What do you think?
Rate this book
Accidental State: Chiang Kai-shek, the United States, and the Making of Taiwan
The existence of two Chinese states one controlling mainland China, the other controlling the island of Taiwan is often understood as a seemingly inevitable outcome of the Chinese civil war. Defeated by Mao Zedong, Chiang Kai-shek s Nationalists fled to Taiwan to establish a rival state, thereby creating the Two Chinas dilemma that vexes international diplomacy to this day. "Accidental State" challenges this conventional narrative to offer a new perspective on the founding of modern Taiwan.
Hsiao-ting Lin marshals extensive research in recently declassified archives to show that the creation of a Taiwanese state in the early 1950s owed more to serendipity than careful geostrategic planning. It was the cumulative outcome of ad hoc half-measures and imperfect compromises, particularly when it came to the Nationalists often contentious relationship with the United States.
Taiwan s political status was fraught from the start. The island had been formally ceded to Japan after the First Sino-Japanese War, and during World War II the Allies promised Chiang that Taiwan would revert to Chinese rule after Japan s defeat. But as the Chinese Civil War turned against the Nationalists, U.S. policymakers reassessed the wisdom of backing Chiang. The idea of placing Taiwan under United Nations trusteeship gained traction. Cold War realities, and the fear of Taiwan falling into Communist hands, led Washington to recalibrate U.S. policy. Yet American support of a Taiwan-based Republic of China remained ambivalent, and Taiwan had to eke out a place for itself in international affairs as a de facto, if not fully sovereign, state."
Hsiao-ting Lin marshals extensive research in recently declassified archives to show that the creation of a Taiwanese state in the early 1950s owed more to serendipity than careful geostrategic planning. It was the cumulative outcome of ad hoc half-measures and imperfect compromises, particularly when it came to the Nationalists often contentious relationship with the United States.
Taiwan s political status was fraught from the start. The island had been formally ceded to Japan after the First Sino-Japanese War, and during World War II the Allies promised Chiang that Taiwan would revert to Chinese rule after Japan s defeat. But as the Chinese Civil War turned against the Nationalists, U.S. policymakers reassessed the wisdom of backing Chiang. The idea of placing Taiwan under United Nations trusteeship gained traction. Cold War realities, and the fear of Taiwan falling into Communist hands, led Washington to recalibrate U.S. policy. Yet American support of a Taiwan-based Republic of China remained ambivalent, and Taiwan had to eke out a place for itself in international affairs as a de facto, if not fully sovereign, state."
