“The Tories held champagne glasses, Labour people wore cloth caps. The things people associated with the Conservative Party were the things they themselves wanted; all the imagery associated with them was aspirational” (52).
"They [Conservative voters] voted Tory because of Thatcher; because the government was doing a good job; because inflation was under control; because the Tories knew how to manage the economy. Only 7% voted Conservative because they always had done [...] One working-class ex-Labour voters said 'I have changed basically because of my working position - what I want from life. I mean, eventually you want to buy a place. You want to get more of what you earn'. I wanted this voter back. Roy Hattersley did not"(87).
Philip Gould's account of the PR-ification and rightward shift of the Labour Party is of little interest to the contemporary 'general' reader. You won't find too many parallels between the current happenings and the old bust ups. The current fight in the Labour Party is about power, and has very little to do with a genuine intellectual disagreement with the Corbyn era. However, in this volume we see a concerted effort of Gould, a PR man, to flog his own services, and push the Labour Party into Mandelson, Blair, and Campbell's view of what the 1990s should look like - technocratic capitalism with a human face. Out with the grey haired trade unionists, in with the sharp suited media apparatchiks, spinning their way onto the TV screens of the Mondeo Man.
Whilst Gould does emphasise the failures of the European Left in the 1980s (e.g. the abandonment of Marxism by the German SPD, a redefining of 'socialism', the fall in electoral success of Eurocommunist and democratic socialist parties in the West, and the catastrophic Labour loss of 1983) and need for the Labour Party to reform to prevent its extinction, he errs in the other direction when it comes to the 1990s. Latin America's Pink Wave, France's Socialist Party, and the backlash against neoliberalism isn't really acknowledged by Gould very much. Instead, heaps of praise are poured on the Labour comms team yelling at each other in Millbank Tower, and their slow and steady abandonment of the principles which the party were founded on.
Also, he does underestimate the extent to which the Conservatives lost the election, rather than Labour winning.
The old ideals of democratic socialism via the ballet box weren't really destroyed, the Left went down without much of a fight. The Soviet Union inspired few outside of the techn
The role of comms and a proper PR team is very interesting, but it almost certainly transformed politics for the worse (‘spin’, vapid opinion polling, and short-sightedness of policy aims, etc).
The class structure of Britain was clearly changing through deindustrialisation and technological advances, but the view that because tradesmen’s kids became office workers made them middle class seems to me a confusion between form and substance. Maybe I’m being too dogmatic here, but that’s always been my view around the idea of the supposed ‘death/decline of the working class’. Also the role that finance capital played in Britain at this time is ignored, probably because every other mainstream commentator overlooked it at the time.
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