"Forty years now I've been speaking in prose without knowing it". Moliere, LE BOURGEOIS GENTILHOMME .
All of us in the West, and some in the East too, have been speaking Orientalism for centuries without realizing it. If you think of the Middle East, and the first thing that comes to mind is conflict, you are speaking Orientalism. When you picture Arabs as either filthy rich or poor and helpless, you might be an Orientalist. If you think Islam is just a failed version of Christianity, you are a convinced Orientalist. When you take it for granted that the West is modern and the East backward, the former ruled by reason and the latter by religion, in truth a fanatical faith, you are part of the problem engendered by Orientalism. I've lost count of the times friends, colleagues, and comrades have recommended this book to me since its publication in 1978. One close friend used it to anchor her own study of how São Paulo, Brazil, was constructed within the modernist imagination of the Brazilian elite in opposition to the retarded countryside. A mutual colleague composed his book on "Orientalism in Italy", or how Italians of the North invented the underdeveloped Mezzogiorno region of Southern Italy. Outstanding, provocative, influential, illuminating, and depressing, Edward Said's masterpiece is all these things and more. Quite simply, ORIENTALISM is the most important intellectual work in English of the past fifty years, and when I finished, the scales fell from my eyes. I wish the reader to think of this piece in the spirit of T.S. Eliot's "Notes Towards a Definition of Culture", only in this case it's Notes Towards a Definition of Orientalism, the harmful concept, and ORIENTALISM, Said's dissection of a disease thus far without cure. I wish to focus on three interrelated topics: The importance of ORIENTALISM to our understanding both of the Middle East and ourselves, residents of the Occident; Said's reconstruction and deconstruction of this evasive and malignant discourse in British, French and American letters, academia and media since Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798; Why Orientalism matters now more than ever and how the problem Said explores, a racist, sexist, jingoist, imperialist, discourse of power and knowledge, is worse today in the twenty-first century.
ORIENTALISM is that rare thing, a work that not only expands our knowledge but opens up a new way of seeing the world. To categorize Said's book as a study of the Middle East or Islam in the mind of the West is to miss his much larger purpose, which is showing that what we take to be truth, objectivity, disinterested perspective, and the pursuit of scholarly wisdom is no such thing. The Orient is a category of thinking, and, like any category, it has a history, both natural and unnatural. Simone de Beauvoir proclaimed in THE SECOND SEX, "Women are not born; they are created". Said makes the same claim for his subjects: East, Orient, Islam, Arab---these are all manufactured though not unreal. A manufactured product still has sinews. But our way of perceiving them is a product of a political project meant to subjugate the Orient through understanding, and vice versa. Said's book is a great unmasking of a great veil of ignorance and a way of opening the doors to a false prison. Orientalism is harmful to its subject matter and a threat to world peace because it is a political project. So long as Western statesmen, media and academics continue to operate inside the narrow borders of Orientalist thought, the clash between the Orient, more specifically the Muslim world, itself a loaded term, and the West will not cease, and its wounds remain open and bleeding.