338 pages, Hardcover
First published March 14, 2016
30 people are currently reading
440 people want to read
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 19 of 19 reviews
February 22, 2019
如果與作者的另一書《台海、冷戰、蔣介石》比起來，這本由林孝庭所著的《意外的國度︰蔣介石、美國與近代台灣的形塑》的「可讀性」更高。但整體來講，《台海冷戰蔣介石》的內容，反而比較「好看」。原因，就在於「眼界的大小」，《台海冷戰蔣介石》遠比《意外的國度》更加宏觀與開闊︰前者可以看到當時的世界正在發生什麼事（但作者的個人評論較少），後者則是局限在幾位美國相關人士與台灣（但作者個人的評論頗多）。
作者的工夫所在是「整理爬梳史料」，因此本書每一章的內容都是「言必有徵」。然而，由於我讀過前書，因此這本專講台灣 1945 ~ 1954 之間所發生的事情，正因為「史料」太多太雜，所以要如何清理篩選，而作者的評論便常常跟著凌亂不堪。最明顯地，就是他書中的主角蔣介石的態度，很容易因著他的某一段日記、某一則他的公開發言、某一些美國人（國務院、中情局、大使館）的檔案內容，便呈現了上上下下起起伏伏的各色繽紛色彩了——這是很真實的描述，但給後人讀史，如此瑣碎反而沒有太大脈絡。比如像當年李敖最愛引蔣介石在某次開會時發飆講氣話說「中華民國已經滅亡了」，然後用這句話來「證明」中國民國已經滅亡，差不多就是這種只有閒聊雜談而無實際歷史意義可言……本書最有趣的正是這種史料抓一則便評論一句，使得蔣介石在他的筆下，一下子反攻大陸、一下子不反攻大陸，讓讀者在內文中看得十分凌亂。這就是資料篩選的問題了。
此外，作者似乎對於葛超智（George Kerr）留下的資料照單全收，並作出「台灣人民對國民黨統治的仇恨至今仍難消解」的評述。身為閩南裔的我，個人在青少年到青年的成長時期，正好可以為此作自己的見證︰這種對「二二八事件」的仇恨，不過才廿年的時間而已，主要還是由執政者利用輿論所炒作出來的。而二二八事件的史料已經非常多了，但本書卻未曾提及當年「左派思潮」的流行，特別著重在葛超智的事後回憶，也算是有所偏頗的。
至於本書描寫到大陸被中共席捲之後，美國國內各派別的對台評估與作法，只能用「一團混亂」來形容。究竟要不要支持蔣介石（或暗殺或政變）、對陳誠吳國禎與孫立人等實力者要如何利用對待、要不要派出軍援、把台灣託管、是否讓台灣加入韓戰，作者在本書中抓出了不少資料，證明美國對華政策的想法非常豐富，但實際上……如果沒有韓戰，最後啥事都沒幹，換個角度來看便是「優柔寡斷」。不過，我卻可以從書外得知非常簡單的解釋︰美國傳統上是「重歐輕亞」的，所以美國在國共鬥爭時「丟掉中國」一事，差不多像是清廷對於「鴉片戰爭」一樣，中央並不那麼在意，因為當年時空之下，美國最大的敵人在歐洲（具體而言是「蘇聯」），自然不可能放太多心力在這邊。因此，美國的對華政策最省力的作法，便以「維持現狀（Status Quo）」為主軸︰我在其它地方忙，你們先別作太多改變，等我空出手來回頭再處理你們。
雖不上前書令我讀得很過癮，但本書對於尋找相關史料方面，卻有相當的價值。
作者的工夫所在是「整理爬梳史料」，因此本書每一章的內容都是「言必有徵」。然而，由於我讀過前書，因此這本專講台灣 1945 ~ 1954 之間所發生的事情，正因為「史料」太多太雜，所以要如何清理篩選，而作者的評論便常常跟著凌亂不堪。最明顯地，就是他書中的主角蔣介石的態度，很容易因著他的某一段日記、某一則他的公開發言、某一些美國人（國務院、中情局、大使館）的檔案內容，便呈現了上上下下起起伏伏的各色繽紛色彩了——這是很真實的描述，但給後人讀史，如此瑣碎反而沒有太大脈絡。比如像當年李敖最愛引蔣介石在某次開會時發飆講氣話說「中華民國已經滅亡了」，然後用這句話來「證明」中國民國已經滅亡，差不多就是這種只有閒聊雜談而無實際歷史意義可言……本書最有趣的正是這種史料抓一則便評論一句，使得蔣介石在他的筆下，一下子反攻大陸、一下子不反攻大陸，讓讀者在內文中看得十分凌亂。這就是資料篩選的問題了。
此外，作者似乎對於葛超智（George Kerr）留下的資料照單全收，並作出「台灣人民對國民黨統治的仇恨至今仍難消解」的評述。身為閩南裔的我，個人在青少年到青年的成長時期，正好可以為此作自己的見證︰這種對「二二八事件」的仇恨，不過才廿年的時間而已，主要還是由執政者利用輿論所炒作出來的。而二二八事件的史料已經非常多了，但本書卻未曾提及當年「左派思潮」的流行，特別著重在葛超智的事後回憶，也算是有所偏頗的。
至於本書描寫到大陸被中共席捲之後，美國國內各派別的對台評估與作法，只能用「一團混亂」來形容。究竟要不要支持蔣介石（或暗殺或政變）、對陳誠吳國禎與孫立人等實力者要如何利用對待、要不要派出軍援、把台灣託管、是否讓台灣加入韓戰，作者在本書中抓出了不少資料，證明美國對華政策的想法非常豐富，但實際上……如果沒有韓戰，最後啥事都沒幹，換個角度來看便是「優柔寡斷」。不過，我卻可以從書外得知非常簡單的解釋︰美國傳統上是「重歐輕亞」的，所以美國在國共鬥爭時「丟掉中國」一事，差不多像是清廷對於「鴉片戰爭」一樣，中央並不那麼在意，因為當年時空之下，美國最大的敵人在歐洲（具體而言是「蘇聯」），自然不可能放太多心力在這邊。因此，美國的對華政策最省力的作法，便以「維持現狀（Status Quo）」為主軸︰我在其它地方忙，你們先別作太多改變，等我空出手來回頭再處理你們。
雖不上前書令我讀得很過癮，但本書對於尋找相關史料方面，卻有相當的價值。
June 28, 2021
A diplomatic history of ROC-USA relations from 1945-1954. Has some interesting details about the ROC’s attempts to form an Asian anti-communist alliance with South Korea and the Philippines at the outset of the Cold War.
