Marxism and the Party

by John Molyneux

Marxism and the Party dispels the myths about "democratic centralism" and demonstrates that the kind of socialist party that Lenin built had nothing in common with the Stalinist despotism that replaced it.

Genres: Politics, Theory, Nonfiction

192 pages, Paperback

First published September 1, 2008

Reviews

[Brian Napoletano · Rating 4 out of 5]

I have been trying to gain a clearer understanding of the Marxist concept of the party lately, partially in an effort to understand Noam Chomsky's criticisms of the Bolshevik party and partially because we desperately need a new party in the US. Molyneux's "Marxism and the Party" examines the evolution of the concept of a revolutionary party as synthesized by some of history's more well-know revolutionaries. In particular, he discusses the contributions that Marx, Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky, and Gramsci have made to the theoretical and ideological principles of a revolutionary party. According to Molyneux, Marx's concept of a revolutionary party were necessarily premature, given the nascent stage that capitalism was in at the time, but several principles can be drawn from Marx's work. The most important principle is of course is the need for the revolutionary party to be based in and to represent the proletariat. Lenin made a significant contribution to the Marxist concept of a revolutionary party by introducing the concept of the (oft misunderstood) 'vanguard party'. While Lenin's earliest ideas inappropriately proposed that Marxist concepts would need to be introduced to the working class from without, his experiences just prior to and during the Russian revolution corrected this misconception and convinced Lenin that the vanguard party should consist of working class members who understand their position in the capitalist system of exploitation recognize the need for a proletarian revolution. The need for unity of action convinced Lenin that the vanguard party must also be democratic centralist, meaning that the range of debate and proposals was entirely free, but that once a course of action was voted upon, all the members would work to carry it out. Luxemburg added to Lenin's concept the need to maintain a direct connection between the party and the rest of the working class, the inherent link between political and economic struggles, and the observation that much of the initiative and creativity comes from the seemingly spontaneous actions by the workers (as opposed to the central committee). Trotsky's experience with Stalinism reinforced his recognition of the need for democracy in the party, as well as the need for a 'united front' that allows the party to co-operate with other (often bourgeois) movements on issues of strategic importance to the working class without compromising the revolutionary nature or integrity of the party. Trotsky also emphasized the need for an international proletariat that recognizes the class division as the primary division, and that the ruling class uses nationalism, racism, sexism, and other differences to divide the working class. Finally, Gramsci points out that in more mature capitalist societies, both state power and the institutions of civil society work to maintain the system of exploitation, and that a revolutionary party must address both systems--the former in the war of maneuver, and the former in the war of position. Consequently, the revolutionary party must work to simultaneously win over members of the working class and help them to develop and internalize their understanding of the revolutionary movement for which they are fighting.

The conclusion discusses the stagnation of the development of the theory of the revolutionary party since Gramsci and attributes it largely to the ways in which the capitalist class adapted to the conditions left by World War 2. As capitalism advances further into its largest crisis since the Depression of the 1930s, however, the time to implement and refine the theory of the revolutionary party through practice rapidly approaches.

[Edward · Rating 4 out of 5]

The book goes through contributions to and conceptions of the party from Marx, Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky and Gramsci. It is written from a Leninist perspective and doesn't mention Mao at all. It was a good read and really deepened my understanding of the leninist conception of the party and the way it emerged out of its historical situation.

[Devyn Kennedy · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a really great history of Marxism. It shows it's leading people as well as how they came to adopt the philosophy that they did. Furthermore, it dictates their contribution to the party. It is well researched and a great introduction for anyone that wishes to be involved with Socialism or simply wants to know more.

[Tess · Rating 5 out of 5]

I read this book in conjunction with Donny Gluckstein’s The Western Soviets, and it was a brilliant companion. In addition, it filled in gaps in my knowledge, going into detail about Marx’s party building efforts, what the deal is with the Fourth International, and why Gramsci is so great.

An indispensable read for anyone wanting to fight for socialism.

[Sonali · Rating 5 out of 5]

A thorough yet concise analysis of some of the most important Marxist thinkers on the role of revolutionary leadership in generating class consciousness and stoking political action. Really accessible too.

[Juan Pablo · Rating 3 out of 5]

A short but decent read. As the title states, it's about Marxism & how that ties into a political party. The bulk of the book covers how some key Marxists, from Marx himself, to Lenin, to Rosa Luxemburg, to Trotsky & finally Antonio Gramsci, view the role of the party & how it rates to the working class & revolution. Each had their own views but they are all ultimately tied to the conditions they faced. There is no one size fits all approach, which Lenin & Trotsky started to acknowledge all too late & Gramsci did realize but his approach has yet to be tried n the real world. Most suffered from not being able to anticipate the adaptability & resilience of the capitalist system. The book closes with some general guidelines of what a socialist party heading toward revolution should look like without being so strict that it would ignore the conditions in any given place in which a party might be established.

It was a decent read to understand some key historical theoretical conceptions of the party & a few general guidelines for w h at the party should be when organizing. There may be better books suited for this, but this a good place to start, especially for the history presented.