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The Black Book of the American Left: The Collected Conservative Writings of David Horowitz
David Horowitz spent the first part of his life in the world of the Communist-progressive left, a politics he inherited from his mother and father, and later in the New Left as one of its founders. When the wreckage he and his comrades had created became clear to him in the mid-1970s, he left. Three decades of second thoughts then made him this movement’s principal intellectual antagonist. “For better or worse,” as Horowitz writes in the preface, “I have been condemned to spend the rest of my days attempting to understand how the left pursues the agendas from which I have separated myself, and why.”
When Horowitz began his odyssey, the left had already escaped the political ghetto to which his parents’ generation and his own had been confined. Today, it has become the dominant force in America’s academic and media cultures, electing a president and achieving a position from which it can shape America’s future. How it achieved its present success and what that success portends are the overarching subjects of Horowitz’s conservative writings. Through the unflinching focus of one singularly engaged witness, the identity of a destructive movement that constantly morphs itself in order to conceal its identity and mission becomes disturbingly clear.
Horowitz reflects on the years he spent at war with his own country, collaborating with and confronting radical figures like Huey Newton, Tom Hayden and Billy Ayers, as he made his transition from what the writer Paul Berman described as the American left’s “most important theorist” to its most determined enemy.
When Horowitz began his odyssey, the left had already escaped the political ghetto to which his parents’ generation and his own had been confined. Today, it has become the dominant force in America’s academic and media cultures, electing a president and achieving a position from which it can shape America’s future. How it achieved its present success and what that success portends are the overarching subjects of Horowitz’s conservative writings. Through the unflinching focus of one singularly engaged witness, the identity of a destructive movement that constantly morphs itself in order to conceal its identity and mission becomes disturbingly clear.
Horowitz reflects on the years he spent at war with his own country, collaborating with and confronting radical figures like Huey Newton, Tom Hayden and Billy Ayers, as he made his transition from what the writer Paul Berman described as the American left’s “most important theorist” to its most determined enemy.
416 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2013
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383 people want to read
About the author
David Horowitz
187 books337 followersDavid Joel Horowitz was an American conservative writer and activist. He was a founder and president of the David Horowitz Freedom Center (DHFC); editor of the Center's website FrontPage Magazine; and director of Discover the Networks, a website that tracks individuals and groups on the political left. Horowitz also founded the organization Students for Academic Freedom.
Horowitz wrote several books with author Peter Collier, including four on prominent 20th-century American families. He and Collier have collaborated on books about cultural criticism. Horowitz worked as a columnist for Salon.
From 1956 to 1975, Horowitz was an outspoken adherent of the New Left. He later rejected progressive ideas and became a defender of neoconservatism. Horowitz recounted his ideological journey in a series of retrospective books, culminating with his 1996 memoir Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey.
Horowitz wrote several books with author Peter Collier, including four on prominent 20th-century American families. He and Collier have collaborated on books about cultural criticism. Horowitz worked as a columnist for Salon.
From 1956 to 1975, Horowitz was an outspoken adherent of the New Left. He later rejected progressive ideas and became a defender of neoconservatism. Horowitz recounted his ideological journey in a series of retrospective books, culminating with his 1996 memoir Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey.
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December 4, 2013
David Horowitz, The Black Book of the American Left: The Collected Conservative Writings of David Horowitz, Vol. 1: My Life and Times (New York: Encounter Books, 2013). Hardback / Kindle
David Horowitz was a Red diaper baby, born in 1939 to and raised in New York City by card-carrying members of the Communist Party USA. In 1956, on the cusp of reaching the age of majority, he, along with his parents, learned of Nikita Khrushchev’s secret speech to the Soviet Union’s Communist Party leadership, which revealed the magnitude of Josef Stalin’s crimes against humanity. It was a dispiriting event for partisans of the Old Left, such as Horowitz’s parents, which had defended Stalin against all critics.
It also sowed the seeds of the New Left, a younger generation of social and political radicals—often Red diaper babies—who dedicated themselves to the advancement of various liberation movements, identity politics, socialism, and participatory democracy. Horowitz was a leader in this movement, organizing the first protest against the Vietnam War at Berkeley in 1963; serving on the staff of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation in London; writing the New Left’s first critique of American foreign policy, The New World Colossus; editing the leading New Left journal Ramparts with his friend and lifelong collaborator Peter Collier; and helping the Huey P. Newton and the Black Panther Party establish the Oakland Community Learning Center in Oakland, California.