August 28, 2019
自蒋介石兵败大陆退守台湾至今，台湾的地位都是由美国在亚洲政策影响的，甚至可以说主宰的。
看过去的几十年，台湾的地理位置和在台政权的政治选择，让它成为了美国全球政策中的一枚棋子，在放弃与维护之间不断的漂移。
看当下，中国经济和军力的崛起，造成了亚洲局势的重大变化，在全球范围内也已然变成一股无法忽视的力量，那么美国眼中的台湾，自然已经与70年前产生了变化。
看未来，残酷一点说，台湾可能越来越难掌控自己的命运。中美的对抗不可避免，这一地理位置对美国和对中国的意义不完全相同。“两害相权取其轻，两利相权取其重”，对中美而言，台湾问题的利与害，角度不同，程度更不同。
看过去的几十年，台湾的地理位置和在台政权的政治选择，让它成为了美国全球政策中的一枚棋子，在放弃与维护之间不断的漂移。
看当下，中国经济和军力的崛起，造成了亚洲局势的重大变化，在全球范围内也已然变成一股无法忽视的力量，那么美国眼中的台湾，自然已经与70年前产生了变化。
看未来，残酷一点说，台湾可能越来越难掌控自己的命运。中美的对抗不可避免，这一地理位置对美国和对中国的意义不完全相同。“两害相权取其轻，两利相权取其重”，对中美而言，台湾问题的利与害，角度不同，程度更不同。
August 21, 2017
蔣介石有很多秘密，作者在許多的文件中，一一比對顯示真實的面貌。歷史學者用科南，福爾摩斯的推理，將原來中美台日間的實情說給你知道。免得台灣人笨笨的被送進屠場都說蔣公偉大。原來老蔣喊的唱的口號反攻大陸，演的正經八百，其實是說給老美老共聽聽信以為真。其實就是在絕境中尋絕路。老共自願軍打韓戰，讓老美自己來協防台海，就是不准老共打來。靠老美逼日本與老蔣簽台北合約，老日就得承認中華民國，偏偏老日留一手範圍只限台灣澎湖，另一手準備給老共不含台澎的版本。老美要老蔣從海南島反攻華南，老蔣死都不幹。就算是艾森豪杜勒斯來命老蔣，他蔣公先提高酬碼要美援裝備61個師軍備。老共93砲戰砲打金門威脅老美不准讓老蔣參加東協，卻換來老美與老蔣簽訂「中美協防條約」保護台灣澎湖金馬。這樣中美與中日的約也簽了，甲方都是中華民國，範圍都是台灣澎湖。台灣地理上是美日都關切的戰略要地，美日死也不能給老共將台灣捧走。老蔣睡前的日記都是苦啊！恥啊！又忍辱啊！但是也自我安慰「還好還好」中華民國還有路可走。作者沒說老蔣在與老美奮鬥的幾十年，另外一本汪浩寫的書「意外的國父」就直接稱蔣公為意外之國的「國父」啦。老蔣已經替台灣穿上了「中華民國台灣澎湖」國的大禮服，美國也承認、日本也承認。老共嘴裏不承認心裡急也無可奈何。後來的台灣政府當然就繼續穿著中華民國台灣是也，有利而無害。還可以穿個幾代人沒有問題。等到一直到有一天「中華民國台灣」已經沒有中國人而全都是台灣人了，也不急著換招牌。扛中華民國的招牌，儘管打不過玻璃大猩猩。但是有老蔣與先人加上老美老日等等利害關係周邊有事的盟國加持，老共是無法也不能吃下「中華民國台灣」的。這兩本書的結論都是這的意思吧。
March 1, 2020
What's mainly interesting about it so far is that one of the characters in the book is George Kerr - the author of another book called "Formosa Betrayed", which was published in the 60s. "Formosa Betrayed" is essentially a 300-page diatribe about how corrupt and awful the Nationalist government was during the first few years of the handover of Taiwan from Japan to Nationalist China, and it reads less like a book and more like a list of crimes prepared by an offence lawyer about to go to court. I made it through 100 pages and then got bored.* The thing that stands out about George Kerr, when you're reading about him, is just how angry he is. What this book does well is talk about WHY he was so angry, which parts were fair, and which parts he was letting his emotions get the better of him. It's interesting because this and another book called "Thunder out China" - which came out around the same time - were highly influential in making a generation of Westerns around your age very anti Chiang Kai-shek. That author ALSO went through a traumatic experience that made him hate Chiang Kai-shek, and the extent to which his anger is justified and where he is biased is addressed in another book I read recently called "China's War with Japan". This brings me back to an argument I had back in summer 2018 which I told you about, but which you probably have forgotten about, with a pair of amateur historians around your age. Their position: Chiang Kai-shek was a corrupt piece of shit - I read so in "Thunder out of China" and "Formosa Betrayed". My position: I read that in my own books that Chiang Kai-shek wasn't so much a corrupt piece of shit as a man dealt an extremely bad hand and trying to play it as best he could. So, it's interesting that the authors of the first generation of books about this topic are now appearing as characters in the newer generation