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Pakistan: Beyond the 'Crisis State'
Bringing together an extraordinary array of experts, including the renowned Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid, the Pakistani American sociologist and historian Ayesha Jalal, and Zahid Hussain, author of Columbia University Press's Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam and more recently The Scorpian's Tail, Maleeha Lodhi offers a unique volume that takes stock of Pakistan's fundamental strengths and weaknesses. Lodhi also includes the work of Ambassador Akbar Ahmed, chair of Islamic studies at American University in Washington, D.C., and Munir Akram, Pakistan's ambassador to the United Nations from 2002 to 2008. These individuals lend critical perspective to Pakistan's possible future. Drawing a portrait of Pakistan as seen by its people, the volume assesses the political, economic, social, and foreign policies of the government and its institutional challenges. It captures the nation's complex interplay between domestic and external pressures, such as the various powers that continue to manipulate the country's fortunes. Ultimately, the book argues Pakistan and its people can transform their country into a stable modern Muslim state. Nevertheless, bold reforms are required to make this outcome a reality. This book offers an agenda for broad ranging reforms to take Pakistan beyond the crisis state.
391 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2011
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 43 reviews
June 20, 2013
This is a feel good book about Pakistan, with a lot of optimism thrown in good measure. This optimism was in air after the floods of 2010 and the post 18th amendment furore.
However, in retrospect the crisis state has prolonged for Pakistan's economy, politics and society and therefore the optimism ensconed in the essays, seem a little outdated and artificial.
The essays have been written by the who's who of the Pakistan's liberal elite. In my opinion, Maleeha Lodhi's essay titled " Beyond the Crisis State" is the best in this book, considering the objective analysis, crisp language and comprehensive coverage of the issue.
However, in retrospect the crisis state has prolonged for Pakistan's economy, politics and society and therefore the optimism ensconed in the essays, seem a little outdated and artificial.
The essays have been written by the who's who of the Pakistan's liberal elite. In my opinion, Maleeha Lodhi's essay titled " Beyond the Crisis State" is the best in this book, considering the objective analysis, crisp language and comprehensive coverage of the issue.
February 10, 2017
Being a Pakistani, this book was extremely depressing for me, it depicts a very grim of Pakistan that most Pakistanis are unaware of and it is certainly an opener. I would safely say that you will only find 'Crisis' and nothing 'Beyond' in this book, the only encouraging and hopeful chapter in this book was by 'Mohsin Hamid'. I believe that every Pakistani should read this book, you can't confront your problem unless you know about them and this book is a good starter, there should be an Urdu version of this book but I'm afraid that if they launch an Urdu version, this book might get banned for its pessimistic and critical outlook of the Pakistani society and government.
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December 31, 2016Cannot say authored rather compilation of articles. Practical approaches are missing as the authors have theoretical approaches and written their respective articles while sitting in the air conditioned rooms. The gaps are felt as the book is divided into 16 chapters and each chapter deals with separate topic and different author which breaks the rhythm of the book. Not found it interesting.
January 25, 2019
An Arab poet once said; ‘I’ve become the sort of person that always talks about what his forefathers did; what his clan did; what his family did; but a person that doesn’t do anything, doesn’t have anything of his own to talk about.’
We Pakistanis can’t even say the same, for there’s nothing of sorts that our forefathers have done, nor anything our clan has, nor anything our families have, nor, have our leaders—but one point in the poet’s words we can relate ourselves to is that we don’t do anything; don’t have anything of our own to talk about; don’t know which way to go. We are like lost souls in a desert.
‘Paranoidistan’ is how Pakistan has been described, but a better name could be ‘Nostalgistan’. Having been engulfed in perceptions devoid of historical grounding and logic, Pakistan’s ‘troubling present’, as per Ayesha Jalal, ought to be assessed ‘in the light of its troubled past’—for only then can a solution of the problems it has continuously been falling prey to be found.
The famous speech delivered by the Quaid e Azam at the Constituent Assembly on 14th August 1947 doesn’t seem to have anything to do with Pakistan having been founded with a staunch religious end in mind. Instead, all of what he’d said in this speech at the constituent assembly and subsequently done afterwards, adhere to a moderate and democratic Pakistan.
