narrative funnel that explains the ideological buildup to the Holocaust in Germany and Austria, at the expense of going in depth into antisemitism in other Western countries.
Thirdly, I object to his claims that Arab and Muslim antisemitism is an entirely new phenomenon born out of opposition to Zionism. Islam had its own history of antisemitism even prior to the introduction of the modern European variety (which is my most charitable assumption of what he is trying to say). There is a long history of discrimination, pogroms, etc., in the Muslim world, just as in Christian Europe. I will grant that on the whole they were relatively far more tolerant when compared to medieval Europe, but again, “relatively” is doing a lot of work. When times were good they often prospered; however, when things took a turn for the worse they were often persecuted and scapegoated. But what is just sort of galling to me is that while he is correct in stating that Zionism is responsible for the explosion of Arab antisemitism, the way he speaks about this seemingly lays the moral blame for the antisemitism on the Jewish Zionists themselves, sort of implying it was self-inflicted. He goes on to say that it is ironic that as Zionism did not end up eliminating antisemitism (as if that were its only objective) (also overly focusing on Herzl, in my opinion) and created more antisemitism in the version of a new Arab antisemitism, and as such that it is a bankrupt ideology which failed in its goal. The whole thing kind of implies that sans Zionism, Jews and Arabs would have gotten along fine and dandy in the Middle East, which if you look at the fates of countless other minority groups under Pan-Arab nationalism I believe that view becomes untenable. Pan-Arab nationalism has been fundamentally hostile to pluralism, it has suppressed and persecuted minority groups across the Middle East regardless of whether they harbored nationalist ambitions of their own. Look at the fate of the Kurds, Assyrians, Berbers, Copts, Greeks in Egypt, etc. I don’t believe that sans Zionism Jews would have escaped the same treatment, especially taking into account they were all expelled after the formation of Israel in our timeline.
"To equate anti-Zionism and antisemitism is, however, far too simplistic, theoretically crass, and demeans the memory of those who suffered the horrendous consequences of real antisemitism"