In 1974, he hired Betty Van Patter, a friend, as accountant for the Learning Center. She was murdered in late 1974, and through contacts, Horowitz learned that her murderers were Black Panther enforcers. She had been killed because she asked Panther leaders too many questions about irregularities in their finances. For Horowitz (and his friend Collier), this crisis event precipitated a decade of withdrawal from political activism, their departure from the New Left, and their (eventual) enlistment in the ranks of political conservatism.
Their coming-out can be dated to 1985, when they wrote an article titled, “Lefties for Reagan,” for the Washington Post (titled “Goodbye to All That” in this volume). As can be seen from the title, Horowitz and Collier still considered themselves men of the Left, but they voted for Reagan because of his support for the Contras against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua’s civil war. They had seen the devastation wrought by Communist governments throughout the world (including in Vietnam and Cambodia), and men of the Left though they were, they were no longer willing or able to support governments of that ilk. In 1987, they organized a Second Thoughts Conference that brought together former partisans of the Old and New Left to air their doubts about the wisdom of both those movements. Since then, the politics of both Horowitz and Collier have steadily moved rightward, to a “conservative”—perhaps better, “libertarian”—point of view.
Conversions—whether in religion or politics—are often bitter affairs, for both converts and their circles of friends. This is certainly true of Horowitz. His former comrades duly noted his apostasy and demonized his new self accordingly. In response, Horowitz documents in the essays in this volume the willing support of New Left partisans for various movements—the Viet Cong, the Black Panthers, the Sandinistas—whose atrocities they willfully downplayed or simply ignored. Throughout this book, he repeatedly cites a 1969 cover of Ramparts as emblematic, on which an American child holds a Viet Cong flag and the headline declares, “Alienation is when your county is at war and you want the other side to win.” That, Horowitz argues, was the New Left’s credo, consistently though ironically confessed—ironically because the New Left made use of their political freedoms to critique the very institutions that sustained them.
The Black Book of the American Left is a projected 10-volume series of David Horowitz’s conservative writings, that is, his writings after 1985. Volume 1 focuses on his “life and times,” as the subtitle puts it. Its essays—dated from 1985 to the present—are largely autobiographical, apologetical, critical, and score settling. Horowitz is sharply critical of contemporary Leftists who downplay or paper over the radicalism, anti-Americanism, and support for violent liberation movements that were intrinsic features of much of the New Left in its time. Given the New Left’s “march through the institutions,” its prominence in academia and politics, and its recrudescence in the contemporary antiwar and Occupy movements, Horowitz’s writings serve as both a memory and a warning: Those who forget the past are indeed doomed to relive it.
P.S. If you found my review helpful, please vote “Yes” on my Amazon.com review page.
David Horowitz was a Red diaper baby, born in 1939 to and raised in New York City by card-carrying members of the Communist Party USA. In 1956, on the cusp of reaching the age of majority, he, along with his parents, learned of Nikita Khrushchev’s secret speech to the Soviet Union’s Communist Party leadership, which revealed the magnitude of Josef Stalin’s crimes against humanity. It was a dispiriting event for partisans of the Old Left, such as Horowitz’s parents, which had defended Stalin against all critics.
It also sowed the seeds of the New Left, a younger generation of social and political radicals—often Red diaper babies—who dedicated themselves to the advancement of various liberation movements, identity politics, socialism, and participatory democracy. Horowitz was a leader in this movement, organizing the first protest against the Vietnam War at Berkeley in 1963; serving on the staff of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation in London; writing the New Left’s first critique of American foreign policy, The New World Colossus; editing the leading New Left journal Ramparts with his friend and lifelong collaborator Peter Collier; and helping the Huey P. Newton and the Black Panther Party establish the Oakland Community Learning Center in Oakland, California.
In 1974, he hired Betty Van Patter, a friend, as accountant for the Learning Center. She was murdered in late 1974, and through contacts, Horowitz learned that her murderers were Black Panther enforcers. She had been killed because she asked Panther leaders too many questions about irregularities in their finances. For Horowitz (and his friend Collier), this crisis event precipitated a decade of withdrawal from political activism, their departure from the New Left, and their (eventual) enlistment in the ranks of political conservatism.
