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384 pages, Hardcover
First published October 27, 2018




This is a book on war, memory, and identity. It proceeds from the idea that all wars are fought twice, the first time on the battle field, the second time in memory. (p.4)In the book's Epilogue the author relates his personal story with regard to memories of Vietnam. It is a haunting and emotionally poignant account. One of the stories he relates is the fact that his father has told him that he must never visit the town in Vietnam where the author was born because the people there will remember his father and they will persecute him. The author speculates that someday he may visit the site but it will be after his father is no longer living—when it will be too late to ask his father any questions. Immediately after this story the author writes the following.
The dominant logic of remembering one’s own and forgetting others is so strong that even those who have been forgotten will, when given the chance, forget others. The stories of those that lost in this war show that in the conflict over remembrance, no one is innocent of forgetting. (p.11)
Haunted and haunting, human and inhuman, war remains with us and within us, impossible to forget but difficult to remember. (p.19)
Generosity comes easier when one has won, and the victorious find it in their best interests to be magnanimous to the defeated. (p.46)
This identity is the true “Vietnam Syndrome,” the selective memory of a country that imagines itself as a perpetual innocent. (p.51)
What makes the black wall powerful is its embodiment of remembering oneself as well as its evocation of otherness. (p.53)
Philip Jones Griffiths observes, “Everyone should know one simple statistic: the Washington, D.C., memorial to the American war dead is 150 yards long; if a similar monument were built with the same density of names of the Vietnamese who died in it, [it] would be nine miles long.” (p.66)
When we say aways remember and never forget, we usually mean to always remember and never forget what was done to us or to our friends and allies. Of the terrible things that we have done or condoned, the less said and the less remembered the better. (p.73)
As the writer W.G. Sebald points out regarding Germans, “it’s the ones who have a conscience who die early, it grinds you down. The fascist supporters live forever. Or the passive resisters. That’s what they all are now in their own minds … there is no difference between passive resistance and passive collaboration—it’s the same thing.” (p.92)
As novelist Gina Apostol puts it: "The military-industrial complex ... does it not suggest not only an economic order but also a psychiatric disorder?" (p.112)
Francis Ford Coppola about the legendary making of the movie: “My film's not a movie. My film is not about Vietnam. It is Vietnam. It’s what it was really like. It was crazy. We made it very much like the way the Americans were in Vietnam. We were in the jungle. There were too many of us. We had access to too much money, too much equipment, and little by little, we went insane.” (p.116)
Being only human, celebrities and actors die, but being inhuman, the military-industrial complex lives on. (p.122)
The relationship of absence to presence is the invisible dimension of the asymmetry of memory, existing beside the visible dimension of great powers dominating smaller ones. (p.185)
Each racially defined ethnic group in the United States gets its own notable history for which it is remembered by Americans. ---- This quote continues in this (p.201)
These Western writers lack the imagination to see how their drab stories of unhappiness, divorces cancer, etc.—the very stuff of award-winning realism and the bad outcomes of white privilege over here—might be connected to, and made possible by, their society's wars and capitalist exploitation over there. (p.240)
To imagine and dream beyond being the citizen of a nation, to articulate the yearning for a citizenship of the imagination—that is the artist’s calling. (p.264)
As I have argued throughout this book, just memory proceeds from three things. ---- This quote continues in this (p.283)
This is the paradox of the past, of trauma, of loss, of war, a true war story where there is no ending but the unknown, no conversation except that which cannot be finished. (p.304)This discussion of dealing with the past raises the specter of how much time is required to pass before the past can be discussed. Perhaps the answer has something to do with the fact that this book was written and published over forty years after the end of the Vietnam War.
In 1992, as a first-year PhD student at Berkeley, I told the English department chairman, a famous Americanist, that I wanted to write a dissertation on Vietnamese and Vietnamese American literature. “You can’t do that,” he said, fretting over my ambition to teach in a university English department. “You won’t get a job.” Since even my Marxist mentor agreed with the chair, I took the safer route and wrote a dissertation on Asian American literature, a subject in which some people had gotten tenure-track professorial positions.I see that he published a nonfiction book in 2002 titled Race and Resistance: Literature and Politics in Asian America which I suspect may have been an edited enhancement of his dissertation five years earlier. If so I think it would be fair to describe Nothing Ever Dies as an additional enhancement of this previous nonfiction book by including the results of twenty additional years of reading, research, and thinking about the interrelationship of Asian and Western culture viewed through the lens of the Vietnam War and how it's remembered.
https://vietnguyen.info/2018/canon-fo...
Perhaps one could support the troops if one only opposed the war on issues of foreign policy, or if one simply did not agree with the expenditure of American treasure on military adventurism. But if one opposed a war because it killed innocent people, then how could one support the troops who inflicted the damage?At its core, this book is an examination of responsibility, an insistence that we acknowledge our culpability, not just as Americans or Vietnamese, but as subjects of a global system inseparable from the mechanism that create and justify war. "The question of responsibility [may be] particularly pressing for an all-volunteer army versus an army with many draftees, as was the case in Vietnam," but the citizenry at large is not immune. We, too, bear some responsibility for "support[ing] through [our] votes, [our] attitudes, and [our] actions" the killing.