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La cuestión palestina
Uno de los títulos capitales en la obra de Said analiza con lucidez y desde dentro el conflicto palestino-israelí.
Este inteligente ensayo, publicado por vez primera en 1979, fue pionero al abrir un serio debate, desde el punto de vista palestino, sobre el conflicto que desde hace más de sesenta años desangra Oriente Próximo.
Said, con el rigor, inteligencia y claridad que caracterizan su obra, presenta los orígenes del enfrentamiento entre los dos pueblos, israelí y palestino, y las consecuencias que este provoca en la vida de los ocupantes, los ocupados y la comunidad internacional. La edición que presentamos fue revisada y actualizada por el autor, con motivo de los Acuerdos de Oslo, que consideraba una rendición del pueblo palestino.
Este inteligente ensayo, publicado por vez primera en 1979, fue pionero al abrir un serio debate, desde el punto de vista palestino, sobre el conflicto que desde hace más de sesenta años desangra Oriente Próximo.
Said, con el rigor, inteligencia y claridad que caracterizan su obra, presenta los orígenes del enfrentamiento entre los dos pueblos, israelí y palestino, y las consecuencias que este provoca en la vida de los ocupantes, los ocupados y la comunidad internacional. La edición que presentamos fue revisada y actualizada por el autor, con motivo de los Acuerdos de Oslo, que consideraba una rendición del pueblo palestino.
352 pages, Mass Market Paperback
First published January 1, 1979
1152 people are currently reading
24146 people want to read
About the author
Edward W. Said
232 books4,248 followers(Arabic Profile إدوارد سعيد)
Edward Wadie Said was a professor of literature at Columbia University, a public intellectual, and a founder of the academic field of postcolonial studies. A Palestinian American born in Mandatory Palestine, he was a citizen of the United States by way of his father, a U.S. Army veteran.
Educated in the Western canon, at British and American schools, Said applied his education and bi-cultural perspective to illuminating the gaps of cultural and political understanding between the Western world and the Eastern world, especially about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East; his principal influences were Antonio Gramsci, Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire, Michel Foucault, and Theodor Adorno.
As a cultural critic, Said is known for the book Orientalism (1978), a critique of the cultural representations that are the bases of Orientalism—how the Western world perceives the Orient. Said’s model of textual analysis transformed the academic discourse of researchers in literary theory, literary criticism, and Middle-Eastern studies—how academics examine, describe, and define the cultures being studied. As a foundational text, Orientalism was controversial among the scholars of Oriental Studies, philosophy, and literature.
As a public intellectual, Said was a controversial member of the Palestinian National Council, because he publicly criticized Israel and the Arab countries, especially the political and cultural policies of Muslim régimes who acted against the national interests of their peoples. Said advocated the establishment of a Palestinian state to ensure equal political and human rights for the Palestinians in Israel, including the right of return to the homeland. He defined his oppositional relation with the status quo as the remit of the public intellectual who has “to sift, to judge, to criticize, to choose, so that choice and agency return to the individual” man and woman.
In 1999, with his friend Daniel Barenboim, Said co-founded the West–Eastern Divan Orchestra, based in Seville, which comprises young Israeli, Palestinian, and Arab musicians. Besides being an academic, Said also was an accomplished pianist, and, with Barenboim, co-authored the book Parallels and Paradoxes: Explorations in Music and Society (2002), a compilation of their conversations about music. Edward Said died of leukemia on 25 September 2003.
Edward Wadie Said was a professor of literature at Columbia University, a public intellectual, and a founder of the academic field of postcolonial studies. A Palestinian American born in Mandatory Palestine, he was a citizen of the United States by way of his father, a U.S. Army veteran.
Educated in the Western canon, at British and American schools, Said applied his education and bi-cultural perspective to illuminating the gaps of cultural and political understanding between the Western world and the Eastern world, especially about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the Middle East; his principal influences were Antonio Gramsci, Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire, Michel Foucault, and Theodor Adorno.
As a cultural critic, Said is known for the book Orientalism (1978), a critique of the cultural representations that are the bases of Orientalism—how the Western world perceives the Orient. Said’s model of textual analysis transformed the academic discourse of researchers in literary theory, literary criticism, and Middle-Eastern studies—how academics examine, describe, and define the cultures being studied. As a foundational text, Orientalism was controversial among the scholars of Oriental Studies, philosophy, and literature.
As a public intellectual, Said was a controversial member of the Palestinian National Council, because he publicly criticized Israel and the Arab countries, especially the political and cultural policies of Muslim régimes who acted against the national interests of their peoples. Said advocated the establishment of a Palestinian state to ensure equal political and human rights for the Palestinians in Israel, including the right of return to the homeland. He defined his oppositional relation with the status quo as the remit of the public intellectual who has “to sift, to judge, to criticize, to choose, so that choice and agency return to the individual” man and woman.
In 1999, with his friend Daniel Barenboim, Said co-founded the West–Eastern Divan Orchestra, based in Seville, which comprises young Israeli, Palestinian, and Arab musicians. Besides being an academic, Said also was an accomplished pianist, and, with Barenboim, co-authored the book Parallels and Paradoxes: Explorations in Music and Society (2002), a compilation of their conversations about music. Edward Said died of leukemia on 25 September 2003.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 342 reviews
August 28, 2007
The only question we should be asking about Palestine, really, is when we're gonna give it back to the Palestinians. It's a damn shame for all of us New Yorkers to share the historical burden of accomodating the location (what is now the Queens Museum) of the signing of the country's partition, which continues to result in the dislocation of its native sons and daughters from a land that is rightfully their own.
Want to read
September 29, 2025nearly 50 years since publication and still heartbreakingly, traumatically relevant
Read
December 12, 2017Apparently, this was for some time the standard text on the Palestinian situation and Palestinian history. And it is classic Edward Said -- clear, well-written, persuasive. To the point where it seems to have become the template for the talking points of the Palestinian cause, pre-Oslo. If I was to recommend a single book on the topic, this would honestly be the one. No attempts at heartstring-pulling, no mention of traditions or of "ancestral" anything -- just solid, cold-blooded, grounded argument.
November 18, 2023
I recently saw Edward Said's daughter Najla Said talking about the current activism with pride saying that the themes and ideas of her father were being articulated once again by the current generation. It's both a credit to Edward Said for being the English speaking voice for the Palestinian issue and for putting the issues into concepts (such as "settler-colonial") that a Western mind could understand. Yet it's also discouraging that a book written over 4 decades ago is even more relevant to the present. The same struggles, the same issues of denial of history, legimitate rights, military occupation, settler land theft, arbitrary detention, collective punishment and violations of international law have occurred then and are occurring to a greater degree currently. In fact there hasn't been a moment's rest for Palestinians since the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. Imagine living in a place where at any time someone (who arrived from another place and stole your land) can come into your home at any time, arrest you and lock you away forever. Or this person can execute you and face no repercussions. That's life under military occupation/harrassment/siege and it's been the one constant for Palestinians for 75 years. What's truly impressive is that given this context of military occupation that the Palestinians have been as agreeable to various peace proposals as they have been and that their spirit has always remained strong.
August 29, 2012
Edward W. Said tries to answer the question of Palestine in this book in the context of colonialism and orientalism. What is wonderful is how Said argues in favor of a two-state settlement to promote peace and neighborly understanding and common interest. The book exposes the facade of the Camp David peace accords of 1978 and the disastrous influences of the Arab states and the US on the peace process and the realization of a palestinian state.