Their coming-out can be dated to 1985, when they wrote an article titled, “Lefties for Reagan,” for the Washington Post (titled “Goodbye to All That” in this volume). As can be seen from the title, Horowitz and Collier still considered themselves men of the Left, but they voted for Reagan because of his support for the Contras against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua’s civil war. They had seen the devastation wrought by Communist governments throughout the world (including in Vietnam and Cambodia), and men of the Left though they were, they were no longer willing or able to support governments of that ilk. In 1987, they organized a Second Thoughts Conference that brought together former partisans of the Old and New Left to air their doubts about the wisdom of both those movements. Since then, the politics of both Horowitz and Collier have steadily moved rightward, to a “conservative”—perhaps better, “libertarian”—point of view.
Conversions—whether in religion or politics—are often bitter affairs, for both converts and their circles of friends. This is certainly true of Horowitz. His former comrades duly noted his apostasy and demonized his new self accordingly. In response, Horowitz documents in the essays in this volume the willing support of New Left partisans for various movements—the Viet Cong, the Black Panthers, the Sandinistas—whose atrocities they willfully downplayed or simply ignored. Throughout this book, he repeatedly cites a 1969 cover of Ramparts as emblematic, on which an American child holds a Viet Cong flag and the headline declares, “Alienation is when your county is at war and you want the other side to win.” That, Horowitz argues, was the New Left’s credo, consistently though ironically confessed—ironically because the New Left made use of their political freedoms to critique the very institutions that sustained them.
The Black Book of the American Left is a projected 10-volume series of David Horowitz’s conservative writings, that is, his writings after 1985. Volume 1 focuses on his “life and times,” as the subtitle puts it. Its essays—dated from 1985 to the present—are largely autobiographical, apologetical, critical, and score settling. Horowitz is sharply critical of contemporary Leftists who downplay or paper over the radicalism, anti-Americanism, and support for violent liberation movements that were intrinsic features of much of the New Left in its time. Given the New Left’s “march through the institutions,” its prominence in academia and politics, and its recrudescence in the contemporary antiwar and Occupy movements, Horowitz’s writings serve as both a memory and a warning: Those who forget the past are indeed doomed to relive it.
P.S. If you found my review helpful, please vote “Yes” on my Amazon.com review page.
December 27, 2014
David Horowitz always writes insightful, almost aphoristic pieces. This volume is a collection of essays and books from the 1980s to 2012. He qualifies as a prophet. His analysis is nothing less than brilliant. He vivisects the American Left and you can hear the screams. I served as a hospital corpsman in the Navy from 1970 to 1976. I was stationed at USNH 59, St Albans, New York from 1971 to 1973. I was so confused back then about the civilians reactions to me. Many hated me on sight. The media was filled with stories about how evil I was and the shame that I should feel. Now, I understand why; thanks to David Horowitz. He lays it out clearly and succinctly. It really was an organized effort to lose that war. It really was not people of good will who differed as to the morality of war in general, or Vietnam specifically. They really did want to see this country defeated and the agenda of the Left implemented. Those kids I helped to die on those hospital wards were just pawns pushed around a game board by individuals of the Left who were not fit to wipe shit off their boots. Those men and women of the Left will have to answer for those damaged and dead kids someday. By 1975 I was in graduate school at SUNY Binghamton. When Saigon fell, I watched rich, white people from NYC hold a Victory rally on campus. We called them "Mercedes radicals". During the week they dressed shabbier than we scholarship and fellowship students. On Friday they jumped into their Mercedes and Porsches and drove back to "the City." It broke my heart. I understood relief that the killing had stopped (but it hadn't), but this display was obscene. I remember talking to an Ancient History prof of mine, Dr. Thomas Africa. The rumor was that he had been a First Sergeant in the Army before getting his doctorate. He was a brilliant Roman historian and it showed. I just stared at him in a hallway and said "It's not right. Those people out there celebrating and burning flags and making speeches about the defeat of imperialism don't get it. They don't have the qualifications to be doing that out there." For the first time I heard the "top sergeant" voice. "Let it go, kid. It don't mean nothin'. They don't understand and they never will. Just let it go, son." I doubt if Mr. Horowitz ever reads these amateur reviews of his work. But I would like to publicly thank him for helping me finally lay to rest those 40 year old unquiet ghosts. I think I understand now, because of his work, that we were not losers; that we were not lesser men than our fathers of the "good war." We had stolen from us that which we had purchased with youth and blood. We were too naïve and too young to understand it then. We did not just have Vietnamese enemies. We had no glory, but we had honor. Sometimes honor must be sufficient. David Horowitz has added understanding to that honor and that gives one acceptance. Thank you sir from the center of my soul. May the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob hold you safe in the crook of His arm. Former HM3 Matthew A Dambro USNR
Want to read
March 22, 2019"The mentality of the Democratic party, today, is a communist mentality."