Then why is it that Pakistan has been the ‘largest assembly line of terrorists’ and extremists? Notwithstanding the fact that what Ayesha has put into words is commendable, but honestly speaking, is at the same time far from enough. Trying to explain the raison d’etre of Pakistan via a state ideology is the biggest reason why Pakistan has continuously been falling prey to terrorism and extremism.
This brings me to a point Ayesha has perfectly elucidated in her piece, which is the ‘resistant to critical self-reflection’ nature of a lion’s share of Pakistan’s population. The sins of the past can only be atoned for only if they are accepted, recognised, and found a remedy for. Ironically, we find Pakistan’s present replete with what its past was home to.
Shashi Tharoor—an Indian politician and a former UN Diplomat—says very often; ‘if you don’t know where you have come from, how will you appreciate where you are going.’
So as to be able to do away with the sins of Pakistan’s past, a thorough study of its history is inevitable. The Army’s ever-increasing role in Pakistan’s politics needs to be kept in check if Pakistan is to emerge in the global politics as a truly democratic state. Appropriating national resources to the military by using national security as a hoax ought to be barred. The guardians of morality and piety need to be bolted in a dungeon as dark as the one they’ve brought us to.
In the midst of such circumstances, Jinnah continues to remain an utterly important personality. Debunking any discrimination based on caste, creed, colour, culture, cuisine, conviction, costume and custom, Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be formed on democratic lines. Islam is democratic, and so will Pakistan be—Jinnah is recorded to have said.
But then, it was Jinnah who attracted the masses, won their support and enticed their feelings by unfalteringly using religious slogans; thereby sowing the seeds of the poisonous tree Pakistan has failingly been tried to rid. This was definitely not how the Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H)—a figure whom he gave preference to over Akbar when the latter was hailed by Lord Mountbatten as a great Muslim ruler and a symbol of modernity.
Notwithstanding the dual-faced nature of Jinnah, his dreams of Pakistan becoming a homeland not only for Muslims alone but for peoples of all religions couldn’t be pursued.
Jinnah assuredly does matter, but unfortunately, not only for those who want a moderate and pluralistic Pakistan, but so too for those who want Pakistan to be a monolithic state.
In times like these, Mohsin Hamid chants slogans of hope and optimism, and describes Pakistan as ‘something of a miracle’—which candidly speaking, does sound pleasing, but regrettably, very romantic too at the same time. Recognising the increasing number of taxpayers, Mohsin argues (and I quote); ‘So if you are a progressive who wants the state of Pakistan to do more to help the poor, you should support more taxes. If you are an industrialist who wants to see that Taliban recruits are rehabilitated and retrained, you should support more taxes. If you are a professional who wants electricity and better police, you should pay more taxes. If you are an anti-American who wants us to stop taking U.S. aid, you should support more taxes. If you are a diehard militarist who wants us to buy lots of F-16s, you should support more taxes.’
Only the ones who believe Pakistan is progressing, Mohsin contends, shouldn’t pay taxes.
But does Mohsin Hamid’s quixotic optimism have the resilience to actually change the fate of this ‘moth-eaten’ state of ours? Yes, says Maleeha Lodhi who regards the challenges to traditional politics a force for good and as holding out ‘possibilities of change’.
Demands of ‘better governance and a greater voice in the country’s politics’ are being raised by Pakistanis which Maleeha believes can be a force for good.
But, it’s easier said than done—for it’s almost impossible for the privileged classes to relinquish their privilege for the sake of the downtrodden.
A country’s performance without largely stems from its performance within. External problems combined with the internal ones have compounded political challenges, and have uninterruptedly been putting on test ‘the country’s ability to weather the storms of global geo-politics’.
Governance need to be made more effective, accountability more common, democratic institutions countenanced to function more than before—however tardily they do so.
Stable civil-military relations, Maleeha states, are the nuts and bolts that need to be abided by. But can this be possible given the fact that the country has been ruled by the military for more than thirty-eight years, and when ‘the weight of history leans towards a continuing role of Army in Pakistan’s polity, whether overt or behind the scenes’?
Shuja Nawaz has tried his hand at responding to this question, and, candidly speaking, has hits the bull’s eye—for the Army to set about considering itself subservient to the Parliament, but not so much that it ends up finding itself ruled by a kind of civilian dictatorship.