The constant reminding of the islamic revolution in Iran of 1979 I personally considered irrelevant and unnecessary for the message. Iran is persian/iranian (non-Arab) and its land was always its own.
To understand the psychology of the state of Palestinians since the Nakba and the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 and the six-day war of 1967 (colonization of Gaza and the West Bank) this book can't be overlooked.
The constant reminding of the islamic revolution in Iran of 1979 I personally considered irrelevant and unnecessary for the message. Iran is persian/iranian (non-Arab) and its land was always its own.
To understand the psychology of the state of Palestinians since the Nakba and the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 and the six-day war of 1967 (colonization of Gaza and the West Bank) this book can't be overlooked.
August 20, 2025
read for mist (muslim interscholastic tournament) 2024 and learned a lot.
if you want to know more in depth history about palestine and politics i would definitely recommend!
if you want to know more in depth history about palestine and politics i would definitely recommend!
August 13, 2025
Quali sono le radici del conflitto israelo-palestinese? Cos’è davvero la Palestina? Sarebbe facile lasciarsi convincere dalla propaganda sionista, la stessa che vorrebbe venderci la Palestina come un’immensa distesa desertica, vuota, senza nessuna popolazione attiva sul territorio con un passato, dei possedimenti, una cultura e una storia a legittimarne la presenza. Per i sionisti, i palestinesi non esistono (e se esistono sono solo una seccatura, un fastidio di cui sbarazzarsi) e la Palestina è la terra santa e sacra, la terra che da sempre aspetta il ritorno degli ebrei, la costruzione di uno stato ebraico pronto ad accoglierli e a proteggerli dalle terribili persecuzioni subite nei secoli.
Pensare a questo destino profetico che pare abbracciare l’intera comunità ebraica mondiale, al desiderio di ritrovare le proprie radici e un luogo sicuro in cui prosperare, potrebbe apparire a noi quasi commovente, un progetto idealistico e quasi utopistico all’interno del quale dare asilo a chi scappa da un passato terribile e violento. Se ci pensiamo, anche solo per un secondo, dimenticando tutto ciò che sappiamo della storia, non possiamo fare a meno di applaudire alla bontà del disegno sionista.
Ma dimenticare la storia è da sempre la ricetta per la catastrofe, per la ripetizione cieca e terribile del corso storico, di ciò che c’è già stato e da cui non abbiamo imparato assolutamente nulla, se non il modo più rapido e infernale per reiterare il male e la malvagità. Perchè il disegno sionista è imbevuto di colonialismo, dell’arroganza dei conquistatori, pronti a fare propri una terra che non è loro, che non è mai stata loro, e a cancellare l’esistenza dei palestinesi, di coloro che vi abitavano da secoli, che lì avevano le loro radici, le loro terre, le loro case, le loro famiglie.
Non è la prima volta che assistiamo all’annientamento di una popolazione al solo scopo di ottenere vantaggi economici e politici: così è successo ai nativi americani, ai quali vennero tolte le terre che abitavano da secoli, perché non le sfruttavano come avrebbero dovuto, come gli occidentali avrebbero fatto se fossero stati in loro; così è successo alle popolazioni del Centro e Sud America, spogliate dei loro beni, delle risorse del sottosuolo e delle loro tradizioni, per alimentare le casse dell’impero spagnolo e dell’impero portoghese; infine così è successo alle popolazioni africane e indiane, nella corsa colonialista dell’Europa, mai paga del potere guadagnato, costantemente affamata di risorse e nuovi mercati.
Continua a leggere qui: https://parlaredilibri.wordpress.com/...
Pensare a questo destino profetico che pare abbracciare l’intera comunità ebraica mondiale, al desiderio di ritrovare le proprie radici e un luogo sicuro in cui prosperare, potrebbe apparire a noi quasi commovente, un progetto idealistico e quasi utopistico all’interno del quale dare asilo a chi scappa da un passato terribile e violento. Se ci pensiamo, anche solo per un secondo, dimenticando tutto ciò che sappiamo della storia, non possiamo fare a meno di applaudire alla bontà del disegno sionista.
Ma dimenticare la storia è da sempre la ricetta per la catastrofe, per la ripetizione cieca e terribile del corso storico, di ciò che c’è già stato e da cui non abbiamo imparato assolutamente nulla, se non il modo più rapido e infernale per reiterare il male e la malvagità. Perchè il disegno sionista è imbevuto di colonialismo, dell’arroganza dei conquistatori, pronti a fare propri una terra che non è loro, che non è mai stata loro, e a cancellare l’esistenza dei palestinesi, di coloro che vi abitavano da secoli, che lì avevano le loro radici, le loro terre, le loro case, le loro famiglie.
Non è la prima volta che assistiamo all’annientamento di una popolazione al solo scopo di ottenere vantaggi economici e politici: così è successo ai nativi americani, ai quali vennero tolte le terre che abitavano da secoli, perché non le sfruttavano come avrebbero dovuto, come gli occidentali avrebbero fatto se fossero stati in loro; così è successo alle popolazioni del Centro e Sud America, spogliate dei loro beni, delle risorse del sottosuolo e delle loro tradizioni, per alimentare le casse dell’impero spagnolo e dell’impero portoghese; infine così è successo alle popolazioni africane e indiane, nella corsa colonialista dell’Europa, mai paga del potere guadagnato, costantemente affamata di risorse e nuovi mercati.
Continua a leggere qui: https://parlaredilibri.wordpress.com/...
December 5, 2008
WOW WOW WOW. This covers so much about the Palestinian perspective in a balanced way. It changed the way I think about antisemitism (because Palestinians are Semites too). A fair and inspiring book. Give peace a chance!
November 28, 2023
Damn, really should’ve read this before that Thomas Friedman crap.
But seriously, this is a good place to start. It’s clear, factual and doesn’t waffle. Obviously a bit dated - but the question still goes unanswered.
But seriously, this is a good place to start. It’s clear, factual and doesn’t waffle. Obviously a bit dated - but the question still goes unanswered.
October 3, 2024
terrific-- so many clarion frames & lines of sight i will continue to turn over. as i'm writing this, what is sticking with me is his aside note that even ("even") the "remarkable" socialist kibbutzim in israel were apartheid-- not only in colonial function on the land but in that (explicitly!) it was said that if new jewish settlements were sustained by jews alone, rather than relying on exploitation of arab labor (which, nevertheless, also happened), it made a better appearance for israel's legitimacy, as well as more mechanically straightforward to separate out arabs. just an astonishing, lingering read.
October 5, 2024
Published in 1979 and slightly updated in 1992, Edward Said's The Question of Palestine remains as relevant today as it was then and is probably the definitive book dealing with the issues faced by Palestinians historically. The book followed directly on the heels of Orientalism, the work that made his name known and well-respected as a scholar.
The Question of Palestine is divided into four parts: "The Question of Palestine"; "Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims"; "Toward Palestinian Self-Determination"; and "The Palestinian Question after Camp David." The first two establish the history of the Palestinian people up to (and just after) the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. The second two deal more with the present period (1979), and particularly with the creation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964 and its subsequent political development, and then with the Camp David accords that essentially rewrote, in a manner unfavorable to the Palestinians, the way that the Palestinian question would be addressed - particularly by the United States - in the years to come.
