By the end of the 1970s there was a widespread perception that the British post-war consensus of full employment, a mixed economy and the Welfare State had reached a point of terminal crisis. Following the election of Margaret Thatcher as Prime Minister in May 1979 Britain was about to undergo a radical and lasting transformation. One of the many virtues of Andy Beckett’s book is that it provides a nuanced account of a polarised and polarising period in British history. Historical memory has a tendency to simplify but this survey of the early 1980s complicates received wisdom in surprising and illuminating ways.
Given the eventual triumph of Thatcherism it came as something of a shock to be reminded that, by the end of 1980, the Conservative government was deeply divided and the most unpopular since polling began. Against a backdrop of the highest levels of unemployment since the 1930s, inner city riots and - perhaps most embarrassing for an avowedly monetarist administration - spiralling inflation, even traditionally conservative newspapers were writing the political obituary of Thatcher as Prime Minister and Thatcherism as an ideology.
Beckett correctly identifies the Falklands War as the turning point in her political fortunes. The Argentinian invasion was widely anticipated and largely the result of incompetence by the Thatcher administration (‘one of the least surprising surprise attacks in modern military history’, as Beckett dryly puts it) but Britain’s eventual victory in the conflict unleashed a jingoistic wave of national pride which ensured Thatcher’s victory at the 1983 election.
He has an admirably unorthodox way of blurring the boundaries between Left and Right and dredging up often neglected and revealing facts. The 1980s regeneration of London Docklands, for example, was trumpeted as the triumph of free enterprise over the state, but Beckett points out that it was financed by Whitehall to the tune of £443 million, a figure far in excess of what had been spent on the area by previous governments.
The left-wing Greater London Council (GLC) was so detested by Margaret Thatcher that she eventually abolished the entire council (in the interests of preserving democracy against the threat of democratically elected politicians, presumably); nonetheless, with its emphasis on decentralisation and empowering people to change their own lives through voluntary associations, ‘red’ Ken Livingstone’s GLC carried a curious echo of Thatcherite rhetoric. In his own way Livingstone, the son of working class Tory voters, disliked the paternalism of the traditional British Labour movement as much as Margaret Thatcher did. The GLC was derided as the ‘loony left’ by the press, and not just the right wing press as Beckett points out, but it’s championing of gender equality, multiculturalism and LGBT rights was to have as enduring an influence on Britain as Thatcher’s espousal of market capitalism.
As Beckett shows the Thatcherite ideology of the untrammelled free market economy with its holy grail of commercial success began to spread almost by osmosis influencing even those who did not regard themselves as right-wing. In pop music, at that time still a strong indicator of wider societal trends, the insurrectionary anarchy of punk gave way to a glamorous and tuneful form of pop with previously left field musicians proudly declaring their desire to be rich and famous. Groups comprised of working class boys from the recession hit North of England made videos in which they sang and danced their way around country houses dressed up like characters from Brideshead Revisited or Restoration fops.
A chapter on Channel 4 television, launched in 1982, brings into focus the complex and often contradictory nature of the cultural changes taking place. Proposals for a fourth television channel in Britain went back into the mists of time (well, the 1960s) but Channel 4 was finally established by the Conservatives in November 1980. Its perceived left-liberal programming agenda turned out to be not to Mrs Thatcher’s taste at all but the station gradually began to change the structure of British broadcasting in distinctly Thatcherite ways. It drew heavily on small independent production companies, previously largely unknown in British television, and displaced the duopoly of BBC and ITV in a way that Thatcher would have approved of (in 2023 independent production companies are key players in British TV with even the BBC now functioning as a publisher of programmes made by independents almost as much as an originator of them).
The independent production companies also began to erode traditional trade union practices and staffing levels. This was mainly for economic reasons rather than ideological ones but they were facilitated in this by the highly ideological trade union ‘reforms’ passed by the government. The story of Diverse Productions seems emblematic of the era: beginning as a subversively lefty sort of operation by the mid-eighties it was busy making a series in praise the free marketeers called The New Enlightenment (predictably, this was the only programme shown on Channel 4 that Margaret Thatcher is known to have enjoyed). The independents might have started off as pioneering buccaneers but the successful ones gradually transmuted into fully-fledged capitalist businesses.
This is a wide-ranging and highly readable book which combines a journalistic narrative drive with subtle historical analysis. Beckett captures the mood of change, as both Left and Right sought to escape the stasis of the post-war consensus, and provides a fresh perspective on events too readily reduced to cliche.