‘Seriously?’ was the word I heard myself utter—for I couldn’t help but realise that Shuja Nawaz forgot to recognise that the fact that the military has been so dominant in Pakistan’s politics is innate in its very foundations. Upon partitioning, Pakistan got 19pc of British India’s population, 17pc of its revenues and a whooping 33pc of its army.
That perhaps is also the reason why Nawaz questions ‘if the military’s access to state resources’ is ‘crowding out the private sector and preventing expenditure on other more productive sectors, such as health and education’. With the large sums of Army personnel Pakistan is presently home to, it’s inevitable for the former to continue dominating the political sphere and attracting huge amounts of national resources.
One query that may arise now is what could be the possible reason behind the Army’s activism. ‘The India Factor’ responds Dr Syed Rifaat Hussain who considers four factors responsible for the ‘enduring enmity’ between Islamabad and New Delhi. 1. ‘a clash of opposing ideologies’. 2. ‘Pakistan’s fear of India’s sheer size’. 3. ‘a state of perpetual hostility’ as one of the legacies of the ‘trauma of partition’. 4. ‘the unresolved issue of Kashmir’. The remedies however are what his piece seems devoid of.
Maleeha doesn’t seem to want to follow suit. She wants each one of the aforementioned issues to be treated not in isolation from one another, but in a simultaneous way. ‘Prioritisation’ will remain the key in advancing any agenda.
Down to some excerpts from my own op-eds that by and large pertain to the topics blanketed by this book:
‘Pakistan that has for decades lived in wilderness is in dire need of a leadership capable of seeing beyond the present state of affairs and ensuring that the policies adopted help the browbeaten in the long run. A leadership devoid of vision will further worsen the already worsened conditions of the country.’
‘Learning from the past will always be a prerequisite for certifying that the mistakes whose repercussions we are still grappling with aren’t repeated.’
‘Secularism and religion are intertwined and untying them from each other would wreck mayhem. Religion needs secularism to help build restrained relations among all communities sharing the same political space regardless of the different religions they abide by. On the other hand, secularism needs religion to gratify the needs of believers of a community and condition them, and to provide a source of moral guidance that would widely be embraced.’
‘The ethnic and religious schism in Pakistan can only be relinquished if a secular—not anti-religious in nature but a wholly neutral one—approach on the issues of governance is pursued. The merger of politics with religion has been a major factor behind the prevailing violence and religious extremism in Pakistan. Unravelling mosque from state seemingly is the only way stability and peace can be accomplished, and conflicts managed.’
‘The attempt on Pakistan’s leadership part to adjudicate the confusion apropos its raison d’etre via a state ideology hasn’t rendered the acclaimed vantages. It’s about time the state brought forth a different stance.’
‘This government has much greater responsibilities now than any ever had in the past. To walk the liberal talk and to help transform this state into one wherein the rights of minorities will be protected, and human rights acknowledged, transformation of the societies at large is a prerequisite. If the “Pakistan of Jinnah” is what the party in power wants, it needs to purport at implementing his ideas by word and deed, and not at surrendering to mob rule.’
We Pakistanis can’t even say the same, for there’s nothing of sorts that our forefathers have done, nor anything our clan has, nor anything our families have, nor, have our leaders—but one point in the poet’s words we can relate ourselves to is that we don’t do anything; don’t have anything of our own to talk about; don’t know which way to go. We are like lost souls in a desert.
‘Paranoidistan’ is how Pakistan has been described, but a better name could be ‘Nostalgistan’. Having been engulfed in perceptions devoid of historical grounding and logic, Pakistan’s ‘troubling present’, as per Ayesha Jalal, ought to be assessed ‘in the light of its troubled past’—for only then can a solution of the problems it has continuously been falling prey to be found.
The famous speech delivered by the Quaid e Azam at the Constituent Assembly on 14th August 1947 doesn’t seem to have anything to do with Pakistan having been founded with a staunch religious end in mind. Instead, all of what he’d said in this speech at the constituent assembly and subsequently done afterwards, adhere to a moderate and democratic Pakistan.
Then why is it that Pakistan has been the ‘largest assembly line of terrorists’ and extremists? Notwithstanding the fact that what Ayesha has put into words is commendable, but honestly speaking, is at the same time far from enough. Trying to explain the raison d’etre of Pakistan via a state ideology is the biggest reason why Pakistan has continuously been falling prey to terrorism and extremism.