One of my old friends used to say most Western scholars study the Third World for the same reason Eichmann learned Hebrew. That's a fair and precise summary of Said's thesis, with the proviso that the Third World, in this case the Orient, was created and reproduced by Orientalists, first novices looking for new color for their novels, such as Nerval and Flaubert in Paris, next scholars and professional travelers, led by Lane in London with his study of Egyptian ways and customs, and Burton with his penetration (pun intended) of Mecca, followed by scholar-interventionists like T.E. Lawrence and Gertrude Bell. Arthur Balfour is a prime example of an Orientalist who turned putative knowledge into political action. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 was based on his understanding, drawn largely from British occupied Egypt, of backward, religion-ridden Arabs and progressive, scientific-minded Jews like Chaim Weizmann. Ferdinand Lesseps, engineer of the Suez Canal, played a similar role in French Orientalism. His Canal would bring East to West, allegedly to the benefit of both but of profit only to one. Finally, we have area studies Middle East experts tucked away in universities in Britain, France and increasingly after World War Two, the United States, foremost among them Said's bete noir, Bernard Lewis. Nor are anti-imperialists immune to Orientalism. Said scorches Karl Marx for taking British intervention East of Suez for some sort of modernizing mission, however brutal the methods, a vision shared by Orwell. I think him wrong on Marx, but more on that below. Said narrows in on the Islamic Orient, or Middle East, first because it was and remains the site of Western political and military intervention, and, not coincidentally, became the locus of those founding fathers of Orientalist discourse, British and French novelists, travel writers and self-taught scholars. (Said is aware, of course, of an Orientalist discourse with regards to China, Japan, India and Ottoman Turkey.) If Orientalism were simply a collection of stereotypes, cliches, jargon, and tropes, it would be silly but largely harmless. Orientalism is a discourse; a way of looking and framing a foreign people and zone with speech that is permissible within its bounds, other impermissible and ignored, and a method by which those who have power and frame the issue alone get to speak, while their subjects are silenced. Orientalism mutes the Orientals. This discourse is produced in scholarly salons, colleges, professional conferences, journals, think tanks, and, more so after the First World War, government agencies and state-sponsored scholarship. Orientalism is an idea that has found bayonets.
Beyond a discourse, Orientalism is a myth, not a falsehood in the sense of being untrue to its subject, that is obvious, but a myth in the Barthes and Levi-Strauss definition; a method of giving structure to a complex reality by reducing that reality to a few basic "false facts", as Jefferson called them, that the myth-maker has himself manufactured. Said cannot stress this point enough: The Orient is a product of Orieantalists and has nothing to do with the real Orient. Whether the Oriental projection of the Orient is true or false to the facts on the ground does not matter to the Orientalist, in the same way Barthes argued that myth reconciles and overcomes truth and lies. Orientalism, like any myth, is self-perpetuating, and does not change with time. Levi-Strauss warned us a myth is ahistoric and self-reproducing. It need not reference an outside source. Orientalists cite themselves for a reality check. The texts they produce, whether novels or news dispatches, are true if they align with previous writing on the subject. Orientalism knows no space either. "Islam" is the same in Egypt and Indonesia, Muslim women are subservient in Tunisia and Iran. This reinforces Orientalism as a myth; to quote Barthes, "there is no life outside the text". If you doubt Said, watch the latest news broadcast. The Middle East is "mysterious, inscrutable, fanatical and threatening" on CNN or in the NEW YORK TIMES just as it was for Dante, Pope Urban II, Lawrence of Arabia and Lawrence Durrell. Nothing's changed because in Orientalism nothing can change; it would shakeup the self-contained, satisfied world of the Orientalist.
