“A thoughtful autopsy of the failed two-state paradigm . . . Evenhanded, diplomatic, mutually respectful and enormously useful.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred review) Disputes over settlements, the right of return, the rise of Hamas, recognition of Israel as a Jewish state, and other intractable issues have repeatedly derailed peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine.
Now, in a book that is sure to spark controversy, renowned peacemaker Padraig O’Malley argues that the moment for a two-state solution has passed. After examining each issue and speaking with Palestinians and Israelis as well as negotiators directly involved in past summits, O’Malley concludes that even if such an agreement could be reached, it would be nearly impossible to implement given a variety of obstacles including the staggering costs involved, Palestine’s political disunity and economic fragility, rapidly changing demographics in the region, Israel’s continuing political shift to the right, global warming’s effect on the water supply, and more.
In this revelatory, hard-hitting book, O’Malley approaches the key issues pragmatically, without ideological bias, to show that we must find new frameworks for reconciliation if there is to be lasting peace between Palestine and Israel.
Praise for The Two-State Delusion:
“Impressive . . . [O’Malley] has done a tremendous amount of research about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He’s not only delved deeply into the literature; he’s also interviewed dozens of participants on both sides. The result is a book so packed with information that it will reward even the reader so dedicated that she consumes the Israel-Palestine stories buried on Page A17 of The Times.” —TheNew York Times Book Review
“The Two-State Delusion provides an impartial, empathic but relentlessly objective look at our reality . . . [and] a refreshing departure from the blame game in which Israelis and Palestinians and their respective international champions try to make the other side responsible for the peace process’s failure. And it diverges from the tendency to find the trick that will do the job, and comes to a conclusion as intellectually compelling as it is dismaying.” —Haaretz (Israel)
“An honest assessment of where the Israelis and Palestinians are right now.” —Cleveland Plain-Dealer “Exhaustively researched . . . There are no heroes in O’Malley’s account, and no clear villains either.” —Publishers Weekly
I won this book as an advanced readers copy, so I want to thank the author and the publisher for that. I entered the giveaway because I don't know a whole lot about the Israel and Palestine conflict at all. To me, I always wondered why the Jewish people felt entitled to just go back to the land of their ancestors and throw the current inhabitants off their land. But, given the media situation in America I also felt that the Israel is our ally and we should be doing everything possible to help them in their cause. So I wondered about the story I was being told, and yet felt like I did support one side over another.
While reading this book, I was confused by all of the names and people, because as I mentioned this isn't a conflict I knew a lot about, but overall I am giving it a five start rating because it stimulated my thinking. This is a book that explains how and why these two groups of people came to a total deadlock over the issue of whose land they're living on. In O'Malley's description: one group feels entitled and superior to the other and the other feels dehumanized and humiliated. After reading this book, I have come to the conclusion that both groups are stuck in a vicious cycle of distrust and hatred of the other. However, as an outsider I do not understand why they try so hard not to make peace with each other.
Israel is shown as a highly repressive community determined to control the Palestinians, in the name of protecting their own citizens. They have been found to have committed crimes against humanity in dealing with the Palestinians, but they deny that it is even possible because they suffered so greatly during WWII and the Holocaust. Also due to the guilt over the Holocaust, the West has supported the Israeli cause, which just irritates the situation event more. The Jews say that the Palestinians do not take responsibility for their own future, and use terrorists to try to kill them. Alternately, the Palestinians cannot create a government that can deal with Israel, because of the restrictions they are under. They have been essentially colonized and are now prisoners of the Israelis with little access to food, money or jobs. They turn to groups who the West deems terrorist organizations, because the West has turned a blind eye to the treatment of their people and the plight of their situation. They feel it is the only way to disrupt their oppressor. Both sides believe they are the victims and are so stuck and obsessed with their own narratives that they are literally unable to sympathize or see the other side as human being. Both sides teach their children to hate the other, which just perpetuates their fixation on their victim narratives.
By the end, I honestly feel that Israel has been excessively oppressive and entitled in their actions. I feel that if God really wanted them to have that land he would not require the decimation and repression of another people. It seems like they have schemed and sneakily stolen back this land. It is one thing to move into power and another to simply take it. Of course, if they want to have their own place in the world I can understand that, I just do not support the extent to which they will go to achieve it, even if it means ruining the lives of hundreds of thousands of people in the process. It is a difficult situation, and as O'Malley says the two-state solution seems more and more like a fantasy given the thought processes of the two groups. In the end where do you end up? If Israel succeeds over the other, then how can they feel at all morally satisfied? And, in the same vein, the more the Palestinians should pick up their lives where they can and try to move forward as best they can. Without forward motion they will never succeed in having anything in the area.