"...and there are no dissenters in that party."
David Horowitz
"...and there are no dissenters in that party."
David Horowitz
July 5, 2019
“When progressives engage opponents it is rarely to examine the facts or refute an argument but rather to destroy the messenger himself and remove him from the field of battle.”
April 9, 2019
I am a bit younger than the author of this book while being of the same generation. However, while the author spent his entire life in the political universe, first as a communist and then as a conservative, I have spent my entire adult life save for the first six or seven years in the gospel ministry as a Baptist preacher. These things said, I sincerely wish i had begun reading David Horowitz decades ago for the benefit of being provided by him of the specific details of the political landscape in this country where I serve God. Having read volume one and being determined to read the rest of the volumes I would urge upon every conservative Christian and spiritual leader I know to purchase and read this book. You will not acquire new spiritual truth from Horowitz. However, you will learn a great deal about the nuts and bolts operations and the twisted thinking of the anti-God, anti-Christ, anti-Semite, anti-Christian, and anti-Bible leftists who exercise such influence in academia, in what used to be journalism, and throughout the broadcast and cable media. If you are an observant person you will read Horowitz and find yourself (like me) nodding and mumbling under your breath ("Oh, that's what happened.") This was a truly great read.
December 14, 2019
From Each According to His Exploitability, To the Nomenklatura According to its Greed.
The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.
David Horowitz is the hedgehog, for though he may examine varied subjects, the focus of his work has remained one big thing: the nature, deeds and fortunes of the political left. He is well acquainted with this one big thing because he lived right in the middle of it as a radical Marxist for a long time.
The Black Book of the American Left: The Collected Conservative Writings is a collection of essays in which he tells us all about this one big thing.
Horowitz tells us what American leftists did back in the 60s.
He tells us what the Left's "accomplishments" brought to the world and America.:
And even with such an atrocious track record, the Left still believes the fantasy and casts themselves as the good guys.
So the Left continues on its march towards "social justice", though...
Horowitz has much more to say about the Left and how conservatives ought to respond. I recommend that anyone considering themselves a conservative read this book.
You will learn a great deal about the nuts and bolts operations and the twisted thinking of the anti-Christian, anti-Semitic, anti-American leftists who exercise such great influence in academia and the media. You will read Horowitz and find yourself nodding and muttering to yourself -"Oh, that's how it happened."
The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.
David Horowitz is the hedgehog, for though he may examine varied subjects, the focus of his work has remained one big thing: the nature, deeds and fortunes of the political left. He is well acquainted with this one big thing because he lived right in the middle of it as a radical Marxist for a long time.
The Black Book of the American Left: The Collected Conservative Writings is a collection of essays in which he tells us all about this one big thing.
Horowitz tells us what American leftists did back in the 60s.
While American boys were dying overseas, we spat on the flag, broke the law, denigrated and disrupted the institutions of government and education, gave comfort and aid, even revealing classified secrets, to the enemy. Some of us, like Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda provided a protective propaganda shield for Hanoi's Communist regime while it tortured American war-prisoners; others engaged in violent sabotage against the war effort.
Every testimony by North Vietnamese generals in the postwar years has affirmed that they knew they could not defeat the United States on the battlefield, and that they counted on the division of our people at home to win the war for them. The Vietcong forces we were fighting in South Vietnam were destroyed in 1968. In other words, most of the war and most of the casualties in the war occurred because the dictatorship of North Vietnam counted on the hope that the Americans would give up the battle rather than pay the price necessary to win it. This is what happened. The blood of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese, and tens of thousands of Americans, is on the hands of the antiwar activists who prolonged the struggle and gave victory to the Communists.
He tells us what the Left's "accomplishments" brought to the world and America.:
The second effect of the war was to surrender South Vietnam to the forces of Communism. This resulted in the imposition of a monstrous police-state, the murder of thousands of innocent South Vietnamese, the incarceration in "reeducation camps" of hundreds of thousands more, and a quarter-century of abject poverty imposed by crackpot Marxist economic plans...