of books and their biases analyzed. *to be clear, the nationalists really WERE corrupt and awful in their first years of rule in Taiwan - I didn't get bored of reading "Formosa Betrayed" because I didn't believe this. Rather, I just felt like I was reading the same thing again and again. The other point is that yes, the nationalists were corrupt and awful in Taiwan - but you have to look at the bigger picture. The bigger picture is that Chiang Kai-shek is in the middle of an increasingly desperate civil war with Mao Zedong- while at the same time there are revolts in Xinjiang, Tibet, and yes, Taiwan. If Chiang Kai-shek didn't have so much else doing on, I'm convinced he would have handled the Taiwan uprising (this is the famous 228 incident) better. But he's losing a civil war, and Taiwan is one of THREE uprisings he's supposed to somehow deal with while also turning the war around. What would you do in that position? The obvious thing is you make a quick but not necessarily pretty decision that you know for sure will make the uprising go away - that is, you kill the people responsible for it, without expending energy trying to figure out right and wrong - allowing you to continue to focus the majority of your mental energy on the battle for China. Of course, in the end, Chiang got the worst of both worlds - he lost the civil war AND he's hated for 228 incident.
July 11, 2025
This book is the most comprehensive and accurate work on the subject of the Great Generalissimo and Taiwan, and it should be consulted in comparison to any general historical books and biographies on the subject. This approach is advantageous because it directly addresses the salient points.
The Cairo Meeting of 1943 and the subsequent finalization of the island state in 1954 marked the establishment of the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and the Republic of China (formally known as the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States of America and the Republic of China). The two primary events that serve as the foundation for the entire process are of particular significance.
Contrary to the portrayal in textbooks, the Generalissimo embodied a pragmatic realpolitik approach, akin to that of Bismarck. He had already relinquished the endeavor to reconquer the mainland well in advance of the expectations of the Taiwanese in 1954. This decision was accompanied by the strategic transfer of military authority to the United States, a maneuver analogous to that of Japan in the post-war era. The United States' role in preventing a war in the Taiwan Strait between the mainland and Taiwan remains significant. The U.S. has demonstrated a reluctance to become embroiled in a direct military conflict with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The book's emphasis on Taiwan's distinctiveness from Ukraine is noteworthy, despite the earlier conceptualization of the East Asian NATO in 1953. This phenomenon represents a notable deviation from the prevailing contemporary context and narratives. For Hong Kong, the more surprising fact is that Hong Kong was nominated as a member of the Asian NATO.
