This is a Marxist interpretation of one of the events in history for which a Marxist interpretation is appropriate. The historian Georges Lefebvre published the book in France in 1939, but the Vichy regime repressed it and so it became more popular in English translation in the English-speaking world.
Lefebvre sees the deep underlying cause of the revolution as the rise of the bourgeoisie, which more and more financed the state, provided officials for it, and whose ideology rose in importance, but which had no formal power. However, the immediate cause was a financial crisis in governance which forced the King to call the Estates-General to meet to provide money for the state. This, plus the provincial estates, in which the aristocracy and clergy predominated, actually started the revolution. The aristocracy started the revolution because they wanted back powers they had lost to the King, but this opened the way to the bourgeoisie and then carried to popular revolution in the streets.
Although the ideals of the revolution had deep roots in French Enlightenment thought, the American Revolution was the proximate cause of the French Revolution. It stirred up the idea of human rights and the French military intervention in it had to be paid for by the French government by loans, which then had to be repaid, but could not. Thus the need for fiscal reform. The problem was that generally, in France, the richer a person, the less tax he paid. Therefore, the Estates-General had to be called to raise taxes on the rich to pay back loans. The nobles, however, would only agree to pay taxes if they received more power in government. Mistakes made by the King and his ministers transformed the situation from one in which the aristocracy was trying to get back power from the King in return for paying taxes into a situation in which the King and aristocracy were allied in defense of the old order and the bourgeoisie won for the new.
The action moves through the decisive bodies, the Paris Parliament, the Estates-General, the Provincial Parliaments, and the National Assembly. The bourgeoisie at first recognized the King as a part of the state in his own right with his own powers and the rights of the clergy and nobility to sit in the assembly on their own terms. The King was outsmarted by the bourgeoisie lawyers in the assemblies and so he determined to use force and it backfired.
It backfired because, in addition to the lawfare at the top of the state, the harvest of 1788 was poor and the common people were hungry. There were bread riots in Paris and other cities and towns in France, and in the countryside the peasants revolted against their aristocratic masters. The Bastille was stormed and LaFayette was put in charge of a new National Guard. In the violence, the bourgeoisie were divided. Some encouraged it, while others were its victims. Generally, peasants did not like the bourgeoisie either, inasmuch as the bourgeoisie had sometimes managed to make themselves masters of estates.
This brought about the decisive events of August, 1789, in which the National Assembly abolished all feudal and clerical rights and proclaimed the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen. The King refused to accept them until, in October, a mob forced him from Versailles to the Tuileries Palace in Paris. He was now under their control and the old feudal order was dead. The Revolution was only beginning.
This is a masterful yet concise book. Lefebre displays a deep knowledge of his subject. Some of his lines have become classic. “[T]he death certificate of the old order.” “[W]e cannot run history over like an experiment.” “The moralist must praise heroism and condemn cruelty; but the moralist does not explain events.” He places the blame for the resort to force on the King and aristocracy: the violence of the people was a response. It then spun out of the control of anyone.
I struggle to make sense of the French Revolution I agree with the ideals of the French Revolution: equality, liberty, fraternity: no aristocracy, no slaves. Over the long term, those ideals have triumphed in most of what we call the free world. However, in France itself, they led to tumult, wars, the Terror, and ultimately to a dictatorship. I don’t think they were fully realized in France until after World War Two. Perhaps the ideals that were espoused at that time were not possible for that time and place: the American acceptance of political reality was a better political compromise. Or maybe the force of events was most important in bringing about a disaster from what could have been a better if not perfect country.
Freedom is not free.