3.75. Corzine is somewhat concerned about showing us how the Islamic empire continues to influence Western civilization every day (85, 99 and book description). Granted, understanding other cultures and what they offer is among the best of reasons for studying history. I share her lament that Christendom and Islam remain such total strangers to this day (92), but I won’t go so far as to act as though our education system is founded on theirs (98-99), that Baghdad’s backwardness for more than 700 years was solely the Mongols’ fault (97), and so on and so forth.
“Modern scholars consider the period of creativity and vitality of the Islamic scholars during the golden age to be one of the most brilliant periods in history” (74), truly, so we are witnesses today to a tragic decline. Dinesh D’Souza has written at great length about how the Western mind has been willing to carry the intellectual torch into the modern world, along with various moral virtues including genuine tolerance and multiculturalism. The notion that the Islamic empire was especially tolerant is probably remarkable for its era, but not especially noteworthy by today’s “standards” (see 87, 90), and it’s exaggerated even in this historical context. The book conveniently omits the status, verging at times on expulsion upon pains of death, of Gentiles within the Jazirat al-Arab (11).
At one time, as the author legitimately points out, “western Europe languished in the Dark Ages” (8, see 77 and 82). What a sad reversal today, as well as subtle commentary on the impact of social dynamics entirely independent of religious considerations. (This always calls to mind Isaiah 3:12.) The early Islamic empire enjoyed an astonishingly rapid spread (22), which an apostate and benighted Christianity ought to have viewed properly, somewhat like they did Attila the Hun, as “the scourge of God.” (See 24 and 34, about Khalid ibn al-Walid’s military triumphs.) Elder George A. Smith made some interesting remarks once: “Now this man descended from Abraham and was no doubt raised up by God on purpose to scourge the world for their idolatry. . . . In this dominion there certainly was a recognition of the dominion of the sons of Abraham, and just as long as they abode in the teachings which Mahomet gave them, and walked in strict accordance with them, they were united, and prospered; but when they ceased to do this, they lost their power and influence, to a very great extent” (JD, 3:32,34-35).
This book is replete with tribute to Islam’s tremendous scientific and intellectual contributions in fields like mathematics and medicine. I recalled a story that occurs, if my memory serves me correctly, in Francesco Gabrieli’s compilation, shortly before encountering it in the text:
“One Muslim account of the difference between Muslim and European medicine describes how a Muslim physician who was called to a crusader encampment treated a knight with an abscessed leg by making a poultice to draw the abscess. When a European physician arrived to treat the same patient, he prescribed amputation of the leg. The helpless Muslim physician stood by as the knight’s leg was hacked off with an ax, causing the knight to die almost immediately” (92).
None of this is to say that their sumptuous and impressive empire, though sometimes well-regulated, wasn’t often turbulent. (Competing claimants for the papacy in European history may not have been any more bloodless, but they were probably more subtle than the wars over the caliphate.) It just stood out among its contemporaries, which is in part why some have commented that Saladin was more Christian than his foes. The fact of some positive Crusader/Arab interaction and the mutual respect of Saladin/Richard, documented on 93-96, is worthy of perusal.
I did not know that Muslims introduced the use of paper from China (74-75), as well as the first checking system (10, 55), or that muslin came from Mosul (55) and Swahili combines African languages with Arabic (55 as well). I question the author’s assertion that the postal service was instituted under the Ummayads (59), as it was an ancient Persian system. Which reminds me of the stirrings of future trouble that we perceive being melded into the growing Islamic empire as it took in other cultures. For instance, the Persians acquainted them with torture (58), not to mention the extreme excesses of Oriental wealth and palace leadership—something the author talks about as an interesting contrast with early desert Arab influences. In spite of early strong-willed and influential women, their society began to exclude them (65), even to the extent that in matters of education it felt “that men should not be distracted from their studies by the presence of women” (63).
So, in my own final analysis, much of Christianity and Islam have experienced violent apostasy from their better ideals. There’s a fictional story that Omar ordered the destruction of the scrolls in the Library of Alexandria, saying that if they agreed with the Koran they were superfluous and that if they disagreed they ought to be destroyed anyway. Catholicism did the same thing with Native American traditions and texts that smacked suspiciously of Christianity that unaccountably preceded Europeans’ arrival, going so far as to say it was the devil’s counterfeiting. I see little difference between the first pillar of Islam, “the simple assertion” that “is all that is required to become a Muslim” (21, 46, i.e., “There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is his Prophet”), and those who wrest Romans 10:9 (ignoring the next verse and many, many others): “If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thine heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved.”
I think the Christian and Islamic cultures could learn a great deal from each other, without abandoning principle, but the dialogue is frightfully violent, reminiscent of Dark Ages mentality. (Which, by the way, I think we’ve severely deluded ourselves into thinking we’ve transcended.)
“Though our backgrounds—a militant-trained Afghan mullah and an American Christian chaplain—might make us seem unlikely friends, Maseullah and I shared an almost instant bond of purpose. . . . That I was a Christian became of secondary importance to him. . . . We learned the truth and wisdom of an old Afghan proverb . . . ‘I destroy my enemy by making him my friend.’” (Eric Eliason, in Chad Hawkins, Faith in the Service: Inspirational Stories from LDS Servicemen and Servicewomen [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 2008], 150-151)