This brings me to a point Ayesha has perfectly elucidated in her piece, which is the ‘resistant to critical self-reflection’ nature of a lion’s share of Pakistan’s population. The sins of the past can only be atoned for only if they are accepted, recognised, and found a remedy for. Ironically, we find Pakistan’s present replete with what its past was home to.
Shashi Tharoor—an Indian politician and a former UN Diplomat—says very often; ‘if you don’t know where you have come from, how will you appreciate where you are going.’
So as to be able to do away with the sins of Pakistan’s past, a thorough study of its history is inevitable. The Army’s ever-increasing role in Pakistan’s politics needs to be kept in check if Pakistan is to emerge in the global politics as a truly democratic state. Appropriating national resources to the military by using national security as a hoax ought to be barred. The guardians of morality and piety need to be bolted in a dungeon as dark as the one they’ve brought us to.
In the midst of such circumstances, Jinnah continues to remain an utterly important personality. Debunking any discrimination based on caste, creed, colour, culture, cuisine, conviction, costume and custom, Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be formed on democratic lines. Islam is democratic, and so will Pakistan be—Jinnah is recorded to have said.
But then, it was Jinnah who attracted the masses, won their support and enticed their feelings by unfalteringly using religious slogans; thereby sowing the seeds of the poisonous tree Pakistan has failingly been tried to rid. This was definitely not how the Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H)—a figure whom he gave preference to over Akbar when the latter was hailed by Lord Mountbatten as a great Muslim ruler and a symbol of modernity.
Notwithstanding the dual-faced nature of Jinnah, his dreams of Pakistan becoming a homeland not only for Muslims alone but for peoples of all religions couldn’t be pursued.
Jinnah assuredly does matter, but unfortunately, not only for those who want a moderate and pluralistic Pakistan, but so too for those who want Pakistan to be a monolithic state.
In times like these, Mohsin Hamid chants slogans of hope and optimism, and describes Pakistan as ‘something of a miracle’—which candidly speaking, does sound pleasing, but regrettably, very romantic too at the same time. Recognising the increasing number of taxpayers, Mohsin argues (and I quote); ‘So if you are a progressive who wants the state of Pakistan to do more to help the poor, you should support more taxes. If you are an industrialist who wants to see that Taliban recruits are rehabilitated and retrained, you should support more taxes. If you are a professional who wants electricity and better police, you should pay more taxes. If you are an anti-American who wants us to stop taking U.S. aid, you should support more taxes. If you are a diehard militarist who wants us to buy lots of F-16s, you should support more taxes.’
Only the ones who believe Pakistan is progressing, Mohsin contends, shouldn’t pay taxes.
But does Mohsin Hamid’s quixotic optimism have the resilience to actually change the fate of this ‘moth-eaten’ state of ours? Yes, says Maleeha Lodhi who regards the challenges to traditional politics a force for good and as holding out ‘possibilities of change’.
Demands of ‘better governance and a greater voice in the country’s politics’ are being raised by Pakistanis which Maleeha believes can be a force for good.
But, it’s easier said than done—for it’s almost impossible for the privileged classes to relinquish their privilege for the sake of the downtrodden.
A country’s performance without largely stems from its performance within. External problems combined with the internal ones have compounded political challenges, and have uninterruptedly been putting on test ‘the country’s ability to weather the storms of global geo-politics’.
Governance need to be made more effective, accountability more common, democratic institutions countenanced to function more than before—however tardily they do so.
Stable civil-military relations, Maleeha states, are the nuts and bolts that need to be abided by. But can this be possible given the fact that the country has been ruled by the military for more than thirty-eight years, and when ‘the weight of history leans towards a continuing role of Army in Pakistan’s polity, whether overt or behind the scenes’?
Shuja Nawaz has tried his hand at responding to this question, and, candidly speaking, has hits the bull’s eye—for the Army to set about considering itself subservient to the Parliament, but not so much that it ends up finding itself ruled by a kind of civilian dictatorship.
‘Seriously?’ was the word I heard myself utter—for I couldn’t help but realise that Shuja Nawaz forgot to recognise that the fact that the military has been so dominant in Pakistan’s politics is innate in its very foundations. Upon partitioning, Pakistan got 19pc of British India’s population, 17pc of its revenues and a whooping 33pc of its army.