Another unacknowledged lesson from Indochina involves the way in which Vietnam has become a satellite of the Soviet union: paying for foreign aid by sending labor-brigades to its benefactor.
America not only withdrew its forces from Vietnam, as we on the left had said it could never do, but from Laos and Cambodia and, ultimately, from its role as guardian of the international status-quo. But far from increasing the freedom and well-being of Third World nations, as we on the left had predicted, America's withdrawal resulted in an international power-vacuum that was quickly filled by the armies of Russia, Cuba, and the mass-murderers of the Khmer Rouge, not to mention the non-Communist but no less bloodthirsty fanatics of revolutionary Islam. All this bloodshed and misery was the direct result of America's post-Vietnam withdrawal, the end of Pax Americana, which we had ardently desired and helped to bring about.
And even with such an atrocious track record, the Left still believes the fantasy and casts themselves as the good guys.
Since the ideologies of the left are commitment to an imagined future, to question them is to provoke a moral rather than an empirical response: ARE YOU FOR OR AGAINST THE EQUALITY OF HUMAN BEINGS? To dissent from the progressive viewpoint is not a failure to assess relevant facts but an unwillingness to embrace a liberated future...In the current cant of the left, it is to be "racist, sexist, classist," a defender of the status quo.
Consequently, it is perfectly consistent for progressives to consider themselves morally and intellectually enlightened, while dismissing their opponents as morally repugnant reactionaries, unworthy of the community of other human beings.
So the Left continues on its march towards "social justice", though...
The left does not value the bounty it actually has in this country. In an effort to achieve a historically bankrupt fantasy called "socialism" it undermines the very privileges and rights it is the first to claim.
So ingrained have the promises of the Old Left become in their new "liberal" clothing that in post-Cold War America, conservatives are now the counterculture.
Their victories are visible all around us. Under the banner of expanding rights, they have transformed America from a covenant to secure liberties to a claim for entitlements. They have expanded the powers of the state and constricted the realm of freedom. They have eroded the private economy and stifled individual initiative. Through race-based legislation and the concept of group rights, they have subverted the neutrality of the law and the very idea of a national identity.
Horowitz has much more to say about the Left and how conservatives ought to respond. I recommend that anyone considering themselves a conservative read this book.
You will learn a great deal about the nuts and bolts operations and the twisted thinking of the anti-Christian, anti-Semitic, anti-American leftists who exercise such great influence in academia and the media. You will read Horowitz and find yourself nodding and muttering to yourself -"Oh, that's how it happened."
November 3, 2016
This is an extraordinary collection of essays that traces the "second thoughts" of one of the leaders of the socialist movement of the '60s. His insights are perspicacious, his logic inescapable and his self-awareness piercingly honest. It traces my own journey from leftist ideologue to whatever I am today.
My opinion of the most penetrating insight: that socialism is a quest for redemption (and a sense of immortality) in this world and that it is prompted by our knowledge of our own mortality.
I can't recommend this book enough. But I'm afraid it will fall on deaf ears for those who need it most.
My opinion of the most penetrating insight: that socialism is a quest for redemption (and a sense of immortality) in this world and that it is prompted by our knowledge of our own mortality.
I can't recommend this book enough. But I'm afraid it will fall on deaf ears for those who need it most.
July 9, 2018
It is rare that I have read a book with more shoddy, superficial, psuedo-psychological nonsense. His broad generalizations and assessments about motivations are utterly laughable, unless you agree with him already. If you do though, you'll probably, wrong-headedly, perceive him as a thoughtful intellectual.
May 11, 2020
Very educational....and scary. I have a bunch of great friends who I think very highly of and who are politically "far" left. At least they always vote Democrat. I think most of them would be horrified to understand how much their party is influenced by communists. I had no idea it was that bad. I do wonder if there is a similar group of crazies on the far right pulling the Republican party in that direction. People like that idiot Richard Spencer. Although, I don't see him having any influence in Republican politics. I definitely believe that the far left and the far right actually meet together in their own way to form their respective authoritarian visions.
January 31, 2014
From the desk of Horowitz Freedom Center
Anyone who is familiar with the work of David Horowitz; his books, his founding of conservative movements like David Horowitz Freedom Center, Academic Bill of Rights, The Front Page Mag.com., and his relentless fight against the alliance of radical Islam and the American left on college campuses must be aware that he is one of the leading members of the conservative movement in this country.