The tropes, or malignant motifs, of Orientalism are hardy perennials. Bear in mind that, being myth, they need neither be consistent nor logical. Take the use of gender to speak of the East. Identifying the Orient with a woman has always been popular and effective, particularly in the novels of Flaubert with an Eastern setting (THE TEMPTATION OF ST. ANTHONY). The Orient is supple, pliable, emotional, seductive, swarthy, and alluring, just like a woman. Does she not therefore need an Occidental man to tame her? Or, be her unwilling victim, like St. John the Baptist before Salome? Yet, the East is also a man: inscrutable, mysterious, fiendish, violent, irrational and impossible to tame. He must be conquered and if need be exterminated by war. An equally potent trope, and hence even more fraught with danger, is the commonplace of "Islam is more than a religion. It is a way of life". Who could object to such insight, including Muslims themselves? This cliche is used to elide and deride every other element in Muslim societies outside of religion; the law, family, military, women's groups, and above all, politics have no autonomy at all. Muslims behave the way they do, and those ways are always both self-defeating and toxic to non-Muslims, from their neighbors to foreign powers, due to their faith. They could not possibly have non-religious reasons for political action or going to war. By this trope, all Muslim states and societies are totalitarian, and by definition, must be exterminated. This chilling vision brings Said to discuss the theology of Islam in the Orientalist discourse. Readers may recall what Thomas Friedman wrote at the start of the Iraq War: "We need a Reformation in Islam. We want a civil war in Islam". Friedman did not invent the notion that Islam must be explained to Muslims. Orientalists have been saying that for two centuries. In their vision, Islam is "plagiarized Judaism", a "Christian heresy", Dante places Mohammed in the circle of heretics in Hell, and the product of "an illiterate seventh-century merchant and warrior who replaced rural ethical values with urban values". By this light, Islam has remained frozen in time since Mohammed, has no fissures equal to the Catholic versus Protestant divide in Christianity, and has not benefited from the contact with other religions; on the contrary, it must extirpate them. One more vicious trope must be brought to the reader's attention. Muslims do not exist as individuals for Orientalists, but only in groups, or better yet crowds. "The Arab street", the "human multitudes" of Iran, "the customs of the Egyptians" all require the elimination of personality, and often times in a literal fashion. Crowds of shouting Muslims from Cairo to Baghdad fill the front pages and television screens of the Western media, but how often are Muslims addressed by reporters as people, or interviewed for their individual views? It would be easy for Said to go on listing an illustrating malicious stereotypes of the Arabs, Muslims and Orientals, and in Orientalist discourse the three are the same. His broader point is the high unoriginality of these views, and how they have served, at least since Napoleon, to excuse, bless and justify Western intervention in the Middle East for the sake of rescuing the Muslims from themselves and the rest of the world from Islam. Said was familiar with "humanitarian interventionism", by the West, although he does not use that term. In the Nineteenth century this took the form of France saving the Maronite Christians of Lebanon from the Muslims by colonizing the whole country. A more contemporary rescue mission trope is "feminist interventionism" which is foreshadowed in ORIENTALISM but has become more elaborate since Said's death in 2003: Save the girls of Afghanistan from the Taliban; save the women of Iran from the mullahs; save the girls of Nigeria. Said notes, though he could explore more thoroughly, how these tropes resemble those of classic nineteenth century anti-Semitism. In Ernest Renan, a Founding Father of Orientalism, the two merge. He deemed Arabs and Jews both primitive compared to the Aryan race of Europeans. Yet, the parallel is true only up to a point. Jews were held by Europeans to be both subhuman and super-intelligent; Jewish men were sexual creatures who desired Gentile women yet nevertheless lacked potency; they were highly political, pro-labor and pro-capitalist at the same time, but not devoted to any cause except their own power. Hannah Arendt demonstrated in THE ORIGINS OF TOTALITARIANISM that the Nazis did not invent these images. They prevailed in France during the Dreyfuss Affair. Said argues Arabs/Muslims/Orientals were never deemed to hold much power over their Western conquerors. They were cunning, not smart. The men, on the whole, did not desire Western women, and they were too dumb to be political, even on their own behalf. Anti-Semitic myths are still around but Western societies have grown ashamed of them, for the most part. No such thing can be said of Orientalism.
