A critical collection of essays discussing the Famine and the establishment of the new Ireland that pokes a lot of holes in pop history. Hinted at throughout the whole book but never explicitly stated is the intriguing suggestion that the end of Union was in effect reactionary, serving to reinforce religious differences, stem the advance of women's rights, and block the emergence of a meaningful labor movement. Kennedy goes closest to saying this when he notes that the Lagan Valley economy the most industrialized and internationalized, praises Ulster unionism for organizing 200,000 women to sign its Declaration, or is decrying Sinn Fein and the loss of rights and provincialism that occurred in Ireland after all was said and done.
The titular essay confronts the typical English domination paradigm and asks "compared to what?" The answer is fairly convincing: compared to continental Europe, Ireland had been relatively peaceful, ecumenical, and prosperous up until the Famine, and then from after the famine until around 1912.
Also useful is the chapter comparing the Famine to the Holocaust, during which Kennedy discusses the role of Irish-Americans and the development of curricula for schoolchildren based on ethnic suffering. Ironically, figures such as de Valera sought to downplay death camp photographs when they were first published while contemporary partisans are eager to include the Irish among the wretched of the earth by reaching for these Americanized narratives. Kennedy's analysis of the intentionality, duration, causes of death, scope of death, and run up to both events leaves no doubt that they are two tragedies of different types. An unexpected point was the two events' effects on thought: the Irish Famine, although inspiring a good deal of fiction, barely budged the expansion of capitalism and Whiggish thought, while Holocaust revolutionized the world: the West vowed "Never Again" and works such as The Origins of Totalitarianism and The Authoritarian Personality entered the academic canon. Kennedy will surely frustrate many by going on to say that the resulting Israel-Palestine conflict and Famine survivors' participation in anti-black and anti-Draft riots in 1860s New York shows one thing the two events do share: past victimhood is no guarantee of future performance.
The chapter on "The Revolutionary Decade" also casts doubts on many common pieties but is less convincing in sweeping them away. Kennedy seems to lay the blame for the island-wide violence on the leaders of the 1916 Easter Rising and Ulster unionism's gun-running and latent bellicosity in their Covenant. The latter faction surely explains a large part of the regional violence, but how it relates to the larger island-wide conflicts is unclear. Kennedy spells out his stance on the Easter Rising much more explicitly: he sees it as bloodthirsty and self-aggrandizing minority ignoring the varied but overwhelmingly pacific desires of most Irish people, and particularly contrasts the 2,000 odd participants in the Rising with the 200,000 Irishmen abroad in Europe. Kennedy spends a great deal of time dissecting the history and anthropology espoused by the Proclamation but completely overlooks its propagandistic or instrumental value. Perhaps announcing the Proclamation a propagandistic victory would be is reading history backwards, as Kennedy likes to warn against, but in the long term it seems that the Proclamation was part of a stream of events that indeed led to an Irish Republic. In his following summaries of the Anglo-Irish War and the Irish Civil War, the primary function of the Proclamation is seen to be inspiring partisans to arms! Kennedy also dislikes this nomenclature, which bring us to the second heartbeat of this book: ideologues sought to advance a primordial and purely Irish nationhood while Irish people varied in politics, language, religion, region, class, and (very importantly) willingness to see violence between all these different currents.