That perhaps is also the reason why Nawaz questions ‘if the military’s access to state resources’ is ‘crowding out the private sector and preventing expenditure on other more productive sectors, such as health and education’. With the large sums of Army personnel Pakistan is presently home to, it’s inevitable for the former to continue dominating the political sphere and attracting huge amounts of national resources.
One query that may arise now is what could be the possible reason behind the Army’s activism. ‘The India Factor’ responds Dr Syed Rifaat Hussain who considers four factors responsible for the ‘enduring enmity’ between Islamabad and New Delhi. 1. ‘a clash of opposing ideologies’. 2. ‘Pakistan’s fear of India’s sheer size’. 3. ‘a state of perpetual hostility’ as one of the legacies of the ‘trauma of partition’. 4. ‘the unresolved issue of Kashmir’. The remedies however are what his piece seems devoid of.
Maleeha doesn’t seem to want to follow suit. She wants each one of the aforementioned issues to be treated not in isolation from one another, but in a simultaneous way. ‘Prioritisation’ will remain the key in advancing any agenda.
Down to some excerpts from my own op-eds that by and large pertain to the topics blanketed by this book:
‘Pakistan that has for decades lived in wilderness is in dire need of a leadership capable of seeing beyond the present state of affairs and ensuring that the policies adopted help the browbeaten in the long run. A leadership devoid of vision will further worsen the already worsened conditions of the country.’
‘Learning from the past will always be a prerequisite for certifying that the mistakes whose repercussions we are still grappling with aren’t repeated.’
‘Secularism and religion are intertwined and untying them from each other would wreck mayhem. Religion needs secularism to help build restrained relations among all communities sharing the same political space regardless of the different religions they abide by. On the other hand, secularism needs religion to gratify the needs of believers of a community and condition them, and to provide a source of moral guidance that would widely be embraced.’
‘The ethnic and religious schism in Pakistan can only be relinquished if a secular—not anti-religious in nature but a wholly neutral one—approach on the issues of governance is pursued. The merger of politics with religion has been a major factor behind the prevailing violence and religious extremism in Pakistan. Unravelling mosque from state seemingly is the only way stability and peace can be accomplished, and conflicts managed.’
‘The attempt on Pakistan’s leadership part to adjudicate the confusion apropos its raison d’etre via a state ideology hasn’t rendered the acclaimed vantages. It’s about time the state brought forth a different stance.’
‘This government has much greater responsibilities now than any ever had in the past. To walk the liberal talk and to help transform this state into one wherein the rights of minorities will be protected, and human rights acknowledged, transformation of the societies at large is a prerequisite. If the “Pakistan of Jinnah” is what the party in power wants, it needs to purport at implementing his ideas by word and deed, and not at surrendering to mob rule.’
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
January 23, 2021
The complexity to explain Pakistan was well sorted out by introducing different authors for different chapters. Each chapter explained different aspect of Pakistan. From pessimism to optimism, the book shows real Pakistani scenarios.
May 4, 2021
I think of myself as a chameleon when it comes to reading. Yes, I’m a distinctive reading species, always dipping toes in many different genres, national and international, finding what works for me and what doesn’t.
Pakistan, Beyond The Crisis State, is one such book that’s definitely my cup of tea. This book comes up with a sublime collection of essays, by renowned Pakistani authors and columnists, who have been literary pillars of Pakistan. This provides us the opportunity to read about some really indispensable topics, ranging from politics, corruption, religion, education, and foreign policy.
Now feeling educated about such elusive topics, my bucket of knowledge is replete with wider perspectives and broader viewpoints. With the likes of Ayesha Jalal, Maleeha Lodhi, and Zahid Hussian on the list, the book represents a true picture of our people, politics, economy, society, and foreign policies.
As soon as I found out my favorite authors are penning down their essays in this book, I, admittedly, couldn’t wait to get my hands on this book as soon as possible. I mean whether you agree or disagree with these writers, they’re unquestionably the best critical thinkers we’ve got in Pakistan.
In spite of the book being described as pessimistic, I was still willing to delve in. However, I did not find this book to be promoting a pessimistic viewpoint in any way. This book was quite straightforward and factual at times, but powerful in its message as well.