The future of this region is bleak not only because of the conflict, but because of global warming and the diminishing of water sources. Which is a different issue entirely, but as these groups make plans for their future, mother nature may not make that future viable. This should be a lesson that dwelling on the past to the extent that it is an obsession makes having a peaceful future very hard to achieve.
However much the Western media portrays the situation as one sided, there are two sides and it may be vastly different than you think. This is without question one of the most complicated and confusing issues I have ever learned about. Too many people's lives are at stake, and the solution to the issues seems a long way off. Maybe more of the world should take notice about the facts of the situation. I will continue to try to educate myself to make informed decisions in my own life and politics. Very hard situation, but glad that I took the time to learn a little more about it.
This is a good book for anyone interested in the Israeli-Palestine conflict. The book has a great chronological history of the region at the beginning which is great to set the context. This book is probably better for someone that has some exposure to the history of the conflict rather than for someone who wants a introduction to the conflict. It is well thought-out and presents the arguments in a clear manner. Would recommend this book.
This is a very strong non-fic about possible solutions of the Palestine-Israel problem. While most books about this conflict are very biased, either favoring Palestine (e.g. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine) or Israel (e.g. The Case for Israel), this book from the start states: “Over sixty years of repression under the boot of an occupying force (the Palestinian perspective) and in fear of retaliatory terror attacks (the Israeli perspective) attitudes have hardened. Each sees itself as the real victim, and their respective behaviors reflect their perceptions of themselves as such. Studies with Jewish Israeli and Palestinian participants have found that individuals who are perceived (and perceive themselves) as victims become socially “exempt” from recognizing and taking responsibility for the pain they cause the “other.” They become exempt from accusations of having perpetrated aggressive acts against the other. Jewish Israelis are comfortable with their rationale for having to police Palestinians as they do, and the Palestinians are comfortable with their rationale for acts of terrorism that justly counter the inhumane way they are policed. Because each conceives of itself as the victim, neither views its actions as those of an aggressor.”
The book looks at the narratives of both parties, both in interviews and in school textbooks, and both present themselves as victims (and both have reasons for this), but then make an implicit assumption that they as victims are just unable to victimize others.
On the diplomacy side this leads to the fact that if one side makes a serious concession on their side (and these concessions are extremely hard to make, for both sides a sure that all their demands are justified). For example, when In Tangiers in November 1988, Yasser Arafat’s PLO recognized the existence of the state of Israel on the 78 percent of Palestine that it then occupied. In return for forfeiting what it believed was the Palestinians’ legitimate claim to their birthright, the PLO would settle for a Palestinian state on the remaining 22 percent. It was a historic concession the Palestinians cried over, a break with their own history and narrative, all in the hope of peace. Yet Israel was dismissive. Why? Because no matter what, it could not be dislodged from the 78 percent of the land it occupied and besides, all the land, it believed, was theirs in the first place. Rather than seeing the PLO position as a major Palestinian concession, Israel saw it as the PLO’s acknowledgment of reality.
The book discusses not only past but possible futures, with a question of higher birth rates of Palestinians and the effect on possible referendums. Both sides turned more extremist over time – Palestinians got Hamas with its strict Islam and Israel got ever greater support for parties related to the National Orthodox, perhaps the ultraorthodox Jews.
Overall, according to the author, it is impossible to get a two-state solution because any concessions won’t be supported by the parliament in Israel or by the most influential groups among Palestinians.
Having read a range of literature on Israel and Palestine the title of this book caught my eye. This book has a very pro Palestinian bias (naturally the author can have whatever bias he wants, it is his book) just a warning in case, like me you picked this up in the hopes of an even-handed look at the conflict and possible solutions. Although that may be impossible given the intense feelings the subject evokes.
Despite the bias, O'Malley does a commendable job of showing the fallacy of the two state obsession. Copious notes and cited works attest to the effort of the author to put forth his argument. A commendable effort.