Furthermore, the Generalissimo disclosed that the Hong Kong political forces are regarded as the third force that has been cultivated independently from the KMT. The so-called "third force" is evidently comprised of the prevailing political and economic forces in Hong Kong at present. These forces have maintained their uninterrupted preservation of vested interests, with some exhibiting superficial links to the KMT.
The approach of this book has been demonstrated to provide insights and more accurate information about Taiwan and China. The most significant contrast for us is that Taiwan is still the model society for the people of the Greater China Region as planned by the KMT, while the "1C2S" is also presented as a model to attract Taiwanese people. Which of these factors is the most intriguing, and which one is worthy of our support and respect? The answer is evident in this context.
The Cairo Meeting of 1943 and the subsequent finalization of the island state in 1954 marked the establishment of the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and the Republic of China (formally known as the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States of America and the Republic of China). The two primary events that serve as the foundation for the entire process are of particular significance.
Contrary to the portrayal in textbooks, the Generalissimo embodied a pragmatic realpolitik approach, akin to that of Bismarck. He had already relinquished the endeavor to reconquer the mainland well in advance of the expectations of the Taiwanese in 1954. This decision was accompanied by the strategic transfer of military authority to the United States, a maneuver analogous to that of Japan in the post-war era. The United States' role in preventing a war in the Taiwan Strait between the mainland and Taiwan remains significant. The U.S. has demonstrated a reluctance to become embroiled in a direct military conflict with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The book's emphasis on Taiwan's distinctiveness from Ukraine is noteworthy, despite the earlier conceptualization of the East Asian NATO in 1953. This phenomenon represents a notable deviation from the prevailing contemporary context and narratives. For Hong Kong, the more surprising fact is that Hong Kong was nominated as a member of the Asian NATO.
Furthermore, the Generalissimo disclosed that the Hong Kong political forces are regarded as the third force that has been cultivated independently from the KMT. The so-called "third force" is evidently comprised of the prevailing political and economic forces in Hong Kong at present. These forces have maintained their uninterrupted preservation of vested interests, with some exhibiting superficial links to the KMT.