Said's well-documented work, quoting heavily from primary and occasionally secondary sources, clearly shows that the horrors that we read daily today regarding the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people are nothing new, though the tactics of Israel have today reached new levels of violence, barbarism and destruction. The tactics of Israel have for a very long time broken international law, the depravity of their crimes long covered up by Western media and Western politicians who view Israel as essential to their economic interests in the region (read: exploitation).
In charting the history of the PLO, Said shows that it was with the establishment of the PLO that the Palestinians began forming a solid framework for confronting and challenging Zionism and Israeli aggression and establishing a unified political front and in a way a unified and self-determining sense of identity (as they had previously been under the rule of one power or another, whether it be the Ottomans or the British, and prevented from participating in political affairs that impacted them directly). The PLO was a game changer. So were the Camp David Accords; though in this case unfavorably.
Certainly one of the most comprehensive histories of Palestine and the Palestinian people that I have read, I suggest pairing this with Rashid Khalidi's excellent 2020 work, The Hundred Years' War on Palestine, which is obviously heavily indebted to Said's work and fills in the historical gaps from 1979 to 2020. As things have changed so greatly since 2020, it is really time for another work to be added. If one reads these works and combines them with works by scholars like Norman Finkelstein, Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky and Angela Davis, and even of early leaders of Zionism, like Theodor Herzl and Nathan Birnbaum, a clearer understanding of what is all too often presented as a "complicated issue" emerges, and we find that things are not really so complicated as they are made out to be.
The Question of Palestine is divided into four parts: "The Question of Palestine"; "Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims"; "Toward Palestinian Self-Determination"; and "The Palestinian Question after Camp David." The first two establish the history of the Palestinian people up to (and just after) the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. The second two deal more with the present period (1979), and particularly with the creation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964 and its subsequent political development, and then with the Camp David accords that essentially rewrote, in a manner unfavorable to the Palestinians, the way that the Palestinian question would be addressed - particularly by the United States - in the years to come.
Said's well-documented work, quoting heavily from primary and occasionally secondary sources, clearly shows that the horrors that we read daily today regarding the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people are nothing new, though the tactics of Israel have today reached new levels of violence, barbarism and destruction. The tactics of Israel have for a very long time broken international law, the depravity of their crimes long covered up by Western media and Western politicians who view Israel as essential to their economic interests in the region (read: exploitation).
In charting the history of the PLO, Said shows that it was with the establishment of the PLO that the Palestinians began forming a solid framework for confronting and challenging Zionism and Israeli aggression and establishing a unified political front and in a way a unified and self-determining sense of identity (as they had previously been under the rule of one power or another, whether it be the Ottomans or the British, and prevented from participating in political affairs that impacted them directly). The PLO was a game changer. So were the Camp David Accords; though in this case unfavorably.
Certainly one of the most comprehensive histories of Palestine and the Palestinian people that I have read, I suggest pairing this with Rashid Khalidi's excellent 2020 work, The Hundred Years' War on Palestine, which is obviously heavily indebted to Said's work and fills in the historical gaps from 1979 to 2020. As things have changed so greatly since 2020, it is really time for another work to be added. If one reads these works and combines them with works by scholars like Norman Finkelstein, Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky and Angela Davis, and even of early leaders of Zionism, like Theodor Herzl and Nathan Birnbaum, a clearer understanding of what is all too often presented as a "complicated issue" emerges, and we find that things are not really so complicated as they are made out to be.
December 30, 2020
Masterpiece; should have read this five years ago; should be required reading for everyone; also tragic to read so many years later, with so much still resonating, with much of Said’s hope for revolutionary struggle and peace now blunted
May 17, 2024
Firstly I have to say that while one does not need a background of the political history, wars, peace meetings involving Palestine, knowledge of them would be helpful because Said will mention them quite often in a few places. I had no knowledge of many issues so Said opened a lot of doors for further reading. He also gives you an overall view of the situation but also addresses those aspects that have a direct effect on the question of Palestine.
Next, while furiously reading and saving IG threads on Palestine can be informative it is 100% better to pick up a book and read about it. This book was amazing in putting all the pieces to together and analysing decisions made especially by the West and their direct effect on Palestine. Edward Said also puts forward several questions towards America regarding its unquestionable support to Israel.
This book does not offer answers to why things happened. It simply narrates the timeline of the occupation and backs up each point with evidence. (I felt like this was Said’s superpower because the logic with which he draws from his evidence is incredible). More importantly it highlights the Palestinian perspective and their representation by the world and Israel. Finally it offers a one-state solution for the people of Palestine-Arabs-Jews.
Edward Said’s purpose in this book was to emphasise the self-determination of Palestinians that Western media has continued to ignore and Israel has tried to eliminate. This is the most important aspect of this book because it is through the power of speech that one’s existence is heard and felt.
It’s not an exaggeration to say that Israel’s oppression, racism, genocide and apartheid laws on the people of Palestine is worse that any other colonised nation has faced. We already understand the question of Palestine. Now it’s our responsibility to continue to amplify the Palestinian voice, to support it and refuse ignorance.
July 11, 2025
In the series ‘we have failed as mankind’…
July 25, 2024
documenting here my takeaways, thoughts, and feelings after reading this, a summary of the state of things in my mind
For context, my knowledge of Israel-Palestine before October 2023 was limited to:
- Stories of Jews from the Old Testament of the Bible.
- support of Israel from my church growing up, as a religious right/destiny supported by God.
- Here I Am by Jonathan Safran Foer in which the main character is a Jewish man confronted by family pressure (and questioning of his masculinity) to move to Israel to support the Jewish people's claim to the land.
- It being a topic of heated political debate that I'd never actually heard debated
None of these sources said much about actual details of the conflict. I went to public school and didn't learn anything about the middle east other than ancient Egypt in 7th grade, and nothing about US International Relations after 1960s. I went to Princeton (met my first real jew! lol) and took mostly humanities/arts/soft science classes, steering clear of history/social studies/international relations for lack of interest.
Since October 2023, I've learned a lot more about the history and present moment of Israel and Palestine, through a couple of podcasts but mainly through succinct instagram posts. This is the first time I am educating myself in a more in-depth way.
I only understood about 60% of this book because there are so many contextual references I don't understand. Also it was written in 1979.
The shocking thing is HOW LITTLE seems to have changed since this book was written. As I read, I marveled at how this book has existed for 50 years and so much of the world acts as though this information doesn't exist.
***
I often think about ~the other side~ viewing this. I think about the term "conspiracy" as way to wave off troubling rabble-rousers. I imagine some former/alternate version of myself reading this very review and assuming that the writer is being indoctrinated into a cult. Of radicalization as a negative. I think of my parents.
I think of bible verses saying not to trouble yourself with philosophers of our day. ("Beware lest anyone cheat you through philosophy and empty deceit, according to the tradition of men, according to the basic principles of the world, and not according to Christ." Colossians 2:8)
My mom was compelled to send me a sermon last week, and the introduction was the following audio clip:
"The best stories don't give us all the answers. They give us better questions to ask. Because there's so much about the future we don't know. There's so much about God that doesn't make sense. At least, not yet. So what if, instead of looking for ways to solve every mystery, What if, instead of spending our lives frustrated by the fog, we focus on the promises of God?"
This book was written to educate and convince liberal educated ppl of the atrocities committed by Israel to the Palestinians and to explain the history and desires of the Palestinian people in 1979. I found it very effective, but can't help but think of those who would argue against this even-tempered, logical, and fair approach.
Said does such a good job of describing the systems that led the state of things. Of course I wasn't educated about this before now.
How deeply moving and daunting to see myself so clearly placed in a larger system at work to maintain its power
How deeply moving and daunting to have the experience of the world getting a little bigger by reading a book
How deeply moving and daunting to think of all the things I have yet to unlearn
anyway...
***
here are my takeaways in the format of "terms (re)defined":
- "Western liberal intelligentsia" academia used as a political tool to legitimize violence and colonization! The use of language as a weapon! To call a spade a shovel!
- "terrorist" this was a big one for me in reading this book. Years ago, I realized that the word "war" is used as an excuse for mass violence without any negative morality. When Said writes about how the term "terrorist" is used to describe Palestinian civilians, something in my ~raised largely in a post-9/11 world~ mind unlocked. What's the difference between a terrorist and a country "at war"? What is a terrorist in the face of decades of military occupation and attacks? from Said:
"Yet the conceptual vocabulary for situating the Palestinian and formulating the issue of his survival (even the words used to describe him), testify to an efficient, aphasic system for schematizing his presence and making his needs, his history, culture, and political reality, unpronounceable words. In the West, Palestinians are immediately associated with terrorism, as Israel has seen to it that they are. Stripped of its context, an act of Palestinian desperation looks like wanton murder-as in fact, I have thought, many acts of individual adventure (hijacking, kidnapping, and the like) were acts of unbalanced, finally immoral, and useless destruction. ...." p 171-72
- "self-determination" the right for a people to govern themselves, which isn't something that can be decided by anyone outside of the group. i thought about what beliefs i was given as a kid about growing up in a country. What does it mean to grow up in a country? To be an American? To be Palestinian? Or Israeli? This book made me reflect more deeply than ever on the national identities we all hold, where they come from, how sturdy they are, and what they mean to us.
still have a lot to process.
For context, my knowledge of Israel-Palestine before October 2023 was limited to:
- Stories of Jews from the Old Testament of the Bible.
- support of Israel from my church growing up, as a religious right/destiny supported by God.
- Here I Am by Jonathan Safran Foer in which the main character is a Jewish man confronted by family pressure (and questioning of his masculinity) to move to Israel to support the Jewish people's claim to the land.
- It being a topic of heated political debate that I'd never actually heard debated
None of these sources said much about actual details of the conflict. I went to public school and didn't learn anything about the middle east other than ancient Egypt in 7th grade, and nothing about US International Relations after 1960s. I went to Princeton (met my first real jew! lol) and took mostly humanities/arts/soft science classes, steering clear of history/social studies/international relations for lack of interest.
Since October 2023, I've learned a lot more about the history and present moment of Israel and Palestine, through a couple of podcasts but mainly through succinct instagram posts. This is the first time I am educating myself in a more in-depth way.
I only understood about 60% of this book because there are so many contextual references I don't understand. Also it was written in 1979.
The shocking thing is HOW LITTLE seems to have changed since this book was written. As I read, I marveled at how this book has existed for 50 years and so much of the world acts as though this information doesn't exist.
***
I often think about ~the other side~ viewing this. I think about the term "conspiracy" as way to wave off troubling rabble-rousers. I imagine some former/alternate version of myself reading this very review and assuming that the writer is being indoctrinated into a cult. Of radicalization as a negative. I think of my parents.
I think of bible verses saying not to trouble yourself with philosophers of our day. ("Beware lest anyone cheat you through philosophy and empty deceit, according to the tradition of men, according to the basic principles of the world, and not according to Christ." Colossians 2:8)
My mom was compelled to send me a sermon last week, and the introduction was the following audio clip:
"The best stories don't give us all the answers. They give us better questions to ask. Because there's so much about the future we don't know. There's so much about God that doesn't make sense. At least, not yet. So what if, instead of looking for ways to solve every mystery, What if, instead of spending our lives frustrated by the fog, we focus on the promises of God?"
This book was written to educate and convince liberal educated ppl of the atrocities committed by Israel to the Palestinians and to explain the history and desires of the Palestinian people in 1979. I found it very effective, but can't help but think of those who would argue against this even-tempered, logical, and fair approach.
Said does such a good job of describing the systems that led the state of things. Of course I wasn't educated about this before now.
How deeply moving and daunting to see myself so clearly placed in a larger system at work to maintain its power
How deeply moving and daunting to have the experience of the world getting a little bigger by reading a book
How deeply moving and daunting to think of all the things I have yet to unlearn
anyway...
***
here are my takeaways in the format of "terms (re)defined":
- "Western liberal intelligentsia" academia used as a political tool to legitimize violence and colonization! The use of language as a weapon! To call a spade a shovel!
- "terrorist" this was a big one for me in reading this book. Years ago, I realized that the word "war" is used as an excuse for mass violence without any negative morality. When Said writes about how the term "terrorist" is used to describe Palestinian civilians, something in my ~raised largely in a post-9/11 world~ mind unlocked. What's the difference between a terrorist and a country "at war"? What is a terrorist in the face of decades of military occupation and attacks? from Said:
"Yet the conceptual vocabulary for situating the Palestinian and formulating the issue of his survival (even the words used to describe him), testify to an efficient, aphasic system for schematizing his presence and making his needs, his history, culture, and political reality, unpronounceable words. In the West, Palestinians are immediately associated with terrorism, as Israel has seen to it that they are. Stripped of its context, an act of Palestinian desperation looks like wanton murder-as in fact, I have thought, many acts of individual adventure (hijacking, kidnapping, and the like) were acts of unbalanced, finally immoral, and useless destruction. ...." p 171-72
- "self-determination" the right for a people to govern themselves, which isn't something that can be decided by anyone outside of the group. i thought about what beliefs i was given as a kid about growing up in a country. What does it mean to grow up in a country? To be an American? To be Palestinian? Or Israeli? This book made me reflect more deeply than ever on the national identities we all hold, where they come from, how sturdy they are, and what they mean to us.
still have a lot to process.
June 27, 2025
Said wrote this book in the late 70s and infuriatingly little has changed since it was published. True, more attention to the Palestinian position and view of things is given in the West these days. But Israel has by and large maintained its position as interpreter or interlocutor when it comes to Middle Eastern affairs. They pitch themselves thus: they are of the Orient and therefore have a natural understanding of the Palestinians, Arabs etc, but they are also of the Occident and so can explain things in a way the west can understand. A very powerful position to be in! Because they have such disproportionate sway and set the agenda to their own liking, most times any Palestinian voice is heard it is forced into a position of negation (“we’re not all terrorists”, “we don’t want to wipe Israel off the map” etc etc). This leaves little room or time for positive claims to be made, and so the essential fact that Palestinians were native to a piece of land that was then taken away from them, and that they wish to return to even just a small fragment of said land, this barely even registers for most people in the West. This state of affairs has continued since Said published this book - continuous war, displacement, and terror so that the Palestinians can’t even get a steady footing in the form of a sovereign state. Israel and its western allies (though the latter may pay lip service to a “peace process”) have no real desire or intention of seeing such a Palestinian state. For Israel, the idea is to increase their settlements in the West Bank and resume settlements in Gaza like a cancer that metastasises until a viable Palestinian state is geographically impossible. As Said concludes, though, eventually Israel and the west will have to come to terms with the concrete reality of Palestine as a group of millions of people collectively asserting their right to self determination, and this is not something that can ever be made to go away by being ignored.
May 21, 2025
Brilliant, clear-minded analysis, always foregrounding the need to see reality as actually it is, as opposed to how one would like it to be. More than anything, articulates the relationship between Zionist aspirations and the colonial mindset in ways that are pretty irrefutable.