First of all, I received an advance copy of this book from the publisher in exchange for an honest review. Further, my background knowledge in the Israel-Palestine conflict lacked significant information. I live in the US, which SOLIDLY supports Israel, at least politically and financially. I my experience, to come out in "favor" of Palestine is to be labeled anti-Semitic and most conversations stop there.
O'Malley's well researched work paints the conflict in terms of addition. Israel and Palestine both holding onto selective, collective memories and refusing to see that they have significant common experiences to draw from. Both are addicted to being viewed as the "victim" in order to delude themselves that they are not an aggressor. Keeping these addictions live and active for decades has entrenched both sides so far that rather than finding the common experience, they have diverged further, painting the "other" as the aggressor, bent on destruction.
This book, while ostensibly almost 500 pages long, is actually only 300. Of that, a significant portion is footnotes (probably 5-10%). The remaining 200 pages are citations, end notes and appendices quoting extensively from primary sources and interviews. The claims and conclusions, while "mine alone" (according to the author), are well supported and backed with easily accessible source material. In the end, O'Malley leaves us with the sobering thought that ANY, let alone a peaceful, solution likely remains generations in the future. The steps we (they) should take now is to begin with education. Change the narrative of hate and, perhaps, we'll live to see a solution.
Highly recommended book if you get a chance to read it.
Unfortunately 1 state can surely never happen. Both sides have utter hatred towards each other and feel self-righteous. And don’t even try point out anything to radicals on both sides or they literally slander you with totally untrue and disgraceful slurs. Very few from both sides want to live together or even talk to each other to try build briges of friendship and peace. Mostly foreign Jews and Palestinians in the foreign diasporas are sane and reasonable if they are strong enough not to be influenced by extremist, far-right or hamas propaganda. An unrealistic book because of the people. One thing I forgot to add is this. Many people look at my country and say these people could copy the Mandela, Rainvow Nation South Africa model. Here is why I say no, three reasons. 1. More hatred and violence, much more. 2. Even if you do not believe, so I am not making this point as a point towards a miracle or exceptionalism, but large majority of our country’s people are Christian, so, as a professor said, we then drew a lot on that commonality to try reconcile, and during and after negotiations and transition. Indeed it took a lot of guts and humility for the main branch of the Afrikaner church to say it made a mistake in supporting Apartheid and issuing a formal apology. Most people on both sides had the courage and the want to then forgive and move forward. These people are basically too different, too extreme and too hate-filled to do that and it also doesn’t help that they hardly have much in common, plus there’s a huge imbalance of power. 3. Even after this long reconciliation, we often still not perfect and have relatively minor issues we fight about such as racial quotas in workplaces, young whites like myself sometimes find it hard to find jobs because of VEE, but despite that which is upsetting we still have and are friends over racial lines, sports, films, musiv or whatever make us have much in common. Plus, even with VEE, many people of colour also still face unemployment and hard challenges anyway. So apart from cery small fringe group who do literally want to kill us if they could, all of us normal people have integrated with one another, work, socialize and respect one another, we still maintain much of our different cultures but we have spaces for those, and yes, we also for the most part are ok with even the intimate realm of dating and marrying each other, so people them adapt culturally. My point is, the Palestinians and Jews in that region are so far from our situation it is laughable to try compare, and a person gets why Jews want something socereign and Jewish because of the Holocaust trauma. And yet they behave in a totally unfair manner by denying Palestinians a state. If only Rabin had remained alive, there was such hope. Vut no, I can probably guarantee you a one-state solution will just never ever happen, and you’ll have the extremists on both sides preferring death to any of that, especially if you are so deluded you believe God owes your group the whole thing because he supposedly promised it all to your ancestor, or on the other side you believe Jews are invaders and Allah will ultimately work with you to expel them. If it wasn’t for the war, the starvation and the terrorist attacks, I wcouldn’t blame those people in the world who want to look away, not care, and want absolutely nothing to do with this problem, the egos and long-term duplicity from many on both sides.
I really don't know what to feel about this book. It was well-written, compelling, packed with history. It was also defeatist, couldn't envision solutions on any issue in the conflict, and in the end, I came off leaving with a bitter taste in my mouth that the author failed to really convey the Israeli reality that had led us to this gloomy point in the dialogue. While I got a sense of Palestinians' humiliation, their persecution, the discrimination they face — a thorough psychological analysis, which had the effect of validating their "narrative" and their "addiction" to the current cycle of relations with Israel, to use the author's terms — the Israeli narrative felt one-sided and less deeply felt. (Perhaps with good reason!) Yes, the Holocaust and existential fear are overriding motivations for the country's at-any-cost approach to security, and the settler movement justifies its metastasis into the West Bank with biblical claims to a Greater Israel (which also, to be precise, is not the correct translation of "Eretz Israel"), but O'Malley fails to assign value to the Second Intifada beyond highlighting the difference in casualties, though Israelis are deeply traumatized by the suicide bombings of the Second Intifada, when terrorists exploded in busy restaurants and nightclubs, and he fails at all to even discuss the trauma of the Israeli disengagement from Gaza, of watching the IDF tear away thousands of Israelis from their homes in settlements in the Gaza Strip only to see Hamas rise to power there. Finally, the last discussion about how both sides brainwash their kids: I don't remember being taught in school to hate Arabs, or seeing such material in my textbooks, and I do believe the type of explicit racist narrative-building is more prevalent in the Palestinian education system.
Overall, though, this was a strong indictment of the "peace" process of the last thirty years, especially of the Israeli side, which came off as manipulative, ruthless, willfully ignorant of the validity of the Palestinian narrative. Some of the strongest discussion here was the history of the negotiations, especially the failure at Camp David. I knew the question on the Right of Return was intractable but I never realized why, always seeing it perhaps as a Palestinian bargaining chip, though the discussion of it here made me see its relevance to individual Palestinians who should be able to return to the homes from which they were expelled. That Palestinian dispossession was an Haganah and state policy -- to rid the state of a potentially hostile minority population -- would always come as a shock to me. Most of all, I appreciate the breadth of interviews and the probing into the subjects' psychology.
I agree with one of the reviewers below, I had no good idea about Israel and Palestine. This was in the new book section at my library. I could not figure out either why they both claim they have the rights to the same land. The Jewish side says they lived there first but were kicked out by the Romans and then at a later date came back to their land. The Palestine side says they have historically always lived there without interruption for 1500 years and when the Jewish people stated coming back in small numbers they were okay with that until too many came back. So one side declares divine ordinance and one side declares historical presence. So there are the two sides. A two state solution will never work, they still have too much hatred for the other. While all this was going on the juggernaut of ISIS was poised to swallow of more of the Middle East. The United States did not wake up in time to take note of this and has stepped in way too late. The region which is already unstable has become a haven for jihadists. At this point in my life and I think maybe the world view should be who cares who was there first and work out some agreement they can all live with and quit killing each other. Neither side is thinking of the long view. I am so glad I read this book because now I know more.
Anyone who reads international news has had exposure in one way or another to the vitriolic narratives of the Israel-Palestine conflict, and has also probably been fatigued by the endless attempts to weigh one claim against the other. O'Malley provides the perfect academic introduction to the conflict by instead investigating the various conditions that have led to the current stalemate that paralyses both Israel and Palestine, despite the continued farce of negotiations and UN resolutions, touching on everything from the Oslo Accord to the "addiction to process and narrative". In his analyses, O'Malley acknowledges that neither side is blameless in contributing to the failure of the negotiation process and delves into the psyche of not just the political leaders and negotiators of Israel, Gaza and the West Bank inhabitants, but that of the public they represent as well, and how these shape and challenge the prospect of a two-state solution.
A compelling and terribly well-written read for anyone determined to understand this conflict and the seeming impossibility of a two-state solution.
A refreshing look at the myth of a two state solution between the state of Israel and the Palestinians. The book totally debunks the wishful thinking of a Palestinian state which was never in play since 1948 and certainly not after 1967. O'malley's arguments are well researched and grounded. He urges a realistic approach to understand what is achievable not that which is hoped for. Sadly this is unlikely to occur. Israel is on the way to a one state entity, but it will not be a solution.
The Two-State Delusion: Israel and Palestine—A Tale of Two Narratives
The author, Padraig O'Malley The, does a compelling job of explaining how we got here – and even though the here was almost 10 years ago, not much has changed. Well, it has changed. The October 7th terror acts, and Israel’s brutal and prolonged war on the people of Gaza have entrenched positions – perhaps for generations to come.
You see, this book was first published April 28, 2015. The more that things change, the more they stay the same. As the author explains, ‘If peace is actually the goal, neither the Palestinians’’ addiction to the comforts of humiliation and resentment nor the Israelis’ addiction to the comforts of fear and security has worked very well. Both have been counterproductive. Both always will be. Another fix is not the answer.’
The peoples of Israel/Palestine lack a common story, history, and trust. They could forge one, but the book explains all too well how, “Both communities were forged by trauma, which permeates much of their national narratives, and hence their very identities.”
The Jewish people suffered “The Holocaust.” They still have to suffer the chaotic ramblings of the deniers, and haters in Western society. They also have to endure the frustration of much of the Arab world in particular, and the Moslem world in general. Not fun stuff. “Fear and security” are part of daily life.
The Palestinians on the other hand, feel that they have been invaded, and indeed colonized. While they never had an independent country, they were able to live their lives, and enjoy the fruit of their lands. It might have been an agrarian/communal life, but it was theirs. Now their “perspective is anchored in the Great Catastrophe, the Nakba, and the ensuing occupation of their homeland.” This perspective is a troubling one, as many still live in camps or in limbo, waiting for the right to return home. If not hell, it is a purgatory.
The Arabs claim not to be against Jews, but against Zionists. Perhaps. The Jews claim to need a land of their own. Perhaps. They both have valid narratives. However, the author does not provide a road map forward. Perhaps he is wise. The title of his second chapter is telling, “Dueling Narratives and Addiction to Narrative.”
Dozens of peace plans have been brought forward – and most have ended in frustration. Some plans for peace have even fueled the fear, “violence persists, which only perpetuates the killing, further entrenching the two sides in their respective narratives that are the roots of the conflict and providing each with justification for its killing.” The author’s conclusion: A two-state solution cannot, and will not work. Sorry.
This killing, this violence, and the Holocaust and the Nakba that preceded them have added to the trauma of the people. The author explains that, “researchers have described ‘continuous traumatic stress” (CTS), building on the insights associated with PTSD. PTSD and CTS, along with perceived victimization and righteousness, distort the ways in which each group perceives its own narrative.”
One scholar eight areas of societal beliefs that manifest as intractable conflict. These include: 1. Societal beliefs about the justness of the in-group’s goals; 2. Beliefs about security; 3. Beliefs about positive collective self-mage; 4. Beliefs about in-group victimization; 5. Beliefs that delegitimize the opponent; 6. Beliefs of patriotism; 7. Beliefs of unity 8. Beliefs about peace
The people need a solution. They need a path forward. Then, and only then, can they start the long and arduous journey to peace. And the Jewish people, as the victors and power in place, need to take a lead. For Jews have an overhanging issue. It is their demographics. They can become a minority in their own lands. They can see their democracy, for which they have worked so hard, be bled away. They need to decide a path forward that is both moral, just, and fair – for all the people of the land of many names.
The parties need to engage in broad dialogue. But words are not enough. They need deeds. They need to work on mutual projects. This can start building relationships. In parliament, in business, on the football pitch – and dare I say it, in romance. Education needs to be tolerant. Hope needs to replace despair. Hope needs to temper fear. Restoration needs to replace revenge.
Extensive research, including interviews from players on both sides, pages of official government documents and a clear writing style are all positive factors for this book. Negatives are that the author was unable to suggest a solution, and that despite saying he was impartial, his choice of adjectives in describing past events indicate he has a bias against the Israeli side.
I currently live in Israel and was here during the attack and massacre that happened on October 7, with Israel’s subsequent declaration of war on Hamas. I read this book (knowing it is almost ten years old and certainly “dated”) to have a better knowledge of the issues on both the Israeli and Palestinian sides and to hopefully understand if a two state solution is not possible - what would be a viable option in its place
It is hard to understand post 10/7 - that America is still proposing a separate independent Palestinian state, when in 2015 O’Malley had already deemed it a non-starter for many reasons. A recent poll (conducted by an independent Arab group) conducted in Gaza three months after the start of the war and the virtual destruction of northern Gaza - indicated that surprisingly (for me)over 80% of those polled STILL supported Hamas, STILL justified Hamas’ killing civilians and STILL felt Israel should not exist and that everything was “theirs”. At the time of my writing this review, over 20,000 Gazans (their figures) have been killed in this current war. For me, it is bewildering why the Gazans don’t demand Hamas step down, hand over the remaining hostages and play some defining role in ending the bloodshed and rebuilding their lives. They don’t blame Hamas. They don’t blame themselves. They blame Israel. An Arab “awakening” never came to this land.
The construction of hundreds of miles of tunnels and the huge arms caches amassed by Hamas, have all come about at the expense of the over two million people who live there. They have tacitly approved poor government services, inferior health care, poor education and human welfare, limited economic opportunities and increasing unemployment and poor quality of life. Instead, they have poured their resources into a culture of hate and revenge.
However, I admit I do not understand the cultural context or the belief systems that still regard Hamas as as a positive factor in the lives of Palestinians. And neither does America or Europe.
Calling for a “two state solution” IS delusional, when one state is passionately committed to eradicating the other state at the expense of their own well being. O’Malley’s premise is even more true today than it was ten years ago.
I recommend the book, dated as it is - to understand the two compelling narratives that render a two state solution in the Middle East, as a delusion; one based on fantasy and naïveté.
a well researched thesis into why a two state solution would never come to fruition between Israel and Palestine. i don’t know too much about the topic but O’Malley explained his arguments in a reasonable, unbiased/well intentioned way, presenting approachable background and context where needed. one thing that gave me a bit of an ick, though, was how he kept referring back to The Power of Habit by Charles Duhigg, which, sure, does talk about psychology, but i think it now has a reputation for being quite self-helpy; so it felt jarring to keep seeing references to this book in what should be an academic account of world politics.
A long and difficult read. I had to pick and only read chapters that I was interested in. In general, here is an impartial book that delved deep into research to present both sides of the narrative (Palestinian and Israeli) as objectively as possible.
My prior knowledge on the conflict was very superficial, so this was helpful in putting things into perspective. I wish I had more discipline and grit to finish this brilliant yet tiresome book. A reread in its entirety is in order.
This book should be required reading for anyone aspiring to a position in national politics. The author presents the case that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one without a viable solution. Through many interviews, he traces the conflict to its root causes, and explains the reasoning for his conclusions. A very satisfying read that I would recommend to anyone following current global geopolitics.
There were a few chapters I skipped because it's a meaty book. Very dense, wouldn't recommend as an intro to the topic as it was for me. The author holds a really delicate compassion for both sides and is still very sharp in his facts, observations, and analysis. It left me very interested in his work and I learned a lot about each culture, their histories, etc. Super interesting for a deep dive into the topic.
Very eye-opening book that gives context to the current situation in Gaza. After reading, and in light of recent events, I am not optimistic that a peaceful solution will ever be found. While Western support overwhelmingly favors Israel, this well-written and objective book points out that Israel bears just as much blame for the inability to find a peaceful solution.
Pragmatic and realistic, the author lets both Palestinians and Israelis “have it” so to speak. Different narratives that allow no room for the other, incompetence, unwillingness, hatred, misinformation, all those things were true ten years ago when this book was written and they are true today. If a two-state solution was a delusion then, it’s even worse now.
As objective a view as you can probably get. I learned a ton from the author’s exploration, and his thesis of two people entrenched in their own self/perpetuating narratives feels as concise an explanation to the continuing deterioration of the region.
The one sentence I cling to for hope came in the last paragraph of the Afterword, “Nothing is etched in infinity.”
Informative and a smooth read. Gave me a good perspective of the Israeli-Palestinian issues, the important players and the difficulty in bringing to reason the two countries and their leaders for a peaceful solution.
Difficult read. Fine print. Lots of data to absorb. Definitely proves the hopelessness of the situation. Reader gets a better understanding of settlements and the landscape as well as Hamas.
A great overview of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and possible resolution up to 2015. I was skeptical at first but I was won over with the deliberate tone.
O'Malley accurately lays out the obstacles that remain to two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He offers a scathing indictment of all the players involved, including Israel, the PLO/PA, and the United States. Although it is debatable whether the Oslo Accords were ever intended to result in the creation of a Palestinian state (a position never endorsed by Yitzhak Rabin, the Israeli Prime Minister who signed the Accords), the window for a two-state solution effectively closed atthe outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000. O'Malley does not suggest his own solution to the conflict, and seems conflicted as to whether a binational state will resolve the core issues fueling the conflict. Nonetheless, he seems to believe that a binational state is inevitable, and that such a state is unlikely to preserve Israeli democracy. If current demographic trends continue, a one-state "solution" would almost certainly lead to an apartheid state. O'Malley's failure to offer an effective model of governance for the one-state paradigm he anticipates — and even tepidly endorses— reduces the argument to a polemical broadside against the two-state solution which failed to live up to its potential. While O'Malley is correct in stating that the fundamental hatred on both sides and preeminence of historical narrative has compounded the difficulty of negotiations, I think he is mistaken in stating that narratives are the primary obstacle that must be overcome for a solution to the conflict to be reached. This is a rather reductionist view of a very complex conflict. While O'Malley does his best portraying these complexities in individual chapters of the book, inserting his thesis that the roots of the conflict are psychological and narrative-based into every chapter sometimes contradicts his other thesis—that facts on the ground have changed so a two-state solution is impossible. If the irreconcilable narratives were the fundamental problem, why do the facts on the ground matter? Nonetheless, this book is an important counterpoint to the blind faith of some in Washington (i.e. John Kerry) who seem to think that America can continue favoring one side of the conflict (Israel) and expect that a two-state solution will magically materialize, even as conditions on the ground inhibit this possibility. It is time for the US to abandon the Oslo process and come up with a new mechanism for resolving the conflict (i.e. UN Resolution or multilateral instead of bilateral talks) if the State Department is ever to reach its goal of a two-state solution.
The Two-State Delusion by Padraig O’Malley is a penetrating and incisive analysis of the decades-long Palestinian-Israeli conflict. In light of the current Gaza war, its grim conclusions on the prospects of peace in the region are even more impactful. Through deep and thoughtful deconstruction of the mentalities on both sides of the conflict and the analysis of previous attempts at peace, O’Malley concludes that the prospects of a two-state solution are practically nill due to the fundamentally incompatible nature of the national myths of the Palestinians and Israelis, as well as all-or-nothing approaches to settlements held by both sides. O’Malley’s strategy for approaching the conflict is to analyse the fundamental philosophies and mentalities which define the opposing sides. Through numerous interviews with Palestinians and Israelis at all levels of their respective societies—everyone from chief peace negotiators to Israeli colonists to Hamas leaders—O’Malley deconstructs the psychology which fuels this conflict–victimisation and one-sidedness. Israelis believe that they are constantly under existential threat of annihilation due to traumatic historical events; Palestinians believe that they have been exiled from their homes and subjugated by invaders for decades. O’Malley then reviews several peace negotiations such as Oslo I and II, Annapolis, and Taba. Drawing on his personal experiences as a peacemaker in the Northern Irish conflict, O’Malley demonstrates how the two competing nations' respective psychologies render any negotiations futile due to their inability to compromise on essentially anything and their irreconcilable demands. Ultimately, The Two-State Delusion by Padraig O’Malley is a holistic examination of the perennial conflict, filled with expert observations and eye-opening facts which make his grim conclusion difficult to dispute.
Just finished THE TWO STATE DELUSION by Padrig O' Malley. This book was remarkable in the way it showed both sides of the coin-for the Israelis and the Palestinians, and for the right of return. The frightening perspective, for me, is his sense that the time for a two state solution has passed. Palestine's political disunity and economic fragility coupled with Israel's continuing ideological shifts to the right make the concept of peace negotiations untenable. Reading this book was an education; in fact, every American should read this book in order to get a broader understanding of the politics and machinations inside both Israel and Palestine. You get a glimpse not only into the lives of the politicians, but ordinary citizens, too, many of whom want peace (on both sides), but also do not see its feasibility. This quote in the book really stood out for me: "There is little hope for advance on any front until both Jewish Israelis and Palestinians begin to think in terms of the long view and differentiate between what they can accomplish in the here and now and what they can leave for future generations to decide. Demography is a long way down the road; so is squeezing out the hatred; so, too, is educating both publics about the costs of living apart and the benefits of living together. But of utmost importance is respect."
I am starting to think, in some ways, there are similarities between the left and right here. We have become enemies. Once that happens, how do you proceed to work together? There must be some way, somehow-or is it really just the death of idealasim?
3.5 stars. The book starts with an outline of the psychological patterns of each side throughout their 70-year history, then follows up with various reasons why a two-state solution is not possible (shifting demographics, climate change, the economic situation, etc.). I appreciated that the text was extremely balanced, as I felt that the viewpoint of both sides was well-, and equally, represented. I'm not sure I agree that the author shouldn't have come up with ANY alternatives.. the least he could have done was pointed us to some resources he recommended for further reading. Overall, good read.