The approach of this book has been demonstrated to provide insights and more accurate information about Taiwan and China. The most significant contrast for us is that Taiwan is still the model society for the people of the Greater China Region as planned by the KMT, while the "1C2S" is also presented as a model to attract Taiwanese people. Which of these factors is the most intriguing, and which one is worthy of our support and respect? The answer is evident in this context.
February 11, 2023
林孝庭先生是留美的台灣學者，在近代史領域寫了不少出色的作品，陸續譯成中文引進繁體市場。之前那本《台海‧冷戰‧蔣介石》曾引起我的注意，但因為預算不足先擺一旁，這本蒙友惠贈，於是就趕快來拜讀一下。
作者這本書的內容主要放在外交互動，描述從抗戰後到韓戰爆發左右，國府遷台的經過，林孝庭的文筆很清晰，要點式的介紹了每個促成今天海峽兩岸態勢的關節。讀者其實還蠻容易掌握林孝庭想表示的東西。
以下是個人的要點：
1.強權��治就是誰拳頭大誰說了算。台灣到底是地位未定還是“中國領土”也只是看哪個符合華府利益。
2.不管是什麼體制的國家，肯定難免都有多方利益團體存在，政策難免會有分裂的時候，特別是像美國這樣的民主國家，在東亞外交上難免會有各方角逐，互相衝突的情況。光就“合乎美國利益“這件事情就夠難定義了。然後再加上其他參與者：國民黨、中共、兩韓等難以預測的行動，彼此互相牽動，今天的結果本來就只會是“意外”。
3.今天的局勢跟冷戰時期時的海峽兩岸其實本質上還是相同，不管是中共、美國還是台灣，就算有什麼“長遠”的政策或方針，也隨時可能被意外事件打亂，結果也只能臨機應變，走一步算一步。最終是“統一”還是“獨立”都是“意外”。(那些預言者的，就算論述再有力，也跟賭徒差不多)
另外，林孝庭提到美國在內戰中期判斷中國會最終再次陷入軍閥分裂是個有趣的說法，雖然這也是無可厚非，畢竟就算是毛，也沒有認為短期內可以迅速結束這場戰爭的預想(又是一個“意外”)。
基本上，這本《意外的國度》雖然沒有很大的創見，不過其運用一些新的史料跟條理分明的鋪陳直述，做為一部投石問路，偏通俗的作品，還是值得讀者詳閱。
作者這本書的內容主要放在外交互動，描述從抗戰後到韓戰爆發左右，國府遷台的經過，林孝庭的文筆很清晰，要點式的介紹了每個促成今天海峽兩岸態勢的關節。讀者其實還蠻容易掌握林孝庭想表示的東西。
以下是個人的要點：
1.強權��治就是誰拳頭大誰說了算。台灣到底是地位未定還是“中國領土”也只是看哪個符合華府利益。
2.不管是什麼體制的國家，肯定難免都有多方利益團體存在，政策難免會有分裂的時候，特別是像美國這樣的民主國家，在東亞外交上難免會有各方角逐，互相衝突的情況。光就“合乎美國利益“這件事情就夠難定義了。然後再加上其他參與者：國民黨、中共、兩韓等難以預測的行動，彼此互相牽動，今天的結果本來就只會是“意外”。
3.今天的局勢跟冷戰時期時的海峽兩岸其實本質上還是相同，不管是中共、美國還是台灣，就算有什麼“長遠”的政策或方針，也隨時可能被意外事件打亂，結果也只能臨機應變，走一步算一步。最終是“統一”還是“獨立”都是“意外”。(那些預言者的，就算論述再有力，也跟賭徒差不多)
另外，林孝庭提到美國在內戰中期判斷中國會最終再次陷入軍閥分裂是個有趣的說法，雖然這也是無可厚非，畢竟就算是毛，也沒有認為短期內可以迅速結束這場戰爭的預想(又是一個“意外”)。
基本上，這本《意外的國度》雖然沒有很大的創見，不過其運用一些新的史料跟條理分明的鋪陳直述，做為一部投石問路，偏通俗的作品，還是值得讀者詳閱。
September 28, 2023
Good overview of an unknown history— that the US played both a covert and overt rome in the creation of the “accidental state” Taiwan and the selection of its first leader.
It is important this book exists for someone like me, who was unaware of that history, who can now make inferences about US action today being influenced by that history.
But the book itself is quite repetitive, or tells uninteresting details. Overall, a necessary read but details less important.
It is important this book exists for someone like me, who was unaware of that history, who can now make inferences about US action today being influenced by that history.
But the book itself is quite repetitive, or tells uninteresting details. Overall, a necessary read but details less important.
March 26, 2023
Excellent tightly documented and told story of a particular in time in Taiwan starting in 1943 w the Cairo Accords and ending w the American Mutual Defense Pact in 1955. Great if you are interested in inner politics of KMT or various ways American policy transformed towards Taiwan depending on global geo political circumstances.
April 3, 2020
填补了又一知识盲区。
才知道原来蒋介石和美国的关系有这么微妙……
才知道原来蒋介石和美国的关系有这么微妙……
October 9, 2020
Note that the main focus of this book is on high politics between governments and leaders.
March 23, 2022
First book on Taiwan history, will read some more!