This being said, I have had a wonderfully enjoyable reading experience and I feel motivated to learn more about issues and topics connected to my home country.
Ok bye, I’ve to go bring Pudina for my mom. And I highly believe, getting confused between Dhanya and Podina is one of the reasons why we’re staggering behind tier 1 countries. And no Pakistani author is addressing this issue. SAD!
Pakistan, Beyond The Crisis State, is one such book that’s definitely my cup of tea. This book comes up with a sublime collection of essays, by renowned Pakistani authors and columnists, who have been literary pillars of Pakistan. This provides us the opportunity to read about some really indispensable topics, ranging from politics, corruption, religion, education, and foreign policy.
Now feeling educated about such elusive topics, my bucket of knowledge is replete with wider perspectives and broader viewpoints. With the likes of Ayesha Jalal, Maleeha Lodhi, and Zahid Hussian on the list, the book represents a true picture of our people, politics, economy, society, and foreign policies.
As soon as I found out my favorite authors are penning down their essays in this book, I, admittedly, couldn’t wait to get my hands on this book as soon as possible. I mean whether you agree or disagree with these writers, they’re unquestionably the best critical thinkers we’ve got in Pakistan.
In spite of the book being described as pessimistic, I was still willing to delve in. However, I did not find this book to be promoting a pessimistic viewpoint in any way. This book was quite straightforward and factual at times, but powerful in its message as well.
This being said, I have had a wonderfully enjoyable reading experience and I feel motivated to learn more about issues and topics connected to my home country.
Ok bye, I’ve to go bring Pudina for my mom. And I highly believe, getting confused between Dhanya and Podina is one of the reasons why we’re staggering behind tier 1 countries. And no Pakistani author is addressing this issue. SAD!
April 17, 2021
Well I am not generally into book reviews but this actually forced me to write one. If you read the names of the authors you’ll be awestrucked as it includes almost all the well known and the ‘big brains’ of our country .Now when you look at the cover of the book it states its name as Pakistan Beyond the Crisis State but there is nothing beyond in it. Most of the authors have just summed up all the difficulties and the crisis that the country is facing in their articles and have restrained from giving the remedies.However some of the articles help in framing the perspective of Pakistan and defining the contours of it and the other have just thrown the information without worrying about the people that would absolutely curse and be annoyed as the information regarding the economy is really difficult to understand My personal opinion was that as there are big names and they have written the book for ordinary Pakistanis who are not economic experts the authors will at least try to break the whole scenario into chunks and will quote examples from different spheres of life to make it easier to understand but they instead of all this took the same ignorant route as it is their ignorance not knowing who they are adressing now coming to the postives,articles by Ayesha Jalal,Akbar Ahmed,Mohsin Haamid,Moeed yousaf and some other authors were beautifully put and explained the challenges in simpler and comprehensive way but articles such as the ‘economic crisis state,boosting competitiveness,turning energy around’ were not good at all . Keeping them aside I think the book was good.
August 5, 2025
outdated
November 26, 2021
Without being able to go into details of each essay, I’ll say that certain themes, like rivalry with India, military intervention, terrorism, the Afghan war, 9/11, and some others, get repeated in the essays and become irritative to read about – given their unpleasant history. While this book covers Pakistan’s complex and long-building crisis from many perspectives, historical, economic, social, religious, political, ideological, and has in them expert suggestions from respective authors, my favorites essays were: Mohsin Hamid’s ‘Why Pakistan will survive’ which took a ‘bro, chill!’ approach towards Pakistan’s innate survivalism; Shanza and Moeed’s essay on ‘Education as a Strategic Imperative’; Dr Ishrat Husain’s ‘Retooling Institutions’; and Zain Haider’s ‘Ideologically Adrift’ which explains the nation’s conflicting and confusing identity regarding being a Pakistani and a Muslim.
Full review:
https://hifzehayat.blogspot.com/2021/...
Full review:
https://hifzehayat.blogspot.com/2021/...
July 3, 2024
The book is a compilation of various problems Pakistan faces since its independence. Each chapter is designated to each problem. Every chapter is written by a different author & their perspective range from an optimist, utopian, nationalist, conservative to liberal & critics.