This book is the first of a planned nine volumes to be published in the coming years that chronicles his writings about the liberal and leftists groups in this country. Many of these articles are thought provoking and shed light on the slow and steady destruction of American values. These essays describe the true nature of the American left. He expresses his desire to persuade those still on the left of the destructive consequences of the ideas they believe in; and second, the frustration with the American conservatives who do not understand the American left. They need to comprehend the Marxist foundations and religious dimensions of the radical faiths such as Islam or the hatred it inspires and propagates. Those who disagree with Horowitz's political views distort his writings and class them as malicious, racial, radical right and highly divisive.
This is a highly readable book and I recommend this to anyone who is interested in an honest discussion about the political affairs in America.
Anyone who is familiar with the work of David Horowitz; his books, his founding of conservative movements like David Horowitz Freedom Center, Academic Bill of Rights, The Front Page Mag.com., and his relentless fight against the alliance of radical Islam and the American left on college campuses must be aware that he is one of the leading members of the conservative movement in this country.
This book is the first of a planned nine volumes to be published in the coming years that chronicles his writings about the liberal and leftists groups in this country. Many of these articles are thought provoking and shed light on the slow and steady destruction of American values. These essays describe the true nature of the American left. He expresses his desire to persuade those still on the left of the destructive consequences of the ideas they believe in; and second, the frustration with the American conservatives who do not understand the American left. They need to comprehend the Marxist foundations and religious dimensions of the radical faiths such as Islam or the hatred it inspires and propagates. Those who disagree with Horowitz's political views distort his writings and class them as malicious, racial, radical right and highly divisive.
This is a highly readable book and I recommend this to anyone who is interested in an honest discussion about the political affairs in America.
August 14, 2015
This book will mostly be read by the right as most books which of the left will be read by those of the left. The collection of essays in this book provide a chronicle of Horowitz's transition from a radical on the left the right. It would be good if those of the left would take the time out to read his book as I feel his criticism's are justified. When he abandoned the left he states that there was no political center to go to. This is where I diverge from Horowitz. If there is no political center then you should make one if that is where you believe you should be. As much as I dislike the ideologues of the left who apologize for Islamic terrorists and institute their own brand of McCarthyism that does not make me wish to keep company with Ann Coulter and Rush Limbaugh. The people who would benefit the most from reading it are the hard left but I do not think they will.
December 30, 2013
I found this book to be quite interesting. Evidently, I haven't been paying attention. I didn't even know that David Horowitz had become a conservative. Since the author was raised in a communist family and worked on progressive (far left) issues, which included a close connection with the Black Panthers, I trust what he has to say about Progressive thought. It was also interesting to read about why he became a conservative and how his life has been affected by that decision.
The only negative to this book is that it is a collection of essays. Consequently, there are stories and other information that is repeated.
The only negative to this book is that it is a collection of essays. Consequently, there are stories and other information that is repeated.
August 23, 2016
An eye opener
I have been meaning to get started reading this serries of books and finally did. I thoroughly enjoyed Mr. Horowitz's account of the radical left in America and how it is still working today to undermine freedoms we take for granted without sounding like it was written by a conspiracy theorist. Written by someone who grew up with and participated in some of the radicalism I Rember, but only read about, He brings a perspective that goes beyond a recounting of historical events even as it provides ample warning for conservatives to not take for granted the liberties we have inherited by virtue of being born in America. Looking forward to volume II.
I have been meaning to get started reading this serries of books and finally did. I thoroughly enjoyed Mr. Horowitz's account of the radical left in America and how it is still working today to undermine freedoms we take for granted without sounding like it was written by a conspiracy theorist. Written by someone who grew up with and participated in some of the radicalism I Rember, but only read about, He brings a perspective that goes beyond a recounting of historical events even as it provides ample warning for conservatives to not take for granted the liberties we have inherited by virtue of being born in America. Looking forward to volume II.
May 12, 2015
Very good. I can't quit put my finger on why I enjoyed reading this so much, but Horowitz does a good job of giving the reader a sense of where he is coming from, explaining what he is fighting against (and for) and some of the struggles or opposition he has had from his former ideology.
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June 3, 2015An excellent explanation of the mindset of the political left.
Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews