Five years in the making, ‘Cameron at 10’ is the gripping inside story of the Cameron premiership, based on over 300 in-depth interviews with senior figures in 10 Downing Street, including the Prime Minister himself.
As dusk descended on 11 May 2010, David Cameron entered 10 Downing Street as the youngest prime minister since Lord Liverpool in 1812. He stood at the head of the first Coalition government in 65 years, with the country in dire economic straits following a deep financial crisis.
From the early heady days of the Rose Garden partnership with the Liberal Democrats to the most bitterly contested general election in years, ‘Cameron at 10’ highlights forty dramatic moments in an exceptionally turbulent period in British politics. The book contains all the highs and lows on the domestic front as well as providing revealing insights into the Prime Minister’s relationships with foreign leaders, particularly the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and US President Barack Obama.
With unprecedented access to the ‘inner circle’ of politicians and civil servants that surround the Prime Minister, from Chancellor George Osborne and former Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg to all of Cameron’s personal team, this is the most intimate account of a serving prime minister that has ever been published.
Sir Anthony Francis Seldon, FRSA, FRHistS, FKC, is a British educator and contemporary historian. He was the 13th Master (headmaster) of Wellington College, one of Britain's co-educational independent boarding schools. In 2009, he set up The Wellington Academy, the first state school to carry the name of its founding independent school. He was Vice-Chancellor of the University of Buckingham from 2015 to 2020. Seldon was knighted in the 2014 Birthday Honours for services to education and modern political history.
A fascinating, highly researched and sourced overview of David Cameron as prime minister in Coalition Government.
The book takes key events, personalities and decisions and tells the story of each and dissects the behaviours and results. With the recent EU referendum decision in the UK to Leave the thoughts and views and speeches of Cameron, his coalition government and wider - including newspaper articles - make for riveting reading.
The conclusion of the authors on the impact and potential legacy of Cameron the prime minister [of only the nation's second coalition government[ and Conservative Party leader is to my mind fair and well reasoned; especially when considering the economy, security, foreign policy, relationships with fellow leaders and key domestic policies such as Gay Marriage, AV and Scottish Independence referendum.
For me a 4.5 star book that was neither dense nor dull.
Recommended for any reader interested in how Cameron and his government worked during the years 2010 to 2015.
If you'd told me a few years ago that in the near future I would read a 600-page book about David Cameron's time as prime minister, partly out of nostalgia for the relatively-good pre-Brexit days, I would have... I don't know how I would have reacted.
I only started properly paying attention to politics for the 2015 election, and had learnt about the Coalition years primarily from leftwing sources explaining how terrible they were, so reading this book, which discusses the Cameron years mostly positively and almost fawningly praises many of the key players, was quite a refreshing reading experience. Indeed, completing it I feel like my political awareness has leveled up, and my opinion of the Conservative party has changed.
The book does a good job of humanizing the Tories, presenting them as people who do believe they are working for the betterment of the country. This should be an obvious point, but even though I've moved on from almost exclusively reading leftwing sources for British politics, my immersion in such material in 2015 had left me with an image of the Conservatives as actively malicious, possibly sociopathic, people who know the harm caused by their policies and revel in it, who are deliberately destroying the British state and impoverishing millions to further enrich the wealthy, causing as much damage as possible before swanning off to a cushy job on the other side of the revolving door. It's a compelling narrative, easy to get behind with our minds which enjoy tales and heroes and villains: the Conservatives do make convincing villains. (There is a Tumblr account called 'Tory MPs Looking Sinister; David Cameron's speech bemoaning our 'passively tolerant society' was quoted by Doctor Doom.)
I now see the Conservatives as horrendously out of touch ideologues with obscene amounts of self-confidence and no real understanding or experience of the lives of ordinary people. But, mostly, ultimately well-meaning.
(A recent example of horrendous out-of-touchness: MPs recently called for an inquiry into food bank usage in the UK, to determine whether the government policy of impoverishing people has led to increased food bank usage since 2010. Conservatives believe the increase is due to food banks being better advertised nowadays, so more people know about them. This is the view taken in this book.)
The 'Cameron at 10' hardback was published in October 2015, the story ending with the 2015 election victory. This paperback edition was rushed out after Cameron's resignation, with two superficial chapters added which briefly summarize the final year of his premiership.
Reading the book in the current political climate is an odd experience, especially since my knowledge of the the Coalition years was really quite limited. It felt like an extended flashback sequence, a world-building infodump, from a fantasy or SF novel, providing context and explanation for the world's current crises, the backstory to our country's dystopian present.
The amount of foreshadowing to our current problems is ridiculous. The chapters on Cameron's dealings with the EU are particularly bad: you couldn't get away with heavy-handed foreshadowing on this scale fiction.
Before becoming Prime Minister, Cameron pulled Conservative MEPs from the European People's Party to form the European Conservatives and Reformists (these are parties within the European Parliament formed out of alliances between national parties from different countries). The EPP became the largest party in the Parliament - Cameron's decision to pull his MEPs out gave them less influence over EU policy.
EU leaders were frequently annoyed by the British negotiating strategy of demanding what they wanted, remaining inflexible, and storming off with a huff and veto if they didn't get what they wanted. Merkel had exasperated conversations with Cameron explaining that he should come with a flexible negotiating strategy if he wants to achieve something which 28 countries can agree to. #NoDealIsBetterThanABadDeal
When Jean-Claude Juncker was in the running for President of the European Commission, only Cameron and Hungary's proto-fascist Victor Orban voted against him. Juncker allegedly had far less support until Cameron made a major cock up: he had been courting EU leaders to vote against Juncker, but then he publicly stated that Britain would be more likely to vote Leave in the EU referendum if federalist Juncker won. On the continent this was reported as Cameron trying to blackmail EU leaders. No leader wants to give in to blackmail and appear weak, so Cameron's threat backfired and support solidified around Juncker, despite many people's reservations about him.
The Coalition years are defined by austerity. Coming into power, the government embarked on a program of cuts to public services designed to shrink the state and reduce the budget deficit. Emergency services, welfare, defence, local government, legal aid, and more was cut. Public sector workers had a pay cap which, when taking inflation into account, amounted to a real terms pay cut. NHS funding was frozen, meaning a real terms cut when considering the increase in demand. The cuts were accompanied by tax cuts, which were supposed to stimulate economic growth: corporations would have more money to invest in new jobs.
The majority of economists were opposed to the austerity program. Other EU leaders warned him against it: such a program would slow UK growth, and by extension slow EU growth. The Obama administration warned him against it: austerity would slow UK growth, and by extension slow global growth. But Cameron team was determined: they had their plan and would stick to it. They were inspired by Margaret Thatcher and Geoffrey Howe's determination to carry out their free market agenda despite a lot of opposition from economists and other groups at the time.
The economy grew, but not rapidly. The UK had one of the slowest recoveries of developed countries. What's more, the deficit wasn't going down fast enough: tax rises were needed. They chose some particularly regressive tax increases: increasing VAT from 17.5% to 20% (despite promising not to), and introducing the 'Pasty Tax' on hot foods (later revoked due to protests). During this period, living standards were declining, public services were worsening, and...
(a) EU budget contributions were increasing. Since austerity had been sold to the UK public as a necessary evil the country had to endure for economic recovery, the fact that contributions to the EU were increasing and other EU countries (with the exception of Greece) were not undergoing such harsh austerity, gave the impression that the EU was taking advantage of the British recovery effort, holding Britain down from a greater economic future. To many, voting Leave was a protest against austerity, which unfortunately had been erroneously linked to the EU in people's minds.
(b) Immigration increased to record highs, putting further strain on the already stretched public services. The government was happy to deflect blame for worsening public services onto immigrants, contributing to the normalization of anti-immigrant rhetoric, and, since the Conservatives had campaigned saying they would cut immigration to tens of thousands and instead oversaw immigration reaching record highs, gave the impression that the UK had no control over its borders. Ironically, the record immigration levels probably prevented the UK entering an austerity-induced recession: an increased population means more taxpayers and more spenders contributing to the economy.
(c) The Foreign Aid budget increased. Cameron had pledged to reach the G8 foreign aid spending target by the end of the Coalition parliament, and, after witnessing what happened when Clegg went back on very public promises, didn't want to risk looking like they'd abandoned their principles, especially on something that would be judged across the world, not just in the UK. Furthermore, Cameron hoped the 'soft power' of foreign aid would be an adequate substitute for the more expensive 'hard power' of defense spending, which was being cut. Thus the intention was to keep Britain globally influential, but at lower cost. Foreign aid was increasing at the same time as public services back home were being cut: this simple fact was a gift to the far right in the UK.
I was especially surprised by the chapters on the Conservative welfare policies. Here we find peak Conservative out-of-touchness. In 2004, Iain Duncan Smith resigned as party leader and founded a think tank, the Centre for Social Justice (yes, IDS is an SJW cuck), whose research identified five pathways to poverty: family breakdown, failed education, debt, addiction, and welfare dependency. The Conservatives thought that in five years they could only really tackle one of these pathways, so went with Welfare Dependency, seemingly not realising that without tackling the others, breaking the safety net would only make things worse.
(When it was obvious things were getting worse, the Government then went on to scrap to scrap the Child Poverty Act, which had imposed a legal duty on governments to reduce child poverty.)
Well-meaning incompetence is a recurring theme is this book, however the failures of government policy are downplayed. The Conservatives' heroic determination to remake British society against wide condemnation are the focus. It seems to be a mark of strength among Conservative ministers to not let people change your mind once you've committed to an ideological agenda. You stick to the plan and face down opponents, persevere through any troubles and doubts, because in the end you'll be proved right. (I was reminded of J.G. Ballard's description of Margaret Thatcher as a 'public-spirited psychopath'.) The confidence required to do this is, admittedly, quite admirable, but also TERRIFYING.
Gove is a hero for pushing ahead with his education reforms, despite teachers hating them - Gove stuck to his beliefs, kept the faith in the reform agenda, even when everything seemed terrible, even when teachers across the land were protesting against his reforms, because he knew, truly, he knew more than the teachers who had spent their lives working in education. (Gove has no experience of being a teacher: this book states that Gove was an ideal, experienced candidate for Education Secretary when he was appointed, because he had been Shadow Education Secretary in Opposition.)
The Conservative's 2010 election campaign included a promise not to carry out any unnecessary NHS reorganizations. Andrew Lansley's NHS reforms, the creation of NHS England the internal NHS Market, was the largest and most expensive NHS reorganization in history. The key word in the campaign literature was 'unnecessary' - for this was a necessary reorganization. It was pushed through early in the parliament, despite massive opposition from healthcare professionals, because Lansley believed that by the next election, marketization would improve the quality and efficiency of the service to such an extent that all the people speaking out against them now would be proved wrong and become Conservative voters. Now the NHS is in permanent crisis.
The Lib Dems do not come out of this book well (I'm tempted to read Clegg's apologetic memoir 'Between the Extremes' for comparison). During the negotiations over the Coalition agreement, William Hague was shocked by how naive the Lib Dems were, and told his wife after the meetings ended that they 'might well have destroyed the Liberal Party.' Since they were the minority in the Coalition, they obviously had less influence over policy than the Conservatives. The Lib Dems had two policies which they were determined to introduce, the two major changes that would change Britain forever and have them remembered as reformers in the grand tradition of Earl Grey and William Gladstone: electoral reform and House of Lords reform.
The former was watered down from proportional representation to the Alternative Vote referendum, which Clegg himself described as a 'miserable little compromise'. A Labour-Conservative alliance fought the No campaign, which argued on two fronts: that electoral reform would cost money better spent on the NHS and public services, especialy in this period of austerity, and that Nick Clegg was a twat (an interesting revelation from the book was that George Osborne offered to pass on the tuition fee increase, because it wasn't an essential reform, but Clegg declined, saying that the appearance of a unified government in this difficult time was more important - after the meeting Osborne told his staff that the Lib Dems were 'mad to let us do this'). An informal part of the Coalition agreement was a link between the Lib Dems House of Lords reform and the Conservative's Boundary Review. When Clegg started agitating about his reform, the Conservatives decided that losing their Boundary Review until the next parliament was a worthwhile sacrifice, and so the two policies which were the raison d'etre for the Lib Dems forming the Coalition, came to nothing.