The point of view is fine but sometimes it sounds like a propaganda feeding the minds of the readers. For example, the chapters about Nuclear state #14, some about the ideology of pakistan is a utopian view & i cannot differ it between that & a high school Pakistan study book which you & i know how much truth it bears.
More or less Maleeha Lodhi is my favourite author & her work in it was remarkable. Book is good if not considering the above chapters.
The point of view is fine but sometimes it sounds like a propaganda feeding the minds of the readers. For example, the chapters about Nuclear state #14, some about the ideology of pakistan is a utopian view & i cannot differ it between that & a high school Pakistan study book which you & i know how much truth it bears.
More or less Maleeha Lodhi is my favourite author & her work in it was remarkable. Book is good if not considering the above chapters.
August 7, 2016
A good book if you are interested in the problems Pakistan is facing and why it is facing them,though simple answer is rampant corruption and lack of work ethic at every level of society/government.There is some optimism thrown in there to counter the realism,that Pakistan is on the verge of collapse.
The optimistic chapters give pure sanctimony about a supposedly bright future that Pakistan has: "We need better governance,we need better accountability,we need to curb extremism...and then Pakistan will be a paradise".
The optimistic chapters give pure sanctimony about a supposedly bright future that Pakistan has: "We need better governance,we need better accountability,we need to curb extremism...and then Pakistan will be a paradise".
October 8, 2023
I read the book in 2023, 12 years after it was first published. The book is an excellent resource if you want to understand the Pakistani polity from 2000-2010. The chapters are written by subject experts or at least by scholars well-versed broadly about Pakistan. Each chapter offers some policy recommendations. Although most writers offer general policy directions a few outline concrete steps the government can take. The chapters I felt were particularly well written were the ones by Maleeha Lodhi, Ishrat Hussain, and Mudassar Mazhar Malik.
August 3, 2019
This book provides a great insight into the prevailing state of affairs and how they came to be. It is a good sign seeing the recommendations given in the book already in action. I hope Pakistan stays on track.
July 20, 2022
Chef-d'oeuvre! Although stats and data are a bit outdated, concepts are still relevant as barely anything has changed in the land of pure— instability still rampant & economic turmoil still on the horizon. Thoroughly researched and elegantly concocted.
Read
January 30, 2017it is agood book
March 25, 2025
Pakistan: Beyond the Crisis State is a timely and ambitious collection of essays that challenges the one-dimensional narrative often associated with Pakistan. Edited by diplomat and scholar Maleeha Lodhi, the book brings together a range of voices — both Pakistani and international — to offer a more nuanced, multi-faceted look at the country.
Instead of focusing solely on crises — terrorism, political instability, extremism — this book attempts to reframe the conversation around resilience, reform, and potential. The essays explore everything from democracy and judicial independence to economic reform, media evolution, urbanization, and national identity.
One of the strengths of the book is its diversity of perspectives. Contributors include well-known academics, journalists, economists, and policy analysts. Each chapter stands on its own, providing insight into a different aspect of Pakistan’s internal dynamics and its place in the global order. Lodhi’s own introduction sets the tone by emphasizing that Pakistan should not be viewed only through the lens of security threats, but also through its capacity for transformation.
However, the book is academic in tone and may feel dense to casual readers unfamiliar with political discourse. It’s not light reading, but for students, scholars, and policymakers, it’s an essential resource.
Instead of focusing solely on crises — terrorism, political instability, extremism — this book attempts to reframe the conversation around resilience, reform, and potential. The essays explore everything from democracy and judicial independence to economic reform, media evolution, urbanization, and national identity.
One of the strengths of the book is its diversity of perspectives. Contributors include well-known academics, journalists, economists, and policy analysts. Each chapter stands on its own, providing insight into a different aspect of Pakistan’s internal dynamics and its place in the global order. Lodhi’s own introduction sets the tone by emphasizing that Pakistan should not be viewed only through the lens of security threats, but also through its capacity for transformation.
However, the book is academic in tone and may feel dense to casual readers unfamiliar with political discourse. It’s not light reading, but for students, scholars, and policymakers, it’s an essential resource.
May 7, 2020
This volume has comprehensively investigated and elaborated the core issues our state confronts today. Many leading and well-versed authors/researchers have contributed their analysis brilliantly.
With pragmatic optimism, the emphasis this book carries is the capability and resourcefulness of our state. Having sailed through terrible periods of wars, bankruptcy and natural disasters, Pakistan stood the test of time ably.
While on the other hand, some of the systemtic and fundamental issues persist since independence. The burden of poor governance, low literacy rate, short-sighted leadership and economic mismanagement can be felt during the course of Pakistan's history.
These challenges may seem insurmountable, yet they can be tackled if addressed properly. The books suggests some outstanding reforms, which the government needs to implement on priority basis.
The book is a bit outdated for today's reader as it has been written in 2010-11 with emphasis on the contemporary issues of that time.
With pragmatic optimism, the emphasis this book carries is the capability and resourcefulness of our state. Having sailed through terrible periods of wars, bankruptcy and natural disasters, Pakistan stood the test of time ably.
While on the other hand, some of the systemtic and fundamental issues persist since independence. The burden of poor governance, low literacy rate, short-sighted leadership and economic mismanagement can be felt during the course of Pakistan's history.
These challenges may seem insurmountable, yet they can be tackled if addressed properly. The books suggests some outstanding reforms, which the government needs to implement on priority basis.
The book is a bit outdated for today's reader as it has been written in 2010-11 with emphasis on the contemporary issues of that time.
March 13, 2021
A well-organised and concerted effort to diagnose and present solutions for some of the issues faced by Pakistan. Prolific writers from various fields and walks of life express their opinions and try to build a narrative that compliments the belief that Pakistan is indeed not in an incurable state. The book is rich in prose or pedantic at times, and, often requires some prior understanding of regional and national affairs. It is nonetheless, a great read for the beginners as well as policymakers of Pakistan. One of the finest books out there in the market that covers contemporary issues by erudite, learned and experienced professionals.
September 30, 2018
The book has been written in a fantastic manner and it discusses contemporary issues of Pakistan in a modern perspective. However, not all of the chapters are important to read such as chapters related to Afghan war, etc. Moreover, this book lists the facts up to 2010, which I think one can replace with the current facts and figures.
You will be able to get a positive outlook for Pakistan after reading this book, but again, not every chapter.
You will be able to get a positive outlook for Pakistan after reading this book, but again, not every chapter.
December 16, 2020
The book touches on perennially sticky issues faced by Pakistan and Pakistanis, especially in our latest decades. It is great to hear - or rather read - from some of Pakistan's greatest minds, about the way forward.
However, the book can feel a bit dated, since the issues dealt by some essays (terrorism and power generation etc.), are thankfully not on most Pakistanis' minds anymore.
My favourite essay was on the strategic importance of quality education in Pakistan.
However, the book can feel a bit dated, since the issues dealt by some essays (terrorism and power generation etc.), are thankfully not on most Pakistanis' minds anymore.
My favourite essay was on the strategic importance of quality education in Pakistan.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
April 5, 2020
Read this as an undergraduate student - long time ago. I'd say this is one of the best books on Pakistan anyone can read- esp those who don't know much about Pakistan (it'll help you get up to speed about the ailments facing Pakistan). More importantly, this is written by Pakistani academics and policymakers, and thus not as prone to charges of "bias" by readers (esp Pakistani nationalists).
June 4, 2022
Although it was written in 2011 but seems relevant as of today. The issues facing Pakistan today are same and the authors have covered all basic policy issues. The fault lines have been elaborated along with the way out. I will recommend it to those who want to understand what’s wrong in Pakistan . All topics have been covered May it be Education, economy , Afghanistan or India
December 21, 2022
A quite good book that focuses on the country's main issues and gives suggestions to resolve those issues. The book is divided into 17 chapters and each chapter is written by an expert in his field. However, the data mentioned in the book is old.
February 4, 2018
a good compilation
March 18, 2018
This is very good book to read
April 21, 2019
Séquence of chapters / analytical papers should have been more logical and going through time-line as well.
Want to read
October 24, 2019book
October 24, 2019
editor did immense hardwork in collecting analysis from the pundits of economy , democracy and policy makers ❤️
September 7, 2020
The book throughly explains all Pakistan's deep-seated issues and fault lines related to political, economic, social and religious with vivid illustrations, and also provides way forward.
Want to read
September 13, 2020for knowledge
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