Orientalism is a Western project where the literary and the military exist in a symbiotic relationship; to imagine the East is to conquer it, and conquest buys more room, in every sense, for Orientalism. The United States took over the Middle East from France and Britain after World War Two, and appropriately Orientalism, the institutionalized ideology, sailed across the Atlantic to New York and Washington, D.C. It's here that Said concludes his exposition. Not surprisingly, American Orientalism perpetuates the myths of the European founders, but with two notable additions. The first is the centrality of the Arab-Israeli conflict to the discourse, and the second the importance of the media, print, cinema and television, to carrying the Orientalist message beyond the academy. Few Americans wrote Orientalist histories and travelogues in the Nineteenth century---Melville, Twain and Washington Irving (TALES OF THE AL-HAMBRA) are exceptions but largely forgotten---but no American could escape stories of the crazed Arab villain in the twentieth and twenty-first. When it came to the Arab-Israeli wars starting in 1948 the U.S. media cheered Israel, the modern bastion of democracy in the Middle East. This was especially evident in the 1967 War and the triumphalism that followed. But the 1973 October War amended Orientalism in the U.S., predictably is a more toxic way. The Arab Oil Embargo that followed produced the stereotype of the Arab who was out to punish and purchase the world. TIME magazine made Saudi King Faisal Man of the Year in 1973, for ably holding the West hostage, while NEWSWEEK put a faux Arab on its cover with the caption, "The Arabs: New Pride and Power". This was nothing, of course, compared to Sydney Lumet's 1976 film NETWORK, in which the Arabs try to buy up the U.S. media through their American corporate stooges. Said dealt thoroughly with these insane symbols in a subsequent work, COVERING ISLAM. What he emphasizes here is how little criticism they received from any quarter compared to the outrage anti-Israel or anti-Jewish stereotypes arouse. The academic community in the U.S. specializing in the Middle East hardly did any better in informing Americans on the complexities of dealing with the Arab world. Area studies specialists have dominated the field since the Second World War. They tackle Islam primarily as a defense problem and challenge to U.S. hegemony in the region. The local populations do not count at all in their concerns. Arabists, those who claim to understand the entire sweep of Arab civilization, of whom Bernard Lewis was the reigning prince, are still promoting the idee recu that Islam is the problem, both in the Middle East and for the rest of the world. A jerry-built religion composed of the leftovers from Judaism and Christianity, Islam cannot possibly tackle the problems of the modern world. Revolution in the Muslim world must therefore be the work of fanatics, outside powers (read the Soviet Union) or frustrated martial elites who look to "Arab Socialism", in Algeria, Syria, Iraq, to cure their countries ills. Said is not hopeful Orientalism in America can be reversed or seriously challenged. Despite a few academic dissident voices, not counting himself, of course, among a generation of scholars born after 1945, few seem prepared to challenge the Orientalist orthodoxy. The money for grants, conferences, travels and think tanks goes into familiar hands, particularly if corporate funding is involved. The U.S. media, surgically dissected in COVERING ISLAM, is a lost cause too, whether the evening news or movies playing in the neighborhood. Even worse, many in the Arab world now echo the strains of Orientalism: Their Western culture works while our does not. One ray of light may be found in the ranks of those who engage in multi-disciplinary studies of the Arab world, combining comparative literature, political science, geography, religion, and history into a humanist approach that erases the distinction between "our world" and "theirs".
ORIENTALISM displays the faults of any great work. Said's references are dense and prolix. In one sentence alone he will cite Hegel, Nietzsche, Dilthey, Conrad, Wilde and Shaw without giving the reader any clue on how they relate to his thesis. This encapsulation of literary history and philosophy rolls by like a runaway train, leaving the reader perplexed and unconvinced. Said's treatment of Marx is a gross example of his simplification of the facts to fit his take on the pervasiveness of Orientalist thought. One article by Marx on the British role in India is not indicative of his complex and evolving view of how imperialism and native societies interacted. Marx eventually abandoned his faith in the progressive impact of Britain on Asia and welcomed the Sepoy Mutiny and the Taiping Rebellion, hoping they would ignite revolution in the West. He was not a historian, but just a couple of paragraphs on the political economy of the Middle East per century is unpardonable. Said is right that knowledge and power work in tandem, so why not shine a light on that power---military, economic, diplomatic, commercial---for full disclosure of an ideology that still runs rampant? The book also displays its origins in the mid-Seventies, when it looked like the Third World had begun to smash the chains of Western hegemony; a faint hope, it turned out. These criticisms do not detract from my encomium: ORIENTALISM is a must-read for anyone who cares about the survival of civilization. Our civilization, not splintered into us and them.