This is pro-Tory book, so it obviously glosses over other things the Lib Dems did in Parliament. Their main success in parliament was the increase in the tax-free allowance, which the Conservatives ended up taking a lot of the credit for.
As I said before, this book has leveled up my political understanding, and washed away the vestiges of my more juvenile view of the Conservative's as villains. Many are well-meaning. Doubtless many are power hungry more than well-meaning (Boris Johnson). But they are a group of people horrendously isolated from the effects of their policies, many of whom have no real world experience of what they are suddenly in charge of, and are so ideologically committed to an agenda they ignore people who know better than they (Brexit foreshadowing is fucking everywhere). And crucially, they are wrong about a lot (IMHO).
Reading about the Coalition years in detail was an odd experience: these events were in the background to my university and early graduate life, but I was barely cognizant of them. The nostalgia for the Cameron years which somewhat motivated me to read this book was more of a nostalgia for my younger, ignorant and naive self, when I was cheerfully in the uni bubble. You cannot go back to blissful ignorance: there is no return to Eden after eating the Tree of Knowledge. Not that I would actually want to go back to that: I cringe thinking of my ignorance about so many subjects back then, especially politics. As much as cringe is an uncomfortable sensation, I appreciate it shows personal development and growth. Hopefully, in a few years, when my political understanding levels up again, I will cringe while thinking back to my ignorance of today.
This book is a must read if you are trying to learn or update your knowledge of the Coalition years and Conservative win in 2015.
The book is split into chapters covering different events/themes, and these are generally placed in chronological order. I found that splitting down topics like this can help retain attention when reading such a dense book.
I think this account will likely leave you with a more balanced view of the Cameron years. The only critical point is that it was published very soon after Brexit, so the full impact isn't really included.
Well written as always, providing comprehensive coverage of the coalition years, with lots of access, interviews and a good balance between domestic and foreign policy
Given the absolute omnishambles that has occurred both nationally & globally in the last 18 months, it would be easy to consider the Cameron years as 'the good old days'. I'm a politics junkie and have read political summaries of every postwar government and I have to say this book is - in political terms - hot off the press, as it covers the period right up to Brexit. The trouble is with such an up to the minute account is that it lacks perspective (there are many many books that will pick over the bones of Brexit, which this book attempts to do in a matter of pages). I would also say that the book tends to err on the sympathetic side...now it's difficult to portray Cameron as a divisive figure like Thatcher but let's not forget this is a man who ultimately gambled the future of the country in order to bring the right wing of his party into line. That he lost makes it very difficult for me personally to look at his premiership with anything less than contempt.
An insightful and intriguing book detailing the inside story of David Cameron's ups and downs since he entered No. 10. A great read for anyone with an interest in politics, although any conspiracy theorists might find it a bit lacking in that area....
A really good book. Quite ironic that from the start he was adamant that his premiership was not going to be defined by the EU. Oops that one didn't work out did it David?
Cameron at 10 is a detailed and intimate account of David Cameron’s time at 10 Downing Street. It gives the reader the inside story of well-known developments in the UK and around the globe. From withdrawing British troops from Afghanistan to having a bromance with Obama, the book manages to highlight brilliantly David Cameron’s time as Prime Minister. Reading this book, one becomes quickly familiar with several figures, including George Osborne, Craig Oliver, Ed Llewellyn, Kate Fall, Lynton Crosby, Clare Forge and Ian Duncan Smith, to name a few. The authors go to great length to portray these figures side of the story and how it reflects on the PM. A monumental text, well written and worthy of reading.
The book started with a detailed description of Cameron’s first night at the famous 10 Downing Street. The writing was so descriptive that it was almost like watching a movie. Next, was a detailed summary of ‘Plan A’, the cornerstone economic policy that saw them win the general election 5 years later. Among David’s first international visits was one to Afghanistan to make a commitment to bringing back British troops. And a few chapters later, there he was taking on Gaddafi of Libya.
The book managed to stride a fine line between domestic and foreign policy. It depicted clearly the relationship he had with President Sarkozy, Chancellor Merkel, President Obama, President Putin and President Hollande, and the struggle that Britain faced with the EU. Similarly, the book had its fair share of details on the NHS, the Scottish Referendum, and Budgets presented by Osborne to the House of Commons. Ed Miliband, the leader of the Labor party, was frequently mentioned, so was Nick Clegg, the leader of the Liberal Democrats, who formed a coalition government with Cameron in 2010.
Cameron’s personal life was also highlighted, in one of the early chapters of the book, the authors report how he managed to say one last goodbye to his father, who was hospitalized in France after vacationing there, before passing away. Also, prior to their 2010 victory, Cameron lost a son and that further shaped his views on the NHS and their staff. The reticent Samantha, David’s wife, was also mentioned here and there throughout the book.
Preparing for campaigns and anticipating results were reported beautifully in the book as well. From their preparation for the Scottish Referendum, to their anticipation of the 2015 general election results, and their loss in the EU referendum, the authors convey to the readers the emotions that Cameron and his team had during these difficult times. Government reshuffles and fracases with Tory backbenchers were detailed as well throughout the PM’s time at Number 10.
Overall, an inspiring book about an extraordinary journey. David Cameron created history. Without his intervention in Libya, or calling the EU referendum that way he did, history might have been written differently. No one knows. But, from the book, Cameron comes across as a sincere man who disliked dictators, tried to stand up for the weak, and refused, with dignity, to lead his country when it chose a different path to the one he had first imagined. The authors do a great job, and I can only imagine how difficult it was to assemble all the fine details that they put forward to the reader.
I thoroughly enjoyed this book. The decision to group chapters thematically, rather than sticking to a strictly chronological structure, really worked in its favour. It allowed for a clearer focus on the major issues and challenges of Cameron's time in office. Combined with the use of the present tense throughout, the narrative had an immediacy that made it feel as though I was experiencing events as they unfolded. That stylistic choice gave the book a momentum and vividness that made it both accessible and engaging.
However, whilst this may partly be down to the fact that Seldon and Snowdon appear to rate Cameron’s premiership more highly, I felt it lacked the evaluative punch and sharp critical insights that Johnson at 10 delivered. The analysis often felt more reserved, perhaps constrained by proximity or a desire to present a more balanced picture. As a result, its ultimate verdict felt slightly muted, not as forceful or well-developed as it could have been. The conclusion, in particular, didn’t feel as though it had been adequately foreshadowed or built towards throughout the book. Whilst offering a clear verdict, I felt it lacked the critical throughline and build-up found in Johnson at 10.
Still, as a political biography, it’s a rich and valuable account, especially for those interested in the workings of government during a politically complex and transitional period.
I read this while on a cruise holiday. The EU referendum had happened by this time. But only just. I could not help feeling some sympathy for this Prime Minister. The book is more about his first term of office in the coalition. It ends before his impending demise, which I was aware of by the time I was reading this. Therefore, it was a little out of date at the end. Yet still, I enjoyed reading about a Prime Minister who will be remembered, perhaps, for the wrong and negative things about his political career. I can't help feeling sorry for him. Even though I was a Brexiteer. He is a genuine person as this book will show.
This book gets a high mark from me in part because Seldon ends with the victory of the Scottish referendum. Seeming to end the story of Cameron on a high note when most similar books try to write a final essay and conclusion that tries to cover too much.
It is worth noting that Cameron cared a lot about foreign policy (not surprising given his current role) so this gets a lot of attention. The little anecdotes the authot has dug up from various sources are the real gems in this book. I would have been happier with a slightly shorter book, though if that's the case I should have just read Liz Truss at 10...would be about a 10 minute read I imagine.
I found this quite fascinating. The detail that the authors went into is impressive and that each chapter relates to a specific aspect of the 2010-2015 government was an interesting way of presenting the story, rather than using a linear timeline including everything as it happened. I found it very easy to follow using the compartmentalised chapters. Even though I am not a supporter of the Tory party I would recommend this to anyone with an interest in modern politics, if for no other reason than to know your enemy! Seriously, it is well-worth reading.
A very interesting account of Cameron’s time as PM. He will always be defined as the person whose actions lead to Brexit, but he had many virtues as well. His positive actions on gay marriage and financial help for overseas development in particular have softened my opinion of him. Osborne also comes out relatively well. It is Nick Clegg who emerges with least credit.
As the authors say, it is hard at this stage to properly evaluate the effects of their policies both domestically and abroad. But this is still a book worth reading.
Very thorough, if apologetic look at Cameron's tenure
No one can sat its not thorough! Lots of detail on lots of topics. I came to like the way the chapters were laid out though it took a while. Its pro Tory as you would expect from A. Selsdon but not rabidly so. Nonetheless Cameron comes across as the 'Chancer' he is, preferring to roll the dice than put in the groundwork. By contrast the author clearly did his homework.
A really interesting and well written book in Anthony Seldon series on recent Prime Ministers. It was particularly detailed and grasped the depth of David Cameron's administration. It was heavy on detail and focus and really helped a relatively young voter such as myself who could remember snippets of The Coalition Years, grasp more detail of this historically administration.
A lot of research & detail but somehow utterly uninvolving. The decision to split the book into subject areas somehow takes away any sense of an evolving premiership. 600 pages and none of the characters were even brought to life or were otherwise all pretty boring.
A good contemporary history of David Cameron’s time as prime minister during the coalition government. It briefly covers his time as leader of the opposition, before detailing the 2010 general election up to the 2015 general election.
It covers the formation and structure of the Britain’s first coalition since WW2, austerity, public sector reform, Scottish independence, the UK’s relationship with the EU, the Arab Spring, Ukraine, gay marriage and other key moments and themes from the government.
It��s a well researched and sourced book as always from Anthony Seldon’s PM book. I would recommend.
A great read and a real insight into the workings of the Coalition. It seems Cameron's strong relationship with Osborne was crucial but that he also had a strong team around him (with exception of Coulson and Hilton).
Great writing and research - I wasn't really interested in politics at this point in life, so it was an interesting read for me to discover for the first time the ups and downs of his premiership and the people around him.
I gave up. He was lightweight as a politician in times that require a heavyweight. The book skirts through any real analysis. It kind of smacks of apologists which isn't probably the intention.
First draft history, but the authors' full access lends it authority. Written from a Tory point of view, which grates somewhat, but a worthwhile read for anyone interested in this sort of thing.
A very well structured and intelligent review of the coalition government of 2010-15, with a focus on the Prime Minister, David Cameron. Excellent book.
This is one of the most fantastic books of it's kind. I generally don't like political memoirs as they inevitably are written with an, even if it is subconscious, agenda and leave the juiciest bits out. This one is therefore the perfect format; written by journalists using interviews with a mixture of named and unnamed sources, providing us with all the nitty gritty details of what went on during this truly historic time in our country. It is very easy to read and the chapters have the benefit of being both in chronological order AND split effectively into different events/topics. It therefore flows well if you want to read it cover to cover (in my view the only way to read anything lol) and is also good for dipping in and out.
A format all future political review/analysis books should follow.
As a bit of a suck up - Seldon, like all his books on PMs, writes an as favourable view as possible about DC’s time as PM. However, his book does not alter my perception of Cameron:
1. He was a decent individual. All people, especially politicians have their rough edges - but a good way to judge a PM’s character the people that they choses to surround themselves with. Kate Fall and Llewellyn, his chiefs of staff and Gabby Bertin are among those who stay with him throughout his premiership. His decision to forge a strong partnership with George Osborne again shows his character in a good light, who in turn surrounds himself with good people, such as Rupert Harrison. Civil servants/the country worked so much better as a result of their partnership.