May 24, 2021
Nonostante siano passati molti anni dalla pubblicazione del 1978, e anche dal successivo aggiornamento del 1992, il libro di Edward Said rimane un contributo importante per addentrarsi nella questione palestinese al di fuori degli schemi consueti. Said, intellettuale palestinese e docente universitario negli Stati Uniti, scrisse questo saggio destinato al pubblico americano con passione, pacatezza e utilizzando un linguaggio semplice e immediato. L’integrazione della pubblicazione con testi successivi, che datano sino al 2001, rivelano un crescendo di lucidità, fierezza, apertura, che si trasformano nel tempo in smarrimento e delusione, dalla speranza alla caduta, ma non lasciano mai intendere il senso della sconfitta.
La puntuale e approfondita documentazione non viene utilizzata da Said per costruire un mero reportage, ma per far emergere le radici e gli intrecci della questione che continuano ad essere elusi e mascherati, ”grandissima e misconosciuta è la disparità, o asimmetria, tra la condizione dei palestinesi come popolo leso nei suoi diritti, spossessato ed offeso, e quella di Israele come “stato per il popolo ebraico” e diretto responsabile delle loro sofferenze. Ci troviamo qui davanti ad un’altra complessa ironia della storia: in che modo le vittime di secoli di persecuzioni antisemite e dell’Olocausto si siano trasformate nella loro nuova nazione nei persecutori di un altro popolo che è diventato perciò, a sua volta, vittima delle vittime.”
Non viene messo in discussione il sionismo in quanto spinta all’autodeterminazione del popolo ebraico realizzata in uno stato autonomo, ma la sua matrice coloniale e razzista (quest’ultima riconosciuta anche dalla risoluzione 3379 del 1975) che ”considera i palestinesi come esseri non umani ('scarafaggi', 'cavallette', 'parassiti a due gambe', eccetera)“ e che si propone la sostituzione di un popolo con un altro, sia spingendo verso un allontanamento volontario o all’annichilimento ”se fossero stati ignorati, isolati, scavalcati” o ”infliggendo loro colpi sanguinosi e perseguitandoli con il terrorismo […] Nulla è stato risparmiato alla popolazione locale: torture, campi di concentramento, deportazioni, distruzione di villaggi, case fatte saltare in aria per rappresaglia, confiscate “trasferimenti” di migliaia di persone e persino l’uso di sostanze defilanti (come quelle irrorate da una aereo Piper Club, il 28 aprile del 1972, sul villaggio di Akraba nella West Bank, che distrussero numerosi campi di grano; un episodio riportato da Le Nouvel Observateur del 3 luglio 1972)”.
Diventati non ebrei nei territori occupati, dispersi nei campi profughi collocati anche negli stati dell’area mediorientale, costretti a migrare in Occidente, i palestinesi sono diventati, ironia della sorte, un popolo della diaspora, con rapporti difficili di convivenza anche con gli amici-nemici dei paesi arabi. Said ripercorre le varie fasi della evoluzione storica della situazione palestinese definendo gli attori in campo, compresi le potenze regionali e gli USA in primis, gli interessi contrapposti, le censure e i tradimenti dell’ultima fase dell’operato di Yasser Arafat. È sicuramente un testo da considerare per ragionare sulla questione.
La puntuale e approfondita documentazione non viene utilizzata da Said per costruire un mero reportage, ma per far emergere le radici e gli intrecci della questione che continuano ad essere elusi e mascherati, ”grandissima e misconosciuta è la disparità, o asimmetria, tra la condizione dei palestinesi come popolo leso nei suoi diritti, spossessato ed offeso, e quella di Israele come “stato per il popolo ebraico” e diretto responsabile delle loro sofferenze. Ci troviamo qui davanti ad un’altra complessa ironia della storia: in che modo le vittime di secoli di persecuzioni antisemite e dell’Olocausto si siano trasformate nella loro nuova nazione nei persecutori di un altro popolo che è diventato perciò, a sua volta, vittima delle vittime.”
Non viene messo in discussione il sionismo in quanto spinta all’autodeterminazione del popolo ebraico realizzata in uno stato autonomo, ma la sua matrice coloniale e razzista (quest’ultima riconosciuta anche dalla risoluzione 3379 del 1975) che ”considera i palestinesi come esseri non umani ('scarafaggi', 'cavallette', 'parassiti a due gambe', eccetera)“ e che si propone la sostituzione di un popolo con un altro, sia spingendo verso un allontanamento volontario o all’annichilimento ”se fossero stati ignorati, isolati, scavalcati” o ”infliggendo loro colpi sanguinosi e perseguitandoli con il terrorismo […] Nulla è stato risparmiato alla popolazione locale: torture, campi di concentramento, deportazioni, distruzione di villaggi, case fatte saltare in aria per rappresaglia, confiscate “trasferimenti” di migliaia di persone e persino l’uso di sostanze defilanti (come quelle irrorate da una aereo Piper Club, il 28 aprile del 1972, sul villaggio di Akraba nella West Bank, che distrussero numerosi campi di grano; un episodio riportato da Le Nouvel Observateur del 3 luglio 1972)”.
Diventati non ebrei nei territori occupati, dispersi nei campi profughi collocati anche negli stati dell’area mediorientale, costretti a migrare in Occidente, i palestinesi sono diventati, ironia della sorte, un popolo della diaspora, con rapporti difficili di convivenza anche con gli amici-nemici dei paesi arabi. Said ripercorre le varie fasi della evoluzione storica della situazione palestinese definendo gli attori in campo, compresi le potenze regionali e gli USA in primis, gli interessi contrapposti, le censure e i tradimenti dell’ultima fase dell’operato di Yasser Arafat. È sicuramente un testo da considerare per ragionare sulla questione.
May 18, 2024
كشخص مسلم، منصف، واقعي، سيقرأ هذا الكتاب من منظور ثابت من ناحية الخطأ والصواب، إدوارد هنا لا يقدّم أجوبة على التساؤلات وأسباب حدوث الأمور، بل هو أقرب للرواية .. رواية كاملة واضحة للتسلسل الزمني للإحتلال ومدعّم بأدلة ومنطق رائع. وذكرني كثيرًا بفرانز فانون بهذه النقطة. تسليطه الضوء على الصوت الفلسطيني والحق في تقرير المصير والحق في علو الأصوات كان رائعًا ووافيًا، وهذا هو هدف إدوارد الأول، بحكم تجاهل الإعلام الصهيوني لسنوات ومحاولتهم القضاء على السلاح الوحيد المتبقي للفلسطيني .. صوته، صوت الحق. وأكثر ما اعجبني في طريقة سرده أنها تدعم المبالغة، بالقول أن ممارسات إسرائيل ضد الشعب الفلسطيني اشنع واسوأ من أي استعمار خُطَّ في التاريخ.
ستبقى فلسطين هي العبء التاريخي والبصمة الحمراء في وجه العالم، في قلب الضمير، حتى تُستعاد.
ستبقى فلسطين هي العبء التاريخي والبصمة الحمراء في وجه العالم، في قلب الضمير، حتى تُستعاد.
September 2, 2025
Het is een kwestie van realiteit. Welk volk, welk land, bestaat en welk niet?
Toen Said dit boek schreef, in de jaren 70, probeerde men langs zionistische zijde de Palestijnen reeds op verschillende manieren uit te sluiten van de realiteit: discursief (praat er niet over en als je er al over praat, doe dat dan met woorden als "terrorist" of "vluchteling"), wettelijk (Palestijnen in Israël waren, zoals Said meermaals aanhaalt, vanuit wettelijk oogpunt non-entiteiten), geografisch (Palestijnse nederzettingen werden simpelweg neergemaaid door bulldozers en onder Israëlische militaire bezetting geplaatst), etc. etc.
Ik gebruik nu de verleden tijd in bovenstaande alinea, maar haast een halve eeuw later blijven dezelfde technieken op dagdagelijkse basis gebruikt worden, met dit ene verschil om de realiteit nu volledig aan te passen aan dat Israëlische ideaal: sinds 7 oktober '23 worden de Palestijnen en hun land niet louter discursief, wettelijk of geografisch weggevaagd van de realiteit, maar gewoon letterlijk, vergezeld van de meest gruwelijke taferelen in onze recente geschiedenis.
Dat geweld is niet een zogenaamd exces uit het niets, voortkomend uit een verondersteld exces van Hamas die bewuste dag twee jaar geleden. Die aanslagen waren geen oorzaak, maar een katalysator van een onderliggende politiek van geweld die er al decennialang op gericht was de Palestijnen uit te wissen van de realiteit - eerst figuurlijk, maar liefst letterlijk. Dat het Palestijns-Israëlisch conflict - dat, zo kunnen we ondertussen wel zeggen, nu wel is uitgedraaid op een regelrechte genocide - begonnen zou zijn op 7 oktober is wederom een knap staaltje Israëlische realiteitsmisvorming.
Dat die achterliggende geschiedenis er is, dat achterliggende geweld, de achterliggende intentie tot het wegvagen van het Palestijnse volk, en hoe dat allemaal net in mekaar zit, zet Said meesterlijk uiteen in dit boek - ook al dateert het al uit de jaren 70, het is (helaas) nog uitermate relevant vandaag de dag. Alleen daarom al is dit boek absoluut essentieel om al wat er zich vandaag voltrekt - vergeef me als ik zo algemeen ben met zulke bewoordingen, maar ik heb er amper woorden voor - te begrijpen. Dat was het toch voor mij.
Said zorgde oprecht voor een kentering, denk ik. Niet per se in de algemene publieke opinie rond een conflict waar quasi heel het Westen achter Israël stond (zelfs nu pas begint er op dat vlak met kleine stapjes verandering te komen), of in het Amerikaanse beleid in dezen (de VS zijn te zeer verblind door andere belangen daarvoor), maar in de manier waarop velen in Saids kringen - de hoogopgeleide gegoede progressief liberale burgers - naar de wereld, en dan specifieker de politieke realiteit in het Midden-Oosten zouden kijken. En dat is immens relevant. Want op het einde van de dag draaien de dingen niet om hoe alles is, maar om hoe je ernaar kijkt. Een verschuiving in onze kaders - denkkaders, beeldkaders, ga zo verder - kan op termijn een wereld van verschil maken.
En laat ons alsjeblieft in hemelsnaam hopen dat dat verschil er komt. Ten goede! Tot dan: stel op zijn minst uw fucking kader bij!
Toen Said dit boek schreef, in de jaren 70, probeerde men langs zionistische zijde de Palestijnen reeds op verschillende manieren uit te sluiten van de realiteit: discursief (praat er niet over en als je er al over praat, doe dat dan met woorden als "terrorist" of "vluchteling"), wettelijk (Palestijnen in Israël waren, zoals Said meermaals aanhaalt, vanuit wettelijk oogpunt non-entiteiten), geografisch (Palestijnse nederzettingen werden simpelweg neergemaaid door bulldozers en onder Israëlische militaire bezetting geplaatst), etc. etc.
Ik gebruik nu de verleden tijd in bovenstaande alinea, maar haast een halve eeuw later blijven dezelfde technieken op dagdagelijkse basis gebruikt worden, met dit ene verschil om de realiteit nu volledig aan te passen aan dat Israëlische ideaal: sinds 7 oktober '23 worden de Palestijnen en hun land niet louter discursief, wettelijk of geografisch weggevaagd van de realiteit, maar gewoon letterlijk, vergezeld van de meest gruwelijke taferelen in onze recente geschiedenis.
Dat geweld is niet een zogenaamd exces uit het niets, voortkomend uit een verondersteld exces van Hamas die bewuste dag twee jaar geleden. Die aanslagen waren geen oorzaak, maar een katalysator van een onderliggende politiek van geweld die er al decennialang op gericht was de Palestijnen uit te wissen van de realiteit - eerst figuurlijk, maar liefst letterlijk. Dat het Palestijns-Israëlisch conflict - dat, zo kunnen we ondertussen wel zeggen, nu wel is uitgedraaid op een regelrechte genocide - begonnen zou zijn op 7 oktober is wederom een knap staaltje Israëlische realiteitsmisvorming.
Dat die achterliggende geschiedenis er is, dat achterliggende geweld, de achterliggende intentie tot het wegvagen van het Palestijnse volk, en hoe dat allemaal net in mekaar zit, zet Said meesterlijk uiteen in dit boek - ook al dateert het al uit de jaren 70, het is (helaas) nog uitermate relevant vandaag de dag. Alleen daarom al is dit boek absoluut essentieel om al wat er zich vandaag voltrekt - vergeef me als ik zo algemeen ben met zulke bewoordingen, maar ik heb er amper woorden voor - te begrijpen. Dat was het toch voor mij.
Said zorgde oprecht voor een kentering, denk ik. Niet per se in de algemene publieke opinie rond een conflict waar quasi heel het Westen achter Israël stond (zelfs nu pas begint er op dat vlak met kleine stapjes verandering te komen), of in het Amerikaanse beleid in dezen (de VS zijn te zeer verblind door andere belangen daarvoor), maar in de manier waarop velen in Saids kringen - de hoogopgeleide gegoede progressief liberale burgers - naar de wereld, en dan specifieker de politieke realiteit in het Midden-Oosten zouden kijken. En dat is immens relevant. Want op het einde van de dag draaien de dingen niet om hoe alles is, maar om hoe je ernaar kijkt. Een verschuiving in onze kaders - denkkaders, beeldkaders, ga zo verder - kan op termijn een wereld van verschil maken.
En laat ons alsjeblieft in hemelsnaam hopen dat dat verschil er komt. Ten goede! Tot dan: stel op zijn minst uw fucking kader bij!
May 28, 2025
Striking account of the Palestinian struggle against Zionist ideology. Said details the history of Zionism and the orientalist and colonialist ideas behind it, quoting founders and key figures of the Zionist movement to show their disregard for any Palestinian culture or at the very least connection with and right to their own land. He also goes into detail about the structure and validity of the PLO and its interaction with Egypt and the US. Overall, it is a book which fights for a distinctly Palestinian identity and struggle which has been overwritten by the colonial and repressive forces at the heart of the Israeli settlement.
May 22, 2021
With the 69th commemoration of the 1948 Nakba and the 50th commemoration of the 1967 Naksa, reading this book and understanding the political Palestinian landscape are a must.
Said writes with such passion that makes the question of Palestine be as compelling and as intimate as ever.
The seriousness of the current challenges and the local, regional and international complications facing the Palestinian issue unfortunately make of the book more than just a sociopolitical history text.
It is a constant reminder of a people's tragedy and an unwavering call for identity [and] justice.
Said writes with such passion that makes the question of Palestine be as compelling and as intimate as ever.
The seriousness of the current challenges and the local, regional and international complications facing the Palestinian issue unfortunately make of the book more than just a sociopolitical history text.
It is a constant reminder of a people's tragedy and an unwavering call for identity [and] justice.
July 20, 2024
"El conflicto en Palestina es una lucha por arrebatar el control de la tierra a los autóctonos; pero es una lucha dignificada por una idea, y la idea lo es todo".
Obligada lectura chicas. Es muy impactante leer una obra publicada originalmente en el 79 y posteriormente revisada en los 90 en la que se plasman argumentos de tanto calado hoy en día. Said trata de de deshilvanar las mil aristas de la cuestión palestina siempre poniendo en el centro cómo el proyecto sionista y estadounidense ha afectado a todo un pueblo en lo que, como él mismo dice en un determinado momento, es el último gran conflicto colonial de nuestro tiempo.
El objetivo de Said es contar el punto de vista de los palestinos. Argumenta contra la narrativa oficial occidental, humaniza a una civilización que, en la época en la que este ensayo vio la luz era "un bloque árabe generalizado (...) un oscuro mar islámico"; y sobre todo, desmonta la brutal hipocresía que ha definido al proyecto sionista desde que sólo era una idea romántica del siglo XIX hasta nuestros días. Una idea mesiánica de salvación, apoyada no sólo por la avidez americana sino también por la intelectualidad progresista occidental, cuyos objetivos siempre pasaron por la eliminación de toda una civilización que Ya Estaba Ahí. Es aterrador leer cómo Said analiza los documentos, las líneas políticas generales y las declaraciones de los principales líderes sionistas y estadounidenses acerca de la implantación total del estado de Israel en el siglo XX. El éxito de su misión reside en que nunca fue solamente una operación militar a gran escala, sino en la puesta en marcha de todo un sistema de reemplazamiento de una civilización a otra en Todos los niveles.
Leedlo si queréis tener el trasfondo del conflicto sionista-palestino, para entenderlo mejor. El ensayo es largo y puede llegar a ser un poco engorroso en algunas partes, principalmente porque al estar escrito en los años 80 trata algunos conceptos y eventos como contemporáneos cuando, en 2024, ya se han quedado un poco atrás. Por lo demás, es un ensayo visionario. Los últimos capítulos, en los que imagina un camino a seguir en los que se pueda conseguir la paz y reparar justicia para los palestinos, ponen los pelos de punta.
"En última instancia, la misión palestina se reduce a individuos (...) que, alzándose ante el mundo y ante el sionismo, puedan formular la pregunta: ¿va usted a erradicarme para dejar sitio a alguien más; y de ser así, qué derecho tiene de hacerlo? ¿Por qué es válido que un judío nacido en Chicago emigre a Israel, mientras que un palestino nacido en Jaffa es un refugiado?".
Obligada lectura chicas. Es muy impactante leer una obra publicada originalmente en el 79 y posteriormente revisada en los 90 en la que se plasman argumentos de tanto calado hoy en día. Said trata de de deshilvanar las mil aristas de la cuestión palestina siempre poniendo en el centro cómo el proyecto sionista y estadounidense ha afectado a todo un pueblo en lo que, como él mismo dice en un determinado momento, es el último gran conflicto colonial de nuestro tiempo.
El objetivo de Said es contar el punto de vista de los palestinos. Argumenta contra la narrativa oficial occidental, humaniza a una civilización que, en la época en la que este ensayo vio la luz era "un bloque árabe generalizado (...) un oscuro mar islámico"; y sobre todo, desmonta la brutal hipocresía que ha definido al proyecto sionista desde que sólo era una idea romántica del siglo XIX hasta nuestros días. Una idea mesiánica de salvación, apoyada no sólo por la avidez americana sino también por la intelectualidad progresista occidental, cuyos objetivos siempre pasaron por la eliminación de toda una civilización que Ya Estaba Ahí. Es aterrador leer cómo Said analiza los documentos, las líneas políticas generales y las declaraciones de los principales líderes sionistas y estadounidenses acerca de la implantación total del estado de Israel en el siglo XX. El éxito de su misión reside en que nunca fue solamente una operación militar a gran escala, sino en la puesta en marcha de todo un sistema de reemplazamiento de una civilización a otra en Todos los niveles.
Leedlo si queréis tener el trasfondo del conflicto sionista-palestino, para entenderlo mejor. El ensayo es largo y puede llegar a ser un poco engorroso en algunas partes, principalmente porque al estar escrito en los años 80 trata algunos conceptos y eventos como contemporáneos cuando, en 2024, ya se han quedado un poco atrás. Por lo demás, es un ensayo visionario. Los últimos capítulos, en los que imagina un camino a seguir en los que se pueda conseguir la paz y reparar justicia para los palestinos, ponen los pelos de punta.
"En última instancia, la misión palestina se reduce a individuos (...) que, alzándose ante el mundo y ante el sionismo, puedan formular la pregunta: ¿va usted a erradicarme para dejar sitio a alguien más; y de ser así, qué derecho tiene de hacerlo? ¿Por qué es válido que un judío nacido en Chicago emigre a Israel, mientras que un palestino nacido en Jaffa es un refugiado?".
April 16, 2024
Ao ler ‘Orientalismo’, suspeitei que Said era averso ao marxismo como um todo, mas, de forma mais específica, focaliza sua crítica no viés eurocêntrico presente nas concepções de Marx em relação ao desenvolvimento. Isto é, Marx tinha a solidariedade em relação aos povos oprimidos e a revolta para com as injustiças, mas era como se visse um lado benéfico/romântico no processo de mudança econômico porque “estavam-se criando as condições inevitáveis do processo revolucionário”. Em outras palavras, isto evidencia o Orientalismo do Ocidente em suas diversas correntes. Outro ponto era o paternalismo de Marx em achar que alguns grupos precisavam ser representados, subestimando a capacidade de falarem por si próprios. Felizmente, Said, ao utilizar Gramsci como fundamento para suas análises, demonstra a importância de ir além da estrutura econômica para compreender as relações de poder e dominação cultural.
O uso do conceito de “especialistas em legitimação” por Said é particularmente atual e pertinente, pois permite identificar os acadêmicos e intelectuais que, ao defenderem Israel ou adotarem uma postura de neutralidade aparente, contribuem para a manutenção de uma narrativa que marginaliza ou deslegitima a causa palestina. Essa dinâmica é observável em diversos contextos, inclusive na esfera midiática, exemplificada pela repetição de uma linha argumentativa uniforme, como frequentemente percebida em veículos de comunicação como a Globo. Quando irão chamar algum cientista palestino para apresentar sua perspectiva nestes “debates”?
“A Questão da Palestina” de Said nos mostra como imperialismo, colonialismo, sionismo e neoliberalismo caminham juntos. Neste sentido, a posição de qualquer intelectual comprometido com a ética e a justiça requer um posicionamento claro contra o genocídio do povo palestino em curso.
O uso do conceito de “especialistas em legitimação” por Said é particularmente atual e pertinente, pois permite identificar os acadêmicos e intelectuais que, ao defenderem Israel ou adotarem uma postura de neutralidade aparente, contribuem para a manutenção de uma narrativa que marginaliza ou deslegitima a causa palestina. Essa dinâmica é observável em diversos contextos, inclusive na esfera midiática, exemplificada pela repetição de uma linha argumentativa uniforme, como frequentemente percebida em veículos de comunicação como a Globo. Quando irão chamar algum cientista palestino para apresentar sua perspectiva nestes “debates”?
“A Questão da Palestina” de Said nos mostra como imperialismo, colonialismo, sionismo e neoliberalismo caminham juntos. Neste sentido, a posição de qualquer intelectual comprometido com a ética e a justiça requer um posicionamento claro contra o genocídio do povo palestino em curso.
April 29, 2024
Said has such an exceptional way of making himself understood with simple and approachable language
January 19, 2024
Dr Said you’ve done it again
May 19, 2024
Extraordinarily thorough and informative but difficult to get through because of how dense and academic it is!
August 7, 2024
Rating: 9/10
There is no writer or intellectual as eloquent, articulate, or compelling as Edward Said, making his book The Question of Palestine an important read for anyone who seeks to fully understand Palestine in a historical, political, and cultural context.
The book is split into 4 parts:
> Part one discusses Palestine as a whole. From its history to culture to fundamental rights.
> Part two discusses Zionism from the standpoint of Palestinians (this was the most interesting section).
> Part three discusses Palestinians' right to self-determination and the rise of groups like the PLO
> Part four discusses the impact of The Camp David Accords, 1978 (also very interesting).
In his book, Said sets out to highlight and analyze the Palestinian plight as a result of colonialism and Zionism. Said asks a very real and yet seemingly daunting question: what about Palestine, Palestinians, and their own right to self-determination?
Said's championing of the Palestinian cause is nothing short of admirable. His ability to approach the discussion of Palestine and Israel with such grace, respect, and intellectualism is astounding. Throughout the book, Said skillfully defends the line of argument he presents to the reader by providing historical, political, and cultural context. Despite being Palestinian, Said ensures that his arguments are not rooted in emotion but rather in facts, logic, and reasoning.
Despite the book being written and published in the 70s, much of what Said discusses is still prevalent in Palestine today. This is, of course, unfortunate but further accentuates one of Said's arguments; everyone likes to talk about Palestine as some sort of hypothetical concept, and yet very few actually discuss the future of Palestine as something concrete. As a result, there's been a lack of forward movement and progression, leaving the question of Palestine at a complete stalemate.
At the end of his book, Said expresses the two things that he is certain of, "the Jews of Israel will remain; the Palestinians will also remain." To Said, and hopefully the reader, it is clear that the expulsion or erasure of either group is (obviously) not viable and out of the question.
Palestinians are authentic to Palestine. And the sooner we stop making such a taboo out of this fact, the sooner we can work toward finally answering the question of Palestine.
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Having said all of that, I will note that the book is dense with historical material and resources, which is why it took me so long to finish. Although Said is an incredible writer, I do think that his book might be hard to digest for new readers. His writing style is very...academic-y, which I liked when I was in the mood for it. Otherwise, I wouldn't recommend this book as a casual read.
There is no writer or intellectual as eloquent, articulate, or compelling as Edward Said, making his book The Question of Palestine an important read for anyone who seeks to fully understand Palestine in a historical, political, and cultural context.
The book is split into 4 parts:
> Part one discusses Palestine as a whole. From its history to culture to fundamental rights.
> Part two discusses Zionism from the standpoint of Palestinians (this was the most interesting section).
> Part three discusses Palestinians' right to self-determination and the rise of groups like the PLO
> Part four discusses the impact of The Camp David Accords, 1978 (also very interesting).
In his book, Said sets out to highlight and analyze the Palestinian plight as a result of colonialism and Zionism. Said asks a very real and yet seemingly daunting question: what about Palestine, Palestinians, and their own right to self-determination?
Said's championing of the Palestinian cause is nothing short of admirable. His ability to approach the discussion of Palestine and Israel with such grace, respect, and intellectualism is astounding. Throughout the book, Said skillfully defends the line of argument he presents to the reader by providing historical, political, and cultural context. Despite being Palestinian, Said ensures that his arguments are not rooted in emotion but rather in facts, logic, and reasoning.
Despite the book being written and published in the 70s, much of what Said discusses is still prevalent in Palestine today. This is, of course, unfortunate but further accentuates one of Said's arguments; everyone likes to talk about Palestine as some sort of hypothetical concept, and yet very few actually discuss the future of Palestine as something concrete. As a result, there's been a lack of forward movement and progression, leaving the question of Palestine at a complete stalemate.
At the end of his book, Said expresses the two things that he is certain of, "the Jews of Israel will remain; the Palestinians will also remain." To Said, and hopefully the reader, it is clear that the expulsion or erasure of either group is (obviously) not viable and out of the question.
Palestinians are authentic to Palestine. And the sooner we stop making such a taboo out of this fact, the sooner we can work toward finally answering the question of Palestine.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Having said all of that, I will note that the book is dense with historical material and resources, which is why it took me so long to finish. Although Said is an incredible writer, I do think that his book might be hard to digest for new readers. His writing style is very...academic-y, which I liked when I was in the mood for it. Otherwise, I wouldn't recommend this book as a casual read.
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December 26, 2024remains fascinating and urgent even as many of Said’s arguments that likely seemed novel at the time (that Zionism is premised on the rhetorical and literal erasure of Palestine’s inhabitants, that the U.S. media and state are complicit in this erasure, etc.) have become accepted dogma on the American left. some aspects have aged better than others — Said has a well-intentioned but unfortunately feckless instinct to point to international laws that prove Israel Just Isn’t Allowed To Do All That that feels, 45 years later, a bit like begging a sleeping ref to issue a technical foul while the opposing team machine-guns your bench — but his occasional myopia largely seems born out of a desperate need to see hope in the future that reality has cruelly refused to justify. Said is sometimes incredibly prescient (for instance, predicting all the way back in the 70s that the Camp David accords were not a stable foundation for regional peace, a claim he renews in the preface for the Oslo peace process) but his moments of optimism have largely been rendered unfortunately naive (such as arguing the PLO’s claim as the sole legitimate representative of a united Palestinian liberation movement will never be subverted, or predicting the American people will never accept a Vietnam-style slaughter of Palestinians). while his best hopes haven’t been born out, Said’s arguments remain vital and well-reasoned (if occasionally and understandably slanted), and he sees clearly the tragedy of what has already occurred in Palestine — and what may yet come to pass if a meaningful peace is refused. his 1992 preface plays, thirty years later, like a dire warning of the intractable suffering to come: “Neither Israelis nor Palestinians have a military option against the other…The task for the Palestinian people is still to assure its presence on the land, and, by a variety of means, to persuade the Israelis that only a political settlement can relieve the mutual siege, the anguish and insecurity of both peoples. There is no other acceptable secular — that is, real — alternative.”
November 14, 2023
“There is no question of consulting the natives of the territory where the new society is to be given birth. …Imperialism was the theory, colonialism the practice of changing the uselessly unoccupied territories of the world into useful new versions of the European metropolitan society. Everything in those territories that suggested waste, disorder, uncounted resources, was to be converted into productivity, order, taxable, potentially developed wealth. You get rid of most of the offending human and animal blight-whether because it simply sprawls untidily all over the place or because it roams around unproductively and uncounted--and you confine the rest to reservations, compounds, native homelands, where you can count, tax, use them profitably, and you build a new society on the vacated space.”
it is horrifying that we are having the exact same conversations 40 years later with practically no change, this generations revolution is where progress begins. 🤎
it is horrifying that we are having the exact same conversations 40 years later with practically no change, this generations revolution is where progress begins. 🤎
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