This is an examination of the foreign response to the trial and execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenburg -- an internationally famous case which saw two American citizens executed for conspiracy during the height of the Red Scare. Clune’s interest was sparked when, during research, it was discovered that Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were not found in the card index of the State Department documents at the National Archives. This was suspicious in the extreme -- surely, the infamous Rosenberg case had been referenced in State Department correspondence at least once! The archivists on duty were equally surprised by this omission; one indicated that the State Department would have had to remove these cards before donating the documents to the Archives. They vowed to continue searching, and eventually turned up two boxes of clippings, tucked away in the Archive, uncatalogued and unlisted. Sealed inside were all of the foreign voices of protest – telegrams from foreign state officials, foreign newspaper clippings, petitions, and the like – which someone, at some time, for some reason, decided to surreptitiously pull from circulation. Clune’s book thrusts them into public view for the first time.
Finding evidence of protest from at least forty-eight different countries between 1952 and 1954, Clune sets upon an interesting retelling of the case, eschewing a discussion of guilt or innocence in favor of featuring foreign opinion. The documentary evidence clearly exposes widespread condemnation of America’s zealous prosecution of these two apparent spies. Both communist and non-communist countries were appalled on various grounds, and rarely did the State Department respond to their concerns.
The USSR painted the case as evidence of a paranoid, fascist America spiralling out of control and argued that the country wanted to blame their failures in the Korean War on Jews and Communists. Such a response is expected from America’s adversary, and could be dismissed as biased, ideological condemnation, were it not for a startling number of non-communist voices who joined the chorus of protest.
Each voice had their own tone, but sang the same words: Save the Rosenbergs! While the USSR’s brassy Red baritone painted scenes of innocent victims caught up in America’s ever-growing spy paranoia, the moral pipe organ of the Vatican mourned the victims as well as their orphaned children and thundered ominously against the death penalty. This was heard around the world, and Catholics everywhere raised their voices in protest, especially in South America. The Pope himself, Pius XII, despised Communism to his core, but murder was an affront to God himself, and would not be allowed to go unnoticed.
Between these two idealogues were moderate countries, harmonizing with murmured democratic worries. This included some of the left-wing European newspapers who stayed out of religion and politics altogether, preferring to attack what was (to them) an obviously flawed trial based on weak evidence, with an extreme sentence. Non-Catholic countries added their Protestant voices to those outraged by the death penalty – the sanctity of human life was non-denominational. Execution was also decried by trade union workers in the Nordic countries, and everywhere, women’s groups organized against this extreme penalty.
Furthermore, it appears that America did not offer a counter-narrative to these protests, or even acknowledge them. When the State Department appealed to Washington for some kind of help to counter foreign criticism, Washington remained mute. This did not help the optics, and led countries to declare that such a bizarre trial and execution could only make sense in the “political climate peculiar to the USA.” Clune illustrates convincingly that Eisenhower was listening to the opinion of the American voter: since the public had taken a hard line against Communism, he had to as well. Any wavering would show weakness, which is never attractive in a president, especially one who is battling public opinion during an unpopular and unsuccessful war.
The book is extensively researched, with nearly a 1:1 ratio of citations to sentences, compelling the reader to have faith in the facts as presented. The range of countries surveyed shows a genuine, concerted effort to sample from as many foreign outlets as possible. North and South America, Africa, Asia, Europe and Oceana all make appearances in the discussion, reassuring the reader that Clune has not selectively portrayed world opinion. One criticism is that care is not taken to fully illuminate the omnipresence of fear that was America during the Red Scare. Those who are unfamiliar with the intensity of the era will not necessarily appreciate the vast chasm between American reality and that of the rest of the world. This could have been mitigated by juxtaposing more of the American coverage for the foreign counterpart for a more prescient comparison. Those who are seeking a discussion of America during the Red Scare will be disappointed -- only foreign reaction content is discussed in detail. Overall, though, this book does an excellent job of showing how public opinion can be moderated, censored, and manipulated through the governmental control of information.