May 2, 2024
林孝庭认为，“中华民国在台湾”的形成，是一系列巧合与意外的综合作用，而不是自然而然的结果。其间，美国的对台、对蒋政策一变再变，让人眼花缭乱，目不暇接。朝鲜战争的爆发，使美国真正确定援蒋保台的方针，1954年的《中美共同防御条约》则标志这一方针的落实和具体化。作者用丰富的档案将这段历史描述得精彩纷呈，每一个具体的故事都有继续延展与深挖的可能。历史的魅力在于细节之中，此书可谓这一格言的具体体现。
April 25, 2025
看完了，不知道为什么在大陆豆瓣被禁了，但是这本没什么对大陆敏感内容，除了书名“国度”吧，可以改改在大陆尝试出版的。
February 6, 2024
An excellent book, written by an excellent author, exploring in depth the trials and hardship that led to the ultimate creation of a Nationalist Chinese State on Taïwan.
Albeit, by the author's own admission, the views and reactions of the Chinese Communist Party are less seen in the book, it remains probably, to me, one of the greatest accounts of the last years of the Chinese Civil War.
It's well written, precise and synthetic enough to avoid losing the reader. You can see Chiang Kai-Shek's ideas, changes of mind, his reactions, as well as the general mood in the KMT as the Nationalist Government is engulfed in general warfare, corruption, plans for guerilla attacks, potential coup attempts, massacres, and a difficult bargain with Washington for survival.
Lin Hsiao-Ting describes really well the situation of a country in disarray, with its government in limbo, finding itself forced to retreat to that island fortress.
Lin Hsiao-Ting explains also really well how Taiwan came to be claimed as a Chinese core territory while it was never really that and how this sudden claim in WW2 led to the creation of a defined, armed and internationally defended island-state.
I read this book while in Taiwan during the Chinese exercises against Pelosi's visit and it gave it an even more acute sense. I would advise this reading to anyone who is interested in Taiwan's History, as well as in Nationalist China's History.
Albeit, by the author's own admission, the views and reactions of the Chinese Communist Party are less seen in the book, it remains probably, to me, one of the greatest accounts of the last years of the Chinese Civil War.
It's well written, precise and synthetic enough to avoid losing the reader. You can see Chiang Kai-Shek's ideas, changes of mind, his reactions, as well as the general mood in the KMT as the Nationalist Government is engulfed in general warfare, corruption, plans for guerilla attacks, potential coup attempts, massacres, and a difficult bargain with Washington for survival.
Lin Hsiao-Ting describes really well the situation of a country in disarray, with its government in limbo, finding itself forced to retreat to that island fortress.
Lin Hsiao-Ting explains also really well how Taiwan came to be claimed as a Chinese core territory while it was never really that and how this sudden claim in WW2 led to the creation of a defined, armed and internationally defended island-state.
I read this book while in Taiwan during the Chinese exercises against Pelosi's visit and it gave it an even more acute sense. I would advise this reading to anyone who is interested in Taiwan's History, as well as in Nationalist China's History.
March 6, 2024
The concept that Taiwan having been established as an accidental state is probably the best way to describe Taiwan and its current predicament.
Taiwan’s 20th century history has been shaped by consequences of allied intervention or depending on who you ask lack of.
For me this book fills in a lot of the blanks in my understanding of the later years of the Chinese Civil War and the establishment of the PRC and the exile of the Nationalist forces to Taiwan.
Taiwan’s 20th century history has been shaped by consequences of allied intervention or depending on who you ask lack of.
For me this book fills in a lot of the blanks in my understanding of the later years of the Chinese Civil War and the establishment of the PRC and the exile of the Nationalist forces to Taiwan.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
January 3, 2022
（下段文字为几个序言的部分摘抄，略加小改）此书可以视为林孝庭这些年对战后台湾历史研究的阶段性总结，与前一本著作相比，这本书提供了更具系统、更为完整的叙事。他从一九四七年的二二八事件开始，一路写到一九五四年台美签订共同防御条约，透过档案的交相比对，细密地重建了其中的历史演变。但是应该注意到在这个故事中，还有一个主角，就是中共的角色似乎隐而不显，使得故事的完整性有所不足。作者在“导论”中也提到了这个问题，指出中国共产党与中华人民共和国的“作为与不作为、成与败，在中华民国如何于台湾定型的历史过程中，同样具有举足轻重的地位，值得日后进一步探讨”。
March 1, 2020
偶然之国，还是果然之国呢？
Displaying 1 - 19 of 19 reviews