2. Both Cameron and Osborne were good to work with/for. After 13 years of Balls/Brown shouting at civil servants who challenged them in meetings, Cameron and Osborne relished being challenged - always trying to search for the best option. These standards that they held themselves to, were reflected in how they managed people/departments who did not, for example the MOD. Forever the reliable liars, Cameron and Osborne openly challenged defence chiefs, and stood up to their press briefings/partnership with the Tory right wing. As Crosby put well, elections are not won on defence.
3. Cameron was a delegator, acting as he would like to say at a chairman, sometimes too much at time. Part of that however was the fact that so much management went into the coalition, particularly the quad. Osborne, Alexander and Laws got on well. Cameron and Clegg got on well. Osborne grew to dislike Nick Clegg regarding him as lightweight. Vince cable was hated by all.
4. Brexit - was it preventable? I am surprised the option of allowing a vote to MPs on any new EU deal was not pushed for - as a halfway ground. In any case - because Murdock’s press was pushing for Brexit - realistically - to stop anti EU sentiment/referendum - Murdock probably needed to die/retire. Having backed Cameron in 2015 reluctantly, they now see the referendum as the time to get rid of him.
One thing Cameron did get wrong however was pushing for a referendum in 2016, not 2017. He should have said after his election win he will make a statement about the EU referendum in the Autumn of 2015 and set a 2-year negotiating timeline with the EU, something Ivan Rodgers advised.
5. Cameron’s relationship with Obama can best be described as synthetic. Whilst in PR terms it looks deep/special because they genuinely do both like each other - in terms of actual actions, very little actually happens. Furthermore, apart from Cameron/Obama and Clinton/Hauge - relationships between the two teams are strained.
6. Cameron’s election victory re-enforces what I have always felt about winners - they seem to have an extra gear. 75% of the way through the 2015 campaign and the Tories and Labour are both polling at 33%. While Miliband is unable to campaign events away from a podium, Cameron injects more personal emotion/energy into his speeches. It works.
PG 171 beautifully summarises the ideological differences between Germany and Britain, and why Cameron was never 100% able to rely on Merkel to deliver changes that he needed. PG 210 (a funny Yes PM moment) and PG 224, don’t miss a good funeral. PG 443 - how to throw the press of what a budget/speech will actually announce.
President Sarkozy’s reveals to Cameron how he seeks to persuade world leaders to his view "You and I will do this together; you and I are the only two people who really understand”. Cameron could not take him seriously.
with exceptional access, Seldon chronicles the key moments of the Coalition government. His obvious respect and confidence in Cameron shines through along with his disdain for the naivety and political ineptitude of Clegg and Miliband.
Unfortunately it reads like a textbook with little insight except at the end of this hefty volume: well-written but somewhat dull this pulls together the disparate threads of five key years in British politics and the evidence to support Seldon's contention that Cameron's record is better than the Eurosceptic press is piled up. However apart from the simple fact that the Tories got more votes in 2015, there is little assessment of his impact on the country leaving this feeling like a record of a private club rather than a Government. Maybe that is the implicit message that Parliament has got so divorced from most people's lives that a Prime Minister is best judged by his impact on political obsessives rather than their ability to change people's lives.
A great book, especially as it comes out when most of the main subjects are still in Government. It offers a balanced view of the ups and downs of the coalition Government and serves as a reminder of how turbulent the last 5 years have been. It also shows how it's been relatively light on crisis and scandals when compared to previous governments. Because all the main sources are still in government, this isn't the book for gossip, or assigning blame but it does set the landscape and draw general conclusions - only time will tell how accurate they are.
For a long book this was very easy to read and captivating - it's written in the present tense which gives its pace and readability which is rare in political books.
Great read, easy to power through this with relatively short chapters, the pace moves fast and there's enough behind the scenes gossip and insight to keep you interested. The book is more about narrative and events with less emphasis on analysis and conclusion but that's only to be expected given the immediacy of its release. Over time history's verdict on Cameron might change, but for an immediate account of an intriguing period in British political history